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Muhammet: hi, everyone. I am more myths and I'm a Phd. Student at the World University. So this presentation is a part of my Phd. Uses that I've been trying to write against more university with Kaliya Blocklands. And in this paper I'm going to talk about conflicts in marketplaces. with the focus on 2 chases. One is in Istanbul, and the other Z in a bail in my book for market.

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Muhammet: So this is the content of my paper. After the intro part, I'll talk about methodology, and then in the political parts. I'll talk about conflict and longing in sociological theory. in the fourth part, I will reflect the history of the round of the markets. the fifth part We is the the practice of conflict at the mybox for market.

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Muhammet: in the 6 parts. I'll talk about the practice of conflicts in this time. it's part Sasha Market in Istanbul and In the last part, I'll provide a summary of the paper.

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Muhammet: So when we look at the steep market literature, we see 2 lines of research. Why, the first line focus on the positive, the connect aspects of markets, such as front friendship. And so their team of vendors the the second time. basically, it's underlying how markets become contested settings

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Muhammet: so depending on the second line we see that research is highlights. when this Mitel conflicts, depending on the everyday practices get to markets. So during the operation of the market.

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Muhammet: so based on this second line of research, I'll ask in this study, how the students generate these forms of practice, of conflict in supermarkets, and how these practices that turn the markets into an impasse, undermine the ballooning offenders to the local places, such as the markets and the neighborhood.

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Muhammet: So this is the methodology of my study. I draw on ethnographic research I made in in Berlin, in Istanbul in 2,019 and 2,022.

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Muhammet: Here you can see that I did this atmosphere. It's mythaneously in Berlin, in Istanbul. With short, time in. I was in Berlin. I spent 19 months, and it's not in Istanbul. I spent 10 months for the attack of research.

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Muhammet: and I also made parts of observation techniques. So to this end I saw products at this calls with vendors I could tail face to also when this outside the market for the businesses, and I also have blended for collecting and carrying goes into the cost, and during the operation and closure of the market. I also observed the interactions of when this by standing by or inside the stores.

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Muhammet: in terms of interviews so you can see the details of interviews like number, agent service, gender, creation, and personal observation.

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Muhammet: And so, where we look at the telescope parts and conflict emerge one of the important aspects in sociological theory and scholars either focus on its identity or social integration, or they analyze how how conflict emerging in the society for Leba, for example, conflict is the social relationships. When agents.

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Muhammet: then any agent to Alexis action against the resistance of other party for the ma, it's kind of useful, since it contributes to the organization and maintenance of society. Zoom also argues that conflict eliminates the disagreement between 2 parties to achieve a unity, and recurs to the quote and quotes the the relation of the tension between countries.

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Muhammet: So the best contribution is important, because for the the school is usually minimize the see social significance of conflict by rejecting it, or they aim to replace it with social strateg.

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Muhammet: within the So there are also there's also levels of conflict and conflict does not necessarily refer to the same thing or practice in all circumstances. So these comforts, even misunderstanding, tess and crisis may be a part of how conflict emails differently depending on its context.

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Muhammet: This context is important, because when we look at the work, the space conflicts, such as conflicts in urban markets. which is the purpose of my presentation. They might be functional and dysfunctional. It might also refer to lots of commitments that's affect you working relationships because anger and fixed thoughts and leaves and behaves towards other people.

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Muhammet: within the context of this presentation. I understand conflict as disagreements with vendors. One day colleagues about particular practices in terms of everyday life at the market for when they cost that they colleagues display negatively related practices towards customers

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Muhammet: and neighborhood residents also depending on this conflicts become this functional in these 2 markets that negatively influence the psychological and emotional state of vendors.

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Muhammet: and it also produce a lot of commitment to the work that makes what impacts, and it also negotiate the influences along the offenders to the market

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Muhammet: in terms of longing. when we look at the learning as you might know the very well, there's selective and select learning focuses on everyday life of middle class residents, and how they claim, all the spaces in which they live, and other school is argu that long. It needs to be analyzed. with a specific focus on everyday practice of people, and not only depending on the questions that we ask in interviews, why we are doing research.

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Muhammet: and also residing and residing in one place, and bonding does not necessarily depend on each other. Like, you know, you can live in a test neighborhood, since you could find any alternative apartments. depending on the problems of the

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Muhammet: on the such of the housing market industry you leave, but you may not steal long to that enabled, since you sh a little or nothing with the people around you.

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Muhammet: If you get this approach, then you can analyze the blowing your friend this to local settings, such as other markets and neighborhood. And then, when we, when when this talk about the problems they face with their colleagues.

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Muhammet: They use some words, so some merge used by the majority of the vendors. These are, for example, you try to solve the problems with these vendors helplessly. You don't say even hello to these vendors.

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Muhammet: If your neighbor is bet, then you are out of humor all when the start of good profit oriented. So you don't think about other side. Not sure people is happy with us and no neighborhood as does want us. So these kinds of So these phrases refers to the situations in which, when there's a problem among this us, and they can't find a good solution for them for these problems. So this kind of creates very complicated and challenging issues.

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Muhammet: I will analyze with impasse. So I you that the source of contribute to the image of market is in Tas.

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Muhammet: And now I'm going to talk about this sort of background of the case studies for the historical background of the markets. You see here some similarities and differences. Both are, for example.

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Muhammet: both are located in the industry neighborhoods. And what's hell? historical and heuristic value. in post industries. Also, they also have a high institutionalized service sector. One of the differences is

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Muhammet: He's in terms of form of management The for market, which is in Berlin, is private and market in Istanbul is a public man, and controlled by the municipality

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Muhammet: one of the big differences is also the issue of identification that you can see in Berlin, and which is not an emerging issue in Istanbul. And you can also see number of stores and number of establishments per which So it's 2 days per week in Berlin. And one day that's Wednesday in Istanbul.

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Muhammet: So do. My. Before map was constructed in 1,881. There were 50 stores and several in this around 19 thirties, and then it was designated as Turk mark. After Turkish people moved to the area as they before.

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Muhammet: it has been a part of tolerance of German people to 9 Germans. Some studies show that German people use it as an exotic space, while Turkish preferred the market for every needs namely, source of food

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Muhammet: and for other purposes. They also documentary themes and malls that mentioned the markets, and it's a part of the memory of this. To some extent. Recently the market has been facing the issue of identification, depending on the identification of neighborhoods.

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Muhammet: and when we look at the Istanbul like the my book for market, is also a very old steep market. You can see the the construction date of the market, and also the importance of the market in various accounts. For example, Spart is in 1,910 says that market the first as a different world in Muslims and Non Muslims.

