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Hello, everybody.

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So Christian has handed over the mantle to me.

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Okay, so

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welcome back. And for those who are just coming welcome, we are about to begin the second section.

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And, as Christian alias said, this session is mainly about infrastructure. How infrastructure delivery is configured! across the globe, mostly, especially in the global South, and how issues of formality informality comes to play when

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infrastructure is being talked about. And this time we are going to take the studies from different parts of the world. We earlier looked at issues in Islamabad, India, and

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Australia. Yeah. And then, as we proceed, we'll be looking at Jakarta. issues in Bengaluru. And then we look at the Japanese case and then grassroots intervention

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in Indian cities.

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Yeah,

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do. I have to acknowledge the 60.

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Okay. okay, so we are going to start with.

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what was you? Sorry if I get an in wrong? Yeah. So every every session would get 15 min. Yeah, thank you very much. And you may proceed.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: Okay, thank you. very much. good afternoon.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: My name is. And I'm currently joining from Jakarta. I'm a second year Phd. Student in geography at the school of Geo. Sciences in the University of Sydney. At at the moment I'm working on my field work. And the bit that I'm going to present today is the early finding of my research, which through this conference I hope to gather at 5. So if you have questions, if you have input, that would be very, very useful for my research.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: so my research assembling water flow, infrastructure and speculation in Jakarta. Metropolitan area looks at how?

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti:  sorry, alright looks at how different! What infrastructure! So piped and non pipe if network becomes object of speculative finance and how speculation sustains hybrid water supply.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: They started with the cap crisis. So pipe water supply in Jakarta only has 60% coverage and much less in the suburban areas like and South stand ground where pipe surface only covers in average 30% of each area.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: They get narrative top to pylance subsidies. Climate threat toaging degrading water quality issue serves as an on top market for water infrastructures with for piped and non pipe network projects.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: while projects are driven by speculation, for example, through blended finance or public-profit partnership or impact investment. I argue that hybrid and which is pipe and on pipe water infrastructure will continue to shape Jakarta's water as a result of speculation speculative finance.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: my argument is developed under literature, around urban political ecology and speculation. So literature in the urban political ecology of what I have undiscovered, the importance of attending to the capacity of non-human actors, such as dams, pipes, and then also the smaller infrastructure, such as pipes, water, taps, and barrels, and then investigate their relationality and constitutions to power relations

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: in Jakarta context, the hybridity and informalities have been well studied by Koi, who sees the heterogeneity of what infrastructures in Jakarta is produced by informal practices

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: to just how the label of informality is put to those who access water with non pipe infrastructures, but also how informal relations are produced by elite politics in water investment.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: However, while infrastructure's physicality has been a central object of inquiry in literature, in urban political ecology, the role of finance in catalyzing the multiple of what it remains per for all to the debate

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: in this respect. I quote Eric Sincadow here, who argue that metropolis is energized through the fusion of physical properties and creative capacities of humans with those of non-humans. So as swinging down, noted on the creative capacities of human, I argue that the notion of speculation as part of human aspiration upon nature can be meaningfully mobilized to explain literature on urban metabolism.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti:  after all, as a Laura pair suggested generation of service value requires the labor of speculation. Speculation for Brian and Weber serves not only as a claim of one feature value, but also builds a guiding pathway to the desired value.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: Therefore, extending the concept of speculation to comprehend how nature and infrastructural network are valorized, could unpack new understanding of how metabolic flow is produced and accelerated. I put the questions here. How do you attempt to repair lack of access of water and climatic environment to crisis in water relate to or produce financialized water infrastructures, and therefore how the financial regime affect the metabolic flow of water through post-piped and nonpi infrastructures.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: So as the water concession under a 25 year contract in Jakarta has only ended last year, and there is a wave of remun civilization here in Indonesia, simultaneously increasing attempt to seek new investment. I hope to extend the already existing literature by showing how what a supply gaps allow both investment in network and non network supply and how water supply that is, hybrid is sustain through speculative finance.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: So this presentation will explain further about what situates and such sustain a hybrid water supply in Jakarta. So first, I will tease out the post colonial relation about how a hybrid water supply is sustain through the relationship between what operators and non reticulated water suppliers, where Non reticulated, what a supply serves as a silent guarantee to the operation of formal water supplies.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: Second, I will explain what I call as the new era of hybrid infrastructure and financing. I'll fight a supply in Jakarta, where there is a growing speculation on both network and non-networks of water supply and luster. We'll explain the land and what is speculation? Nexus as well as the urban rail relations. So I would bring the questions around scale of water extraction activities and rural urban specialities which shapes the hybrid water proficient into the metropolitan area.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: So first, if we look at the picture here. It tells an interesting coexistence between the pipe and non by water supply.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: the building on the left, the blue one here in 1,922