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Muhammet: And so it's, it's so very things and established market. So today they are around 4,000

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Muhammet: and 800 stalls and 2,005 500. So it's a very big market.

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Muhammet: and not only in St. But also in Turkey.

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Muhammet: And so in this part. I will, analyze the practice of conflict at the M. Of the market.

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Muhammet: and how every day, perhaps, of vendors produce conflicts. among them. First of all, I'll analyze these these conflicts as conflicts generated by everyday parts of vendors. In this account we see that, too, when this conflict since one of the vendors hong's not to he to the car of the other vendor in the middle of the street, and the second vendor use some negatively related words like bulk.

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Muhammet: and so to the other vendor. He says that do, and the is a dog, and the other, when he gets angry about this word, and they fight as when it says conflict. He represents physical fights and violence, and the off the ground is every parts of vendors.

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Muhammet: In the second court we see that when this have conflicts depending again on the everyday practices, one of them put in schools, that is, egg marks around the storm of the around the stall of other vendor.

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Muhammet: while the second one things that the box is disturbing, he test the situation to the market management, and they say that Wenda need to take off his goods from there after this do, and the pools, the dirty water in which chickens are washed around the store of the other vendor, and as this vendor says they have office that we can understand in terms of discomfort and tensions. And again, the conflict ground is the early parts of vendors.

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Muhammet: In the third quote.

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Muhammet: it's about the misunderstanding, some of them just in some, and this think that they colleagues are not helpful during the operation of the market, such as not taking the cost from the middle of the streets

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Muhammet: then they not interact with them because they are not helpful for the problems they face. And even as this went to mentions, they do not say hello to the These types of vendors which produces forms of this engagements and front non the relationship at the market.

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Muhammet: and the last example in at Myba. For Mark is about economic products of values.

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Muhammet: and how economic the size of when this might creates conflicts among them. most of the end is criticized. They call it that. They are real sensitive about their own economic income, and they do not behave in the same way. When we talk about the administration of their colleagues. So you problem depends on earning more than the France, particularly when they sell similar all same products

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Muhammet: once they want to earn more from the difference. They become jealous which produces conflict in the sense that discomfort and tensions. So here, at the conflict ground most as the economic practice of vendors

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Muhammet: when we come to Istanbul case

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Muhammet: in the fact Cha. Chamber market in our first example we see the account of one and that 5 with his neighbor after he displays negatively connected practices, such as treating customs badly when they ask. You know more questions about the products they want to buy, like having more information where it was produced, and other related information about the

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Muhammet: product once enabled, sees that you and this behaves badly to the customers. since they have lots of questions about the products they want to buy, he wants him, and they have conflict in the form of physical fights and violence.

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Muhammet: In the second example.

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Muhammet:  you. So this is a good example of how every of this might create conflicts in the form of discomfort and tensions.

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Muhammet: in Istanbul in the at 5. When this time the ropes of the is to to the window, which sometimes produce conflicts between

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Muhammet: residents and vendors. And when a problem arises, when this won't be France to have an efficiency behavior with neighborhood residents, since they make a living in that neighborhood, you know, to be in harmony with them.

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Muhammet: If Wendy does not pay attention to the warnings of their colleagues, it's produce conflicts in the form of discomfort and tensions.

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Muhammet: and sometimes, these conflicts are, generated from from very.

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Muhammet: I would say, tragicomic or really interesting situations, that when it's at the markets. In this account the Dwens one, the one the narrate, not reach that how they call it's produce negotiated practices at the markets in history. One of the when this take takes fruit boxes under his feet to reach to the top of the window to tie the rope of the stall, since it's very early in morning.

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Muhammet: They make noise like, you know. His friends shout like, you know, tied up there. Not from here, not from there as well, and the neighborhood doesn't open. He's been goals and war on the, so that they've completely quiet since it's very early in the morning. Then he opens the window they come face to face, and since it's bedroom window of the residence that emerge the big discussion when it's one day friends not to behave like

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Muhammet: in the way they do, and become a Co. More when they have problems with neighborhood residents.

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Muhammet: other than this does not, listen to the advice and pay attention to the advice of their colleagues and friends. So this source of everyday practices produce conflict in the form of discomfort and tension.

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Muhammet: So the last example, it is again, about economic practice of

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Muhammet: or the problems produced by the economic class of vendors.

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Muhammet: And it's about yeah, economic practice. And in case of selling the same product as at my home market, when this do not accept the second stall around these stores, because this totally increases the personal income, the economic income. As a matter of fact, this is one of the imported rules of the market management, for in Istanbul and

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Muhammet: so not to put together or close to stores in which the same or similar products are so. But in the case of temporary spots, which is very common in Berlin, and also you can see the examples of this temporary spots in Istanbul, and which are rentable from one week to the another. There might be some situations in which a temporary vendor might sell the same for that

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Muhammet: with established vendor, which is neighbor by being together with him. And in these cases, when this might have conflicts in the form of tensions, physical fights, and violence. And this type of fights help when this protect the rise.

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Mohammed, if you could. oh, perfect!

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Muhammet: Yeah. for the completion part I showed in this paper that urban markets are not necessarily romantic and celebrated places, that we can see the examples of

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Muhammet: always positively connected practices of friendships. So there T. Trust and jail depending on the number and intensity of these conflicts the markets might become any pass for Wenders in their everyday life.

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Muhammet: I also showed that conflicts Mong and this form one of the important parts of the social relationships of vendors generated by the own agency and against the colleagues, and not to the outside forces. such as municipalities and market management.

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Muhammet: And One last thing, maybe for further studies. We can also randomize with the reducing and controlling the level of different forms of conflict, contribute to the long of vendors, to the SW. To the local settings such as markets and neighbors.

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Muhammet: Thank you.

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Thank you very much. Muhammad.

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thank you.

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Any questions of clarification or quick questions for a moment. Yeah.

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just getting a microphone.

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Thank you for the presentation. I just wanted to ask.

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whether you have any ways of counting

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for the field work being the interface being predominantly with May and with a specific cultural background. And whether that has an influence on the definition of conflict or the behavioral. I'm conflict. Thank you.

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Muhammet: yeah. This question is relates to a gender dimension in in the market. I would say, I mostly made interview with a male vendors. threat so with 6 vendors in Berlin and with for when this for female, when this is Istanbul. I also made interviews

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Muhammet: in Istanbul case most of the time. Females when this work with the husband. So this is kind of a family is in some of the issue, and when I wanted to make interviews the husbands were eager then the wives to make the interviews.

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Muhammet: but in in the Istanbul case the number of female, and is much more higher than the start, I would say,

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Muhammet: yeah, this conflict is kind of male issue, I would say, There are also cases that I I observed in Berlin when female, when this also. you know, disagreements, and so say small conflicts. during the operation of the market. But these we're not so so harsh physical fights and violence. I mean, in the sense of physical violence.

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Muhammet: yeah, you can. You can say that? the analyzing conflict in markets. also, if to the an issue of agenda.

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Thank you very much, Muhammad. I'm sure there will be more questions, but we'll keep those for the end.

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 So let's just

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see who's next.

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I

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let's bring that up for you.

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Oh.

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think it's okay.

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This is

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all right.

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So Hi, everyone, I'm Liu Yen, or you can call me Rada as my English name. I'm a Phd. Student from urban design and landscape architecture background. And now I'm studying at our Mit University in Melbourne, and I will present this research collaborated with

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tie and brand green to lectures of in landscape architecture at our Mit.

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And while we start. This work is from there one of their projects of doing water from revitalization in Victoria, and then we found 3 of us. We shared a similar research interest in the post-industrial landscape revitalization. So we collaborated together to review some cases and to find some any suggestions or models for the Redevelopment project.

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So.

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And this research examines the rise of the post-industrial landscape as a site for economic, cultural and social production, but is set by gentrification, loss of place and exclusivity to achieve that, we review 3 cases in Australia.

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But before that I want to introduce some illustrating context. So Australia's population has been mainly concentrated in large coastal cities since the collapse of colonization by European settlers.

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first in Cincinnati, in 1,788, and was the first settlement in the country.

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and then followed by other cities in the next several decades.

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And then, since the middle of the twentieth century, cities have been impacted by ships in the globalizing economy and sustainable development in and development ideologies. The relocation of heavy industries to the urban fringe led to the abandonment of industrial lands near the city centers

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and governments around the world began exploring this space's potential as new leave work and visit quarters featured by commercial and residential residential zones and workplace for emerging creative industries.

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So compared with North America in the 19 seventies, waterfront revitalization started in European cities like London in the 1970 S. And 1980 S. And also in Australia, like Cini and Melbourne. So in our research, we analyzed the 3 ongoing post-industrial projects

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in Sydney, Melbourne and Adelaide to identify common issues, opportunities and development strategies that have and continued to impact the site as they have as they involved.

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and it uncovers tensions between existing tactics, tactics towards renewal between top-down versus bottom-up approaches, private versus dweller, lads, developments and gentrification and and diversity of uses, and a sense of belonging it contributes to developing a more innovative and non-stivision of future renewed sites that governments can use when revitalizing abandoned water fronts.

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So Of all 3 cases, Melbourne Stocklands started earliest in the 1980 S.

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It highlighted in the red line, and it's next to the city center, sitting west side of the city center towards the downstream of the Yarra River.

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where we are standing nearby. So documents was one of the

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Douglas was one of the southern hemisphere's largest ports since the 1980 S. Various proposals emerged for the precincts renewed to strengthen physical and visual connections between the Melbourne Cbds. And the ducks and the water satch.

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In 1,987, Melbourne proposed

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Docklands as a future housing and media site as part of the city's 1996 Olympic beat, but failed. and then, in 90 91, the Dockland authority, now known as Development Victoria, was established to oversee the Docklands regeneration.

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Next year the Government announced a living museum of aboriginal culture for the Docklands, which also filled customer profits.

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A year later the government redirected capital into new projects and policies like agenda 21 major civic projects for Melbourne, establishing Melbourne as a desirable creative business destination and diversifying tourist attractions.

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and Douglas was included in it then in 1995, a 30 Year plan, ambition plan was released and then the construction started 2 years later.

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So today, documents has become become a high density community, but continues to be criticized. During the 1990 s. The site was put on, put out for tender in many large precincts with land ownership, design and development control primarily privatized.

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In addition, indigenous culture is supposed to be preserved. So you only a highway was named.

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We're Jerry

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and aboriginal. an aboriginal name and a public sculpture. Bongjill, designed by a non-indigenous designer, is positioned in the middle of this highway.

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The residential buildings mainly occupied docklands

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and with few offices, institutes, and even very limited very limited small-scale businesses. It's a very expensive place to live in, but primarily occupied by young people rather than some long-term families, like international students who live here and in a very dense condition.

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It's like a waste station for them. So, and also very limited historical traces retained at Docklands.

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So the next case, let's focus on Seniors Bangaroo.

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It's a mega project at the Westerns for sure of city'sivity. The regeneration aims to create a dynamic, dynamic, cultural, residential business and a civic club for singing as a global city announced by the Government, by the State Government at the beginning of the

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project.

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So in the twentieth century this place was occupied by finger wolves and logistic facilities connecting the the upper heel of terrace houses for dockers and their families. So scholars found there like Crawl and Allen caught it. An occupational community. The workers, families have lived and worked here for decades, but however, some of them must relocate because of Bangladesh's development.

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Oh, sorry.

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The regeneration started with an international design competition in 2,005. Yeah. 2 years later the planning scheme approved by the state of government was changed from the winning proposal to a 3 precinct plan a commercial precinct, Bangladesh, and makes the use pricing to Central Branguru and the Headland Park, Barangu Reserve.

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In 2,009 the State Government selected a private developer for Brand new South and the landscape design team for Brangal Reserve. In the same year the controversial proposal proposal of developing a Casino was implemented when the scheme detailed were blocked for the public. The Casino is here in the oh, okay, it's not this

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quite super high power.

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Now that the Brangu Reserve, opening 2,015 and all commercial and retail buildings in Miranda results were completed. The Central Brand Group proposal was released one year later, a one year ago.

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The Government let private developer dominate the whole planning process, and

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the name of the Branguru and the Parks coastal line. Restoration acknowledged the first nation's land to a famous aboriginal woman's name and has nothing to do with the site and indigenous cultures. Activities like this to commemorate the first nations seems symbolistic.

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and the site is Now the site is a diverse living, working, visiting place, but it's still expensive with high-value businesses.

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Finally, the current scheme has less considered the place industrial history and triggered a super gentrification in the adjacent adjacent industrial maritime community, which here is the historical preservation areas behind it.

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So the third case for Adelaide is located 15 kilometers from Adelaide, Cbd. On the northwest, which is different from the former cases where the cases are near the city centers.

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so the regeneration of Adelaide's former working port is widely acknowledged as a pragmatic solution to offset social and economic decline and environmental degradation.