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: it's called Gudang I, or translated literally as a the water storage, which was built as part of water lighting project in 1,922, under the Dutch colonialism, supply water from Bogot, which is south of the city, to the center. Padavia.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: At that time. It was, of course, meant to serve the touch elites on the right side. Today we see here the portrait of what attracts I need to fill up that time.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: these are trucks. They they would mobilize water to a water kiosk for drinking water all around you like a metropolitan area area. So this for trade is taken in Bogar in South of. But the same situation is also shown in.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: So since 1960 s.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: A. Local water utilities in Jakarta have been supplying water to truck owners who resell water to areas in North America once that are under surf by pipe water.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: the story behind it that it was an informal relations between what a utility company and the local Batafian community in Jakarta at that time which allow family members to work at what he, what a utility company, and also run business to sell water outside of the pipe system!

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: So the availability of water here, outside of that of outside of the pipe system, invites logistic business truck owners to buy water from the water station and then resell water to the community. Hence, instead of external hybridity has been internal to the water utility system, it is both within and beyond the utilities.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: So after the centralization era in 1,998. bug you! What are utilities here

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: like holistic connection?

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: to Jakarta? And it's that truck owners who have been buying water From here they all moved southward to Booga regions. They occupy line here, the tap water here and then supply drinking water throughout all check up the metropolitan areas.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: this is roughly the map of different non-pipe infrastructures and scheme of track mobility around Jakarta that I gather through my field work

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: with the rising popularity of package. What is since early? 2,000 like in this picture on the left. These are the what the kind of water kiosk there is. Supply by what it tracks.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: but water supplies started to sell, also drinking water. Aside from aside from for swimming pool and construction proposes.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: So this map shows the internal relations of part and non-pipe infrastructure as local water utilities. I put here the Pdm. They also sell water to water, kiosk, swimming pool, and other proposes for a non-piped infrastructure. This relations work through a naturalized assumption of differentiated what is quality, what? Which? I will come back later.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: So the multiple.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: what infrastructure situates the crisis narrative people in Jakarta uses multiple sources of water like pipe, water groundwater, a package water

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: which then creates a market for pipe water investment. One of the object that I'm studying currently is this, this is the

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: carry on regional water supply system.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: So there is this attempt to structure Ppp project public private partnership project today. in water supply.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: There is a plan to supply Jakarta, and also it's suburban area in Tangara and South Korea. For this to happen there needs to be a scheme where money alongside the water can flow in and out of the city

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: and

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: bringing water into the city, requires institutional structural change to do, risk investment, to give guarantee and finally attack a private investment. One of the ways is through blending public and private finance. This is a very, very complex structure, but to simplify it, there are 2 different levels of investment. Here

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: one investment must deal with constructing the what is treatment plan at the central level, and then the other must deal with constructing the pipe supply to the household level without connection at household level the money cannot

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: so the water cannot flow to the house full, but also the money cannot flow back to investors. So this So there is this risk, which is called interface risk at the end of 25. Here water privatization in Jakarta, which has been running since 1,998. Now, what every municipalization is faced with

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: weak financial capacities of local government and local. What a utility company! Different issues are discussed today, the low competitiveness of what a tariff high-

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: and also the interface rate, how to ensure water is being channeled and paid back

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: for local municipalities and investors channeling to high demand.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti:  consumers like industries and real estate areas are the quick answer. But this brings back to the question, of to what extent will we be able to make water proficient, equal, and reaching out to the households who are actually low demand consumers.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: As this question is being asked, I guess this comes back to the first story about how water efficient is

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: and will be a hybrid.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: not only increasing market for pipe water investment. I also solved the growth of non- articulated what a business! Who is supplying to water kiosk, swimming pool and construction activities.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: even when pipe network is available in those areas.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: So the naturalized assumption here is there is a differentiated water quality and infrastructure. So water itself is not singular. It's like what Maria Kika said about the good and the back of water like I show in the map before water from book or spring. It's most exclusive for drinking, because it's clean, it's fresh. It's cold water from book or scan. Water is.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: or drinking, but for supplying to cheaper drinking water kiosk, whereas from jakarta and tangrams refer, it is for swimming pool and construction, and lastly, the pipe water that is for washing.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: So this what a track business is even more crucial during heavy rainfall, intensity or Sofia draw it, that what a utility! Sourcing water from the rivers like in Tangarong, and because we'll have to stop operating and mobilize what attracts to compensate the people.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: This water truck business owners see the future of their business as equal as the pipe water investors. That water will always be as it needs that water is always needed, especially during heavy rain or Sofia's drawn, and especially with municipal water companies being less reliable. So there are so much opportunities to expand their products