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Seen as an optimal site for translate-oriented development. The South Australia, Australia State Government set a series of goals for 10 to 15 years development, including remediating contaminized land through public funding and recapitalizing inner harbor land through real estate development and newly economic activities.

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The project started in late 2 2,004, proposing 8 precincts featured by high-res apartments, townhouses and commercial facilities.

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However, the global global financial crisis around 2,008 and 8 hate in a heart on this plan, and has

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in this project less than a quarter was completed at that time. Meanwhile the project received criticism from its the absence of meaningful participation from local communities, and the conflict of interest between private developers and the public.

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In 2,011 a new master plan was introduced with a broader surrounding contacts in revitalizing the inner harbor, and a more thorough engagement with local local governments and communities. Despite the State Government's commitments to relocate some of the their offices and university to establish new teaching facilities here for Adelaide studio leaves a high vacancy rate.

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and however government offices, workers, office workers refuse to relocate because of the dis disadvantage locations, and this commitment has a clear, top-down decision decision making rather than the encouraging, self-employed creative workers to start their businesses. Here the Tokenistic public participation also led to the alienation of local people and traditional landowners.

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and in addition, the expensive cost of remediation remediation work became a pressure blocking the way of new development and authorizing contestation between the State government, local community, and private developers.

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In July 2020, first 2021, the Port Adelaide waterfront. Port Adelaide waterfront, public rail guidelines was prepared as a new vision and guiding principles. It acknowledges the and integrates aboriginal cultural heritage and aims to create an aboriginal culture. Precinct, however, is unclear. The presence of local community, and also the local aboriginal

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first nations. People, additionally, some not yet listed as heritage. Industrial buildings were still demolished in 2,019. That's the the image done here to reduce the resistance to future development.

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So, after reviewing these cases, we summarized the similar conflicts. From these cases. First, these projects are dominated by top-down planning, influenced by the interest-driven private developers which led to the loss of voice from indigenous people and local workers. Second, the trade-off between the government and private developers. Out with the public benefits advocated by the Government, for example, like the how many jobs, and how many apartments that could be provided to the public.

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but marrying, how measuring, measuring, how it could benefit from workers and martialized groups is also complex and hard to express.

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and certainly, whether the residential dominated Docklands, diverse but high-end Barang rule, or and desired for Adelaide that you need an an equal skill of business is typical, mainly the exclusion of independent times, and is too expensive to leave work and visit there.

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So finally, Docklands and Barangaroo have been gentrified and transformed from an industrial maritime dock to global city precincts which lost their place identity and excluded the working-class people.

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So we think that's that's in the high risk level. We think it's not socially and economically sustainable

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of development. So we use the 3 theories here to as a lens to study the social phenomenon, understand issues and opportunities, and reimagine this the place first one. As there is no co-production, a cold production in a in a case

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it could be promoted in delivering public service, so that citizen as consumers of public service can also become co-producers to work with the government and to to co-produce space, to ensure better, smaller use of resources and place focused results.

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and the second, as public participation is symbolically exactly exaggerated, it must be achieved by recognizing citizens rights and their potential effects on the city.

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So the citizen control, recognizing their power and rights on the top level of the Citizen Participation Letter, is suggest to to avoid the degree of tokenism.

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search it sense of place, identity, and belong in urban build environments is eliminated in all 3 cases.

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Now, should it be enhanced for all the urban dollars to produce an inclusive live work, visit urban places, to maintain social social sustainability.

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So finally, we bring this question to ourselves and also to the audience. So when they can, the high high-value waterfronts areas, or how can the high high-value waterfront areas become inclusive, leave work and visit places, so we enhance there for the inclusivity and the Eco. And a sensible place, and belonging obvious places in our city.

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mit Ctl. And to to a better place. And finally, we bring up the question of what could be the model for Australian cities, post-industrial waterfront redevelopment, and we look forward to your any suggestions or comments, or some examples from around the world for us to get some inspirations or the size for our future projects. Yeah, thank you so much? 150.

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Yeah.

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okay,

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 we don't.

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 see

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yeah.

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just to get rid of that.

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I go back. i

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okay, like that. But I also

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can you just help yeah, get rid of that. some of them. Just so that she, that one, yeah.

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maybe the top one as well. So

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too many wells. Brilliant. Thank you so much for watching. Yeah.

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Hello, everybody. Thank you for being here today. I'm here also representing my co-authors, Ricci, Kalal, and Rachel, Allah and I'll be presenting our work on how users navigate the work home boundary when their homes are also their workplaces.

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So many of us might have experienced this overlap of work and home as we, as we work through the pandemic and experience the complexities that come from juggling the 2 distinct identities, one of a householder, and also that of a worker.

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and as what the spheres of work and home bleed into each other across space, time and sociality.

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However, our study concentrates on informal, home-based workers from the global South, who have always had to navigate both work and home from adjacent spaces. deriving from a secondary review of close to 1 60 studies of work homes, home-based work, home based enterprises in the global South. We look closely at what these complexities of navigating the work home boundary are, and how best to capture them.

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So this paper is an exploratory methods paper where we reflect one on the agency of the informal, home-based worker in navigating the work home boundary, and to their agency in production and creation of this knowledge around their workplaces.

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So based on these secondary studies, we have typologized the way this boundary is perceived and articulated by users, and we reflect on the methods of documenting the work home boundary. Through this we aim to fill a critical gap in the knowledge created around home-based work by wielding a social spatial lens in reading work, homes and foreground foregrounding the experience of the user in managing the work home boundary.

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So to give you a quick overview of the presentation, I will

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first try to move the slide.

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 okay, there you go.

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So I will first discuss the background and the conceptual framework. then I'll proceed to the modes of navigating the work. Home boundary. gesturing to the complex agencies users exert in navigating this.

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Next I will focus on the gaps in capturing how this work, home boundary is in word and the need to visibleize it. Finally, I will end with the proposed framework to study work homes, presenting our thoughts on methods. participants, and the nature of instrument. I will also present a proposed method, which we are still in the process of developing. So it's kind of still emerging, and I look forward to your insights and feedback on it.

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So we are borrowing from a conceptual framework from a previous. Study me and my My co-authors conducted with a A few other colleagues in 2,021. I'll just walk you through quickly. What? The key concepts are that we've used from the study.

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First, we define domestic realm as comprising of all activities that are performed to reproduce the home and the household. So all forms of household work, unpaid care work, social relationships, maintaining the household and interactions with neighbors, etc.

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Similarly, we define productive run as comprising of all activities that pertain to wage or own account work, including all forms of paid work, free State work as well as unpaid work, that you might be undertaking as part of the family.

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This also includes, answers the ancillary activities required to run the enterprise, such as storing goods, equipment, preparatory activities, including access to physical infrastructure, interaction with suppliers, vendors, managing authorities, etc.

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So work homes, then, are those spaces where domestic and productive realms are performed in same or adjacent spaces.

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So think of people using part of their homes. So peace rate work like embroidery or bead work, or those who have their own enterprises where they produce rooms or pottery, or those who provide some kind of service, say, taking tuitions in their house, or running a shop from their house, or even street vendors or waste pickers who are traditionally not included in the category of home based work, but who do use their work homes for storage of space for doing preparatory activities and then taking out to sell somewhere else.

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 Now.

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activities in both these rooms have spatial and temporal and infrastructure needs which, among other factors, shape how these determine their location in the work home, and how these 2 realms interface with each other. So we call this interface the work home Boundary, which I've been using quite repetitively. But I now define. And it has spatial, temporal, and behavioral aspects, so domestic and productive realms may then align with intrude into, or be indifferent with each other.

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So what we are arguing is that the users of work homes exert a complex agency in navigating the the work home boundary, and also shape it in the process.

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So how do how do users of work homes navigate this home work home boundary.

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So there are 3 dominant strategies that we that were revealed through secondary studies across the global South. One is that users name make trade-offs and the requirements and needs of either realm, like allocating less than sufficient space or time to an activity or prioritizing one over the other. So, for instance.

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An example is of Mina Bensha, who makes and sells puppet, which is a dry food item from her work home. She says, I work in the front room, and guests are entertaining this inside room, so it is very inconvenient for the guests to pass from the papa room, so I have to stop my work and engage with the guests.

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Here we see that both activities kind of include into each other, and Nina Ben has to prioritize the domestic realm which causes her to sort of make setbacks into how much time she is able to put into work.

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They might use. They might establish behavioral boundaries through a ritualistic separation in the same space, to pronounce the act of what Altman calls self-switching.

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so ritualistic boundaries are established when there is no significant spatial change made to the work home as such, but performance of an activity marks a threshold between domestic and productive rooms.

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So Kellett in his 2,000 study, 2,003 study documents. How Mr. Kosnari, a show maker in Indonesia, works in the living room, cleans it with the helpers with family, and then reads the Quran and then resumes work once done, Kellet notes that cleaning is much more than a practical action. It is a fundamental ritual that helps establish the conceptual limits that are organized behavior inside the house.

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And then, finally, the more

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 dominant one is

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reconfiguration.

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So users may reconfigure either space or they schedule to accommodate both runs in the same same share resources. This may be through altering the spatially out of the unit through the day as done by Mrs. Hadra. She says, I have appropriated my house to make a veranda, so that I can put things over there. So

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Similar examples are seen seen across the globe. Another. This is an example of where the space is reconfigured, either through a short-term or long-term installation or change to the work home itself.

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Another way is to reconfigure their schedule, which we see in the boy study of 2,016. Where numerous women wait for their children to go to school, and then complete their work in the hours that their children are not there, or they or they sort of leave their work and first make lunch for the husbands and then go back to work.

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These. This can also be more long term like improving or upgrading the work home. An example is of a teacher running coaching classes in Gumihin camp, and Denny. He cites that he makes the floor more comfortable for children to sit, and that is the reason, for he sites for cementing the floor and improving his work home.

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So we see there are there are multiple modes of maneuvering this work. Home boundary, and workhomes often operate in tension with formal systems which results in these ways of navigation to be covert. It discourages users to invest capital even as alternative costs.

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imply more time and flux for users.

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Okay?

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so many, many, many users resort to using short-term strategies, even as they are more ad hoc, because long-term expansion, while being more lasting and so more lasting and less susceptible to weather conditions, poses higher risk of violating guidelines and Dcrs, and therefore the risk of punitive action by planning authorities.

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so as as you can start to see the complexity in the user agency that we are arguing for.

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This is the agency to be to make trade-offs or choices to create and alter spatial, temporal, and behavioral boundaries. As demonstrated, this happens across work on typologies, trades, and modes of work in the work home.

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This is subject to a number of factors which I'll get get to shortly.

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So work homes are dynamic sites of innovation and ingenuity, but also complex because it is exercised. This ingenuity and and enterprise is exercised with many limitations and across stakeholders.

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further.

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This has an impact beyond their own unit on the neighbourhood, and they affect urban production beyond the scale of the unit. An example of this is the study done in Kumbervada, of quarters.

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as you can see in the plan. One side is used for retail, which you can see in the pink. One side is used for orange, which is the production. And so the entire street, once these same, the same typology starts lining the entire street start gaining a different character. The one on one side is that of a retail street, and the other is an internal street for production.

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There are other examples of this across the global south as well.

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So the factors that affect complex agencies are influence of users and other stakeholders in power, dynamics with formal planning authorities, municipal municipalities and urban local bodies, spatial, social, and temporal demands of the house and the household identity inhabited by the user, whether it be gender, whether they migrant or not, whether they're the owners of the work home or their tenants.

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demands of the industry and the financial value of the productive realm and its relative importance in the household.

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So why do we want to visualize this mode of maneuvering?

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We find that such navigation of work, home boundaries, are pervasive mode of urban production, but marginalized by formal apparatus of planning.

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This is not the. As I mentioned, there are also sites of ingenuity and enterprise. When I say this, it is not the romanticized inadequacy, but to recognize the labor and investment of users that goes into managing and overcoming this and inadequacy in the absence of State initiative.

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But every strategy that users undertake demands additional labor of the user, whether it is physical, mental, emotional, or financial. And not only does it go unrecognized, it would also not have been required, if not for the inadequacy of the work home. In the first place. So these strategies

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further, these strategies, when they are recognized, they are undervalued, and they suffer punitive action.

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 so even as much of upgradation of work homes is self-initiated and executed by users. Formal planning authorities need to incentivize, incentivize, and facilitate this upgradation rather than penalizing it and making the process more participatory.

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So

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another part of this is, as we went through all the 160 studies we we realized that spatial and temporal boundaries, although they've been studied, they have not often been studied in conjunction with each other ritualistic boundary, on the other hand, has not been studied much at all because of the tastic nature of this knowledge, and how under-reported it is by users themselves.

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So it is important to capture all 3 aspects of the work home boundary, but also

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they need to be tied to the lens of the users as they are the ones who are making these trade-offs.

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Further, it is required that user ownership of this knowledge about work homes is done in a language that has so far it has been done in a language that has historically been spoken only by professional planners and formal authorities and and policymakers, but it needs to be done in a language that also uses can take ownership of.