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: that that includes expansion to a package. Water package. What a business! Or investing in more freehicles, more trucks, and also more inland.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: the growth of water. Q. And it's water, supplier signals. Yet another opportunity for investment at the UN. Water 2,023 and Impact Investment Management Company promoted the use of the centralized water supply system, including household filtration technology and water kios, the cities in global cells where pipe water infrastructure is inadequate

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: with this long legacy internally impact fund to support what enterprises then on together with the Np parabolas, you and Us. International Development Finance Corporation, the Danish Development Finance Institution.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: I call for all the Norfolk and the U.S.A. Has recently launched the first the world's first private Equity fund to accelerate, or what a proficient called the Water Access Acceleration Fund

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: and Indonesia is targeted as one of its target country.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: Well, there are still plenty of room for this research to investigate how this impact investment will be rolled out in Indonesia is still interesting to see the increasing global interest in financing a non pipe water supply like water kiosk. This is also signals, perhaps, how hybrid water proficient will continue to persist as a total centralized like what a system is far from able to be realized.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: And all this demand for water both through pipe and non pipe system also brings question to where water is extracted from, and one is one of the things that I find interesting is how speculation for water infrastructure in urban suburban areas also inflict speculation on land. In rural suburban areas, as in this map, I show.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: this is the map of displacement. If you look at the wide

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: all feel like just here. These areas are being displaced to make way for the carry and them and new when investors occupy land here the yellow sites here.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: And they sell the the land to the to the evicted communities. So this brings to the idea of risk.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: there are different risks that are related here. So the first is the financial projects risk how to bring water, but also how to bring money back to the investors. There is also environmental risk, and there is also risk around the future of these rural communities who are dispossessed from their lines.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: So while there are so many questions I need to follow up in my ongoing research, I would like to reflect on what I've learned. thus far. Being on the field. First is the hybrid of infrastructure refers not only to the materiality of pipe and non-pipe networks, but also the speculative finance means, like the public and private investment which allows both ways of water provision to flourish.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: My argument here is that the hybrid relations produce internally instead of external to the public utility system. The habitat is the cost, but also the impact of deepening financial relation and a municipalization and heavyity of water supplies create speculative actions not only in water sectors, but also in line acquisition, which cut across urban and well specialities.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: And further I would need to rethink on how inequality may be purchased, not only as material infrastructural differentiation between the rich and the poor, but also subsequently, as the outcome of financial relations, their entail in network and no network water supply.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: Yeah, I guess. thank you. I.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: If you have any questions I'll be happy to answer.

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Thank you.

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Okay, thank you. Washu. is there anyone has any quick question right now? Otherwise you proceed to the next one.

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Yeah. So

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please keep on being there. We would have a discussion after everyone present. So yes.

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okay. So if you stop sharing. My.

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okay. yes.

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okay, so Sedishna is a second presenter. Yes, 15 min. Thank you.

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Good afternoon, everybody.

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it's very nice to be here, and you saw the first paper in the first session today, which is also actually part of the same project.

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this paper that we are presenting is actually kind of the larger conceptual framing that we're doing out of the project adaptation adoption and adaptation in infrastructure assemblages. It's part of a project that we've been involved with. with the several partners across It's a Ukri funded project, and we have

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like 5 research sites from Nana, from Zimbabwe, South Africa, Sri Lanka, as well as in India. Bangalore is our site in India.

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and you heard from the same neighborhood actually earlier in the paper that was surely presented. But the the the call itself a sort of

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it's called rethinking the offbrid city. And the way it was presented is that the reality, the everyday infrastructure reality that people experience in many parts of the world

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is not set within sort of that gridded imagination that often animates infrastructure, narratives, policy making investment flows, etc.

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So what if we sort of take that as a granted that the off-grid city is a reality? And then within that, how do we sort of rethink that what does that everyday reality look like?

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So, coming with that kind of a provocation, the research project is really trying to reimagine what infrastructure means in such contexts, you know, when it is rarely experienced in the way in passage by planners as the sort of a centralized gridded network, and as a progressive realization, you know. So central area has the network. And then very urban areas would have a progressive realization of a coverage of a certain kind of a pipe network.

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and eventually all the gaps in the city would be met through a formal city-wide grid.

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But when that is not the reality.

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then we've sort of shifted this conceptual frame in this project to kind of take infrastructure assemblages very seriously, and the reason why and assemblages have been written about a lot. And right now there's kind of a little bit of a fad.