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So most documentation is across the 1 60 studies we saw that most documentation was not undertaken by users themselves, and does not adequately reflect user agency in maneuvering the work home boundary.

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So we we tie back to the ideas of hermeneutical justice, epistemic justice through thinking of user participation in knowledge creation, so that a planning vocabulary is developed by the user that can translate to the authorities as well.

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So now, proposing a framework to study the work home boundary.

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So first, we propose to invert the gays and study it through the gays of the user themselves. It needs to be reflective. So the user can reflect and build this language on their own agency and on how they maneuver the work home boundary. We are basically proposing a conceptual shift in studying the work, home boundaries which are directed towards and gate towards practice.

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So

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boarding again from Fricker and his 2,005 work of human, her medical justice and epistemic justice.

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So what do we propose? We propose a mixed methods approach where the instrument is such that it enables user to capture and document their agency themselves through all the 3 modes which is trade off ritualistic, and any reconfiguration to space or time that they're making.

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this should be get to be able to identify the exact needs for improving work homes. We imagine this as a collaborative research, so the participants in this research would be home-based workers themselves, who we would train as researchers so that they can reflect on and capture the agency and a research instrument that is developed in partnership with home-based worker unions and community-based organization.

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so we are currently at a stage where we are still developing this this method, and it will be great to hear from you guys. I will just quickly share the first

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sort of draft. idea of this. So

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we, we imagine that we will try this with a pilot study first in a single neighborhood and select home-based workers who can be trained as researchers. As as I mentioned, we'll do this in partnership with and with the help of grassroots organization.

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So the first step will be a training workshop to equip community researchers with research, tools and concepts and framework so that they can reflect back on their own ways of maneuvering the work home boundary.

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Then we imagine a participating mapping of the unit.

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So over prints of spatial of the spatial map of their work home across time. So it's kind of a rubber stamp where they they mark themselves what they're doing at different times of the day and through open-ended journaling. We want this

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journal and this thing and this this this map, to be with the users for a prolonged time, so that they can go back and make changes that that so that their narrative is not fixed in time, but it is something that they can revisit and come back to.

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We then

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want to do a participatory mapping of the unit. Along with an interim workshop where people all these researchers sort of come together and share their their experience of having done this work.

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 After that we imagine a one on one discussion to further further probe and triangulate these. this this documentation with questions that come from people, From other researchers as well as from probes within the documentation that they come up with.

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And Then we imagine a closing workshop to sort of tie it all together and see how what this documentation would translate into. Additionally, we we hope to present this work to other stakeholders, the stakeholder selection being something that comes from the home based worker researchers so that they can choose where this work has to travel.

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So

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I'll I'll close here. And our next steps include approaching home-based worker unions and community organizations to discuss our method and based on these discussions and workshops. We intend to revisit and redefine our method better. And we want to build this method in dialogue with people. And it's a work in progress, and I look forward to your feedback. Thank you.

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I don't want to. Tennessee here. And

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right.

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please. Yes.

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Just a quick question as a point of qualification before the for the last speakers.

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 if you have

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thought

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 potential difference, or accounting for differences

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between different type of households

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and different.

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the type of tenure or relationships they have with the house

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for different types of work, that the reason behind it is because there is the kind of patterns we are describing were very visible in the pandemic, where there was a much stronger kind of difficulty for

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families, for children who are renting compared to you know houses

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that we are honing and made notifications, but also

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type of work that you know.

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Mighty. It's crazy in the sense that you know, doing digital work or giving us is not something that you separate yourself from?

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Yeah, thanks for your question. So, you're right. You're right that they are very diverse and home based. Work itself is such a diverse sector that it's difficult to capture everything about one single sector, or even generalize it, for that matter. So, but at the stage, given the kind of secondary literature that we've been seeing, we did recognize certain similarities which we're trying to sort of lean into

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while we I mean the secondary study also had this, you know. Come, come up with this this thought of how then you are, and all these other aspects define how people make choices. So as the in the pilot study, we intend to do it with, like the control group, so probably similar kind of home based work, if not the same. So maybe if they're doing production, they do similar kinds of production. so or if they're doing retail. We choose

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only people who are doing retail or something similar, and we also in the in the pilot study margin to do this in in the same neighborhood, so that tenure and all those other contingencies. And the context is sort of stabilizing. We can concentrate on the specifics of how each user is sort of trying to work out.

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Thank you very much. Do we have some other questions?

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I have one, if that's okay.

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So it it was. It was, I, I guess, about your methodology. and just in the in the last presentation

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and collecting data. It reminded me of a study on manufacturing in London, that I did with some colleagues a couple of years ago, where we collected business data that was held at the London level, which identified locations of manufacturing businesses

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in a particular part of London. And then

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we did some kind of onsite field work to then go and look at the the workspaces that these manufacturing businesses occupied and expected. You know, we were kind of walking around these streets expecting to find work spaces.

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and what we found often was that we were walking around residential streets.

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and so obviously a lot of very small scale

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businesses were registered as manufacturing businesses, but operating from the home. So there, there's a kind of data issue there about, yeah, in a sense, how do you start researching?

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 the work in these spaces? That is kind of

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it's not open to the public at somebody's home. Yeah, right? That's actually very so. I I do it in 2 parts. One is that I should have mentioned that in in India. for instance, this is where we're going to take our study, work, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home, home.

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and to the, to the to your question of How do you do it when it is somebody's home? That's that's something we struggle with as well with the the ethics of, you know, conducting the research in someone else's home, and the need for this research itself. Whether this was coming out of curiosity whether it was only going to. You know

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how how ethical was it to go? And, you know, look at other people's homes and do that. And after a lot of back and forth between us as authors, we, which is why we decided that it is not going to be us who will do it. We want to train and capacitate home based workers to be able to build and carry forward their own narrative.

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So it's not us who are going and looking at these intricate details of their lives, they are capacitated, and they are trained to with a spatial lens.

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and with the basics of ethnography of selves to sort of, then do it on their own, maintain journals, and then come back in a space which is not where the gaze is not on to them. But the gaze is something where all of us.

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like the gazes in words.

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their own gaze is inverted on themselves, and it's not some outsiders, games, and the other part of this is to work with unions and community based organizations because there, there are, there are these solidarities that you are then banking on and building where you become partners in producing research rather than it just being a top down thing of come will take your research, and then go.

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So just to follow up. How? So? How would you access those

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your participants?

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In the first place, when you, when you say we will train them, as as you know, as community researchers. Almost. No, it's the question of how do you access them? In the first place, right? So there. There are a few organizations that work with home based workers. And there are a few trade unions that we've already worked as an organization in the past on other things, like housing or infrastructure or other academic

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research. Or you did study. So we have those relationships. So we intend to sort of open conversations to them and ask them if they're interested in doing something like this. And if they, it'll be beneficial for them and their members.

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Okay, thank you. I can see my family's hand up.

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That's okay. And then I'll take question from Hungary. I mean, family is online with the question. We'll take that first and then.

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Myfanwy M Taylor: oh, thanks. Can you hear me? Okay.

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Myfanwy M Taylor: yeah, yeah. Thanks. Everybody for 3 more great presentations which yeah, I really enjoyed listening to you very different, each of them.

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Myfanwy M Taylor: I guess I had a few questions so briefly, Mohammed. I was wondering about your comment that you know, feeling that these conflicts were very internal to the market, that they were not

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Myfanwy M Taylor: bound up with other factors. I was interested in that, and wondered whether you looked at whether there was a context of threats, or or vulnerability, or precarity that meant that people were in a particularly, perhaps distressed state, that a lot was at stake because

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Myfanwy M Taylor: it just, you know. Also, it seems like they were responsible for a lot of things and sorting out a lot of things amongst themselves, and that sort of collaboration can be quite tricky when people are under a lot of stress and pressure. So I just wanted to a little bit

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Myfanwy M Taylor: challenge you to elaborate on that a little because I guess otherwise there's a bit of a risk of this sort of discourse kind of stigmatizing these traders that may be actually struggling in quite difficult situations for their livelihoods. And the second, I guess, for you know, just to kind of come back to Rita and your invitation to think about an inclusive post industrial waterfront. So I just feel

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Myfanwy M Taylor: that's such an important question to ask when you know it seems like what is being proposed in these cases is a kind of tabular raza approach, like total demolition and restart like, what can inclusivity mean in that context, both in terms of like the local economy and the function of these places. And also, as you were describing, like the indigenous histories and cultures, so it seems really like a radically different approach is needed.

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Myfanwy M Taylor: and nitty, yeah, I think I'm so glad we you know, we had the opportunity to extend the discussion with your presentation, and I really appreciate it. Your the collaborative and partnership propositions coming out of your work just one day, you might like to look at diverse and community economies research where they've used

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Myfanwy M Taylor: and participate reaction research to do the sorts of work you're thinking of. And yeah, I just think, it prompts us to think about like

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Myfanwy M Taylor: again coming back to the question of value, and what activities are valued in the home and in in the paid sphere of production. And hopefully, yeah, your research would be quite interesting and kind of

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Myfanwy M Taylor: revealing such invisible and undervalued activities. and then thinking about the role of the State in terms of supporting those, and perhaps the complexities of that when, as you describe, people.

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Myfanwy M Taylor: you know, in often cases wish to remain covert. So there are risks involved, I guess, in sort of more active role of the state here as well as opportunity. So yeah, those were my reflections to share and just invite. If anybody wanted to respond in any way.

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Thank you. would you like to start?

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Muhammet: Can you hear me?

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Yep.

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Muhammet: yeah. Okay? that's true in terms of collaboration. I mean, when this are working in, you know, very challenging and hard conditions. They start to contract the stores

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Muhammet: around 3 or 4 Am. In Istanbul, for example, and which is very early, and they work

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Muhammet: until evening to the closure of the market.

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Muhammet: What I mean in this. The presentation is, of course, there is also practice of friendship, and so there to and trust, and which is an important part of my Phd. Project. But

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Muhammet: these conflicts are generated by the everyday practices of Wendas, for example, when they stand at these calls from morning to the E-link and not making so much money, and they are under pressure. And they have,

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Muhammet: the challenging psychological and emotional best situations, and this proves that all, all, all, when all of the wellness are like them, and they need to show more empathy and respect to the neighbors since they are in the same boat.

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Muhammet: Yeah, these these conflicts also might be

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Muhammet: generate. It's also from I don't know market management, which is a private case in Berlin, since they always do the

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Muhammet: certain spots To make more vendors. I mean to to take more money. but What I mean in this presentation is the everyday practices. that you can understand. very with a very deep ethnographic study, or analyze

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Muhammet: generated by the agents of Brenda's and at the end of the day they work in the the same Workspace work place. And maybe a quick solution would be say that they need to show more respect and empathy to towards their colleagues, and and France. which who have the some initiations like them.

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Muhammet: Thank you for question.

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Thank you.

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What would you like to

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 Thanks for

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thanks for comments. And that's true that we, as I'm also doing some study about post-industrial maritime. place revitalization, and they some criticism about the historical preservation of this of their spaces.

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But so we're like, in our view of, like our role of urban designers or landscape designers. most of the time we're focusing on the physical space like the change of the physical space, but also the community in the space and also the environments that context the urban contact in this space. But I know. But we also need to consider in the context of a history, the neighborhood, the social and all the economic benefits or other like other complex complexities in the city.

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But we fund, or all the way at least I find, or I think that the driven by the planning process is driven by the policy that made by the decision makers. And that's all like we have to follow their guidelines or their their strategies, their goals. But then, finally, what designers we hope to do to provide more vibrant, more diverse space for the people, for the citizens.

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But then I'll come some. Some like negative outcome. follow up by the like, some top-down decision making. So we are also struggling or considered like how the designers could provide or could play an important role in the planning process, to suggest, have some suggestions, or

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also like to provide some insights from some research like from the sociology or urban sociological perspectives, than to get some inspirations from people, some communities view, or some like, like.

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basically, maybe from residents view, to provide some insights to the decision-makers and to let them know, or that's their their thinking or their insights, or their like. Their knees are.

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should be like truly considered, or thoroughly considered and engaged with the community. But then, like the city citizenship, participation letters that it provides. is also like the the government now is involving lots of like engagement or the consultation with the community, but most of them are kind of like just being as a process in your planning process, but not actually consider or like 250

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manage or to

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like.

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maybe maximize their like, the citizens, power of their communities, power to to let them control or to let them design their own communities. So. But that's also maybe the the character or the feature of the water front redevelopment. That's some big land. Some big-sized and large size of the land, and also a large investment that will be yourly controlled by the government. So that's also complex. And

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and that's also like something.

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Maybe planners or some sociologists could provide more insights for our designers here in this process. Yes.

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thank you. I think it's really challenging in these post-industrial waterfront environments where

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you know, a lot of those jobs have been lost already, and the uses have been lost already.

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you know. Who do you co-produce these environments with?

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You know, it is a difficult question.

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and you know, and and and which communities have the insights that are going to sort of really help you create a place it's very different to.

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you know are the case studies that we've considered over these past 2 sessions in a way where there already is a very sort of strong, vibrant

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community of businesses and workers in a location. In a sense, you're trying to create something from scratch, which is

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much more challenging.

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Okay, I'll shut up.

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was that answering the family. I don't know if there was anything. I think that was. She just had a suggestion for you.

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Hand, will you past the mic, please? Thank you.

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And then we'll come to you. Leon.

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 thank you, I, I have a very short comments about the walk and home

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and there is so

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first of all, I have 2, 2 2 comments. First of all.

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the I I saw some What philosophical a similarities of the the workplace a plane because I saw similar urban tissues in Vietnam, in Vietnam, and also in Asian Korea, also in Japan.

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So at those times live and work, or what can be with phytical, and then

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they can manage their own businesses in a small scale. So

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but it might be at least some

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pre-modern typology of what space?

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Yeah, that that that is 1 point. And also

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second, is is kind of second. I mean, the mystical question about the concept of users goes. I'm not sure about the benefits of using

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the concept of users, those nowadays that

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a walk at home concept may

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condos a lot of multiple formation of what and D, because

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when it can what can it means? What can be. and also work at home, or

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pay the label at home

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for pre-killer's pre-cariot label at home.

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or

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any workplace that the person who hired them while the workers the doesn't care

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like. so we can leave or work at home nowadays. It is, very a popular among the developing develop countries, also because they

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we saw the co-work in space

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 as a form of just a desk vent

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the up the empty. We are estate. So

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I think it's it's it. It is kind of very complex. It it is located very complex situation of about interpreting the work work space. So

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so in that context, I

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I I would like to ask you to explain more.

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or

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the inctively

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 about the concept of the usual society by the methodology.

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So if I got your question right, you're talking about there' been multiple typologies of spaces which could fit the idea of having work and space in the same thing seems a simple in adjacent spaces. So the idea of coming up with the concept of work home was primarily because

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also to highlight that people who use their own homes for work which probably departs a little from what you're talking about when you say that people who are calling other people and labor to their homes and working

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so the the idea of users also, like one of our other Co. Panelists also talked about when the the the definition of the sector of home-based work is so diverse that when you start talking about, when you start considering places where other people are hiding people, and to come and work in their own homes. I mean, it becomes

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too expensive for that might matter. Even domestic work then starts getting qualified into that, because then you're calling somebody else to come to your home and do the work for you, so to limit that we stuck to the space which was used by the same person for their own

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domestic activities and productive activities because it narrows the scope, and it also makes it more specific to what kind of agency they may have. They might not have the same agency if they were working in someone else's space. So then it it becomes easier to conceptualize and theorize when you make the scope a little. more. Does that answer your question?

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Thank you. Leon.

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Leon Felipe Tellez Contreras: and yeah, thank you. Well, my mine is

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Leon Felipe Tellez Contreras: I'm wondering if if any of the centers have a comment on

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Leon Felipe Tellez Contreras:  on the on the relationship of their

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Leon Felipe Tellez Contreras: some of their case studies with the colonial legacies, then how they might be shaping the struggles around workplace. there. There has been some references to ethnic religious conflicts, tensions in participatory process that impose a indigenous communities 250.

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Leon Felipe Tellez Contreras:  so I'm wondering if, if.

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Leon Felipe Tellez Contreras: if this, this, this, this, this specific issue, resonates more specifically in your cases, given that.

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Leon Felipe Tellez Contreras: Well, these some of the revitalization processes we we you talked about and some of the struggles you are talking about, I think, relate to to these legacies. I'm asking. I'm asking this also, because there is some some interest in thinking

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Leon Felipe Tellez Contreras: on land planes. Also, also, in Thinking city the city back claims also as land claims by indigenous groups, and and and this has to do very much with the provision of workspaces. I think Fatima also talk about this and a religious conflict. So I I was just wondering if you have any comment on on the role of coloniality in these.

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Leon Felipe Tellez Contreras: or maybe.

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Leon Felipe Tellez Contreras: Well, yeah, I'm still thinking through this. But yeah, that's that's basically What? I'm thinking at the moment.

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Thank you, Leon. I guess it's something that

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others from the previous session might want to reflect on as well. So

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I mean any image of thoughts.

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do we? Yes.

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I I just have a suggestion for Lou Lou. There are a lot of emerging studies on coastal urban spaces and Similar Community conflicts. Emerging in global South.

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especially with a lot of work done with the fisher communities. So you can draw some references from there. Because I think the questions are very simple. The challenges are very similar. There are planning you know, issues related to planning that is emerging as a

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or there are aesthetization projects suggested which comes as a threat to the communities, a land likelihood, and then bosses that versus that there are claims of indigenite and and claims land claims. So the contexts are things similar. So you can borrow some references to how to see how the community negotiates with state in such context.

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what's the name of the community?

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But you mentioned the name?

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You can generally look at urban coastal spaces and fisher community for sure

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to your communities. My colleague and I did a work on the city of Chen. 9. You can. You have to look at that one? But they have many works in.

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Thank you for that suggestion.

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any reflections also on Leon's question about the relationship of any of the case studies with

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colonial legacies in

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in these contexts.

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I mean a small general comment on colonial legacies is that in India

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all planning documents come from a colonial level legacy of how it was it used to be planned. So. we are working in a system that is deeply Bolonian in that respect, and refuses to depart because it's been set for so many years.

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So yeah.

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any other questions or comments?

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My

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amazing

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so maybe we will wrap up.

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Yeah,

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I would just like to thank everyone, all the participants across the 2 sessions today.

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 I think there's there's a lot of food for thought there. I think my family will probably agree that.

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 you know, we were really excited about running the session and bringing together researchers.

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you know, globally, who are working on issues that we have felt really important for a long time. And to just, you know, see where this could take us? And I was just going to mention that we will be running a similar session at the Royal Geographical Society Conference in London in August.

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And It's it's it's a similar call we will be doing one paper which will be reflecting on the work from this, the the presentations at this conference in Melbourne.

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and then Seeing what comes out of that of that conference as well, and then we will hopefully reconvene with all the researchers who have been involved across the 2 conferences at some point in the autumn. I think my family that was

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what we were hoping to do. to see what we can do with this collection of work

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which we feel is really important. So thank you. Everyone for your for your participation today.

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Fantastic thanks, guys.

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Myfanwy M Taylor: Thank you. Bye, everyone