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Especially in urban studies, where it seems to be applied to a lot of context. But when we sort of saw the empirical evidence that we were finding in Bangalore assemblages really sort of appeal to us, because it shifts the point of view from the pipes

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to how those pipes are actually getting animated in the everyday life.

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What are the processes? What are the people? What are the humans. What are the non-humans? What are the politics? What are the ecological significances that are, you know, associated with animating the flows in those pipes, etc.? Because also the reality of it is that pipes do not ensure provisioning.

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There may be a physical pipe, but there may not actually be any kind of a flow within that pipe. So if you take that as the starting point, then infrastructure assemblages.

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you know, sort of unpacking how that pipe is getting animated, and when the pipe is not animated, what kind of arrangements are sort of coming in place to sort of replace the pipe, to augment the pipe to supplement the pipe.

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Those are sort of the object of inquiry of taking this kind of a conceptual frame. So these are, I mean, and so sort of going back to that assemblage theory and the way it has been conceptualized, the multiple arrangements of infrastructure access, determined not only by physical infrastructure.

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but the social, ecological and the political relationships and ideologies operating and influencing access at multiple city scale. So not only at sort of a centralized large city scale, but also the neighborhood scale, also at the regional scale. And so sort of really looking at this as sort of a multi-cular question.

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we have looked at sort of these 5 types of infrastructure assemblages, energy, water, sanitation, transport, and communication. As a part of this project I will be focusing a little bit more on sort of the aspects of water in the presentation today.

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just to give you a quick view. This is the neighborhood that we worked in, and you know, looking at it from sort of the Government narrative. You would call this a low-income neighborhood, but within this neighborhood itself there is a lot of gradation of socio-economic characteristics. The the the southern part of this schematic that you see is higher ground.

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It's lower ground towards the railway line, which also means that even sort of the grid itself is differentiated. So there's not enough water that comes through the city grid. And so the households that are there on the higher level ground, actually get access to it much quicker and much better and greater quantities, because they also put pumps directly onto the main pipe. And so they stuck the water out from the system.

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and by the time it reaches sort of the lower ground that the the pipes basically have just air in them. So there's no, there's no flow anymore. Also, within this area is a lot of sort of self-constructed housing. But that box that you see in the middle is also a government project, a government slum resettlement colony, which, as you would expect that as a government project, would have had infrastructure built into it. But there are also lots of political sort of negotiations, not only in terms of

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you know what they are.

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you know what they what they have a right to as a part of a government housing project, but also the kind of

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the differences that are there between government departments and the things that they can't agree on. That also leads to a very differentiated kind of a supply that actually gets to this slum resettle. So these are all parts of things that we have covered some of this you've already heard in the earlier presentation. But I'm just going to give a context.

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There is a grid, off-grid kind of a spectrum that we are looking at, and just to kind of explain what that is. The grid is includes a city-level grid which is drawing water from the river cavity, which is about 30 kilometers away from the city. It's usually you know, sort of the the filtered, treated water that comes through the city grid.

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There are also local micro grids which are Borewell and groundwater-based, and then there are many sort of off-grid or non-piped kind of

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access to water. There are water tankers which fill at the various lakes that are there across Spanglore. So much of this is not just informal. I I kind of don't like that word, because it takes everything that is not formal, and puts it into a large bucket. But to actually say that some of it is actually

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 it's unlawful, because that extraction of water that's happening. from the lake is not just unregulated, but extractive to a point of actually destroying the like ecosystem itself.

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Then there are water atms which are basically drawing groundwater, and then there is a rivers, osmosis kind of a machine which makes it again possible to drink that water, because the groundwater quality is very poor, and then there are various, and while these are sort of these have networks of

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private contractors. you know, local fixers in the systems of the water tankers and water atiums as well as you know, community organizations and religious organizations that are involved in these processes. But then there's also wells and water storage that every household sort of builds as a part of their housing. infrastructure as well.

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And

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and across this and this, which I talked about a lot more. So I will not go into too much. But there are different networks of provisioning and repair that are associated with these different kinds of grids and off grids. At. There are city level authorities. There are local level systems. And there are plumbers, engineers. There are local leaders. There are religious organizations like, I said, many technicians which are involved.

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Now, the the what I want to kind of start with a little bit is, you know, like the framing that we did for this as well. The infrastructure, like I said, in cities of the global South is rarely experienced in ways in massage by planners as the progressive realization of access to a formal city wide grid.

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Moreover, the splinching of urban infrastructure, network, splintering urbanism is a frame that many of us have used

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the splinching urbanism kind of marks. an idea that there was a network, and then it splinters as it grows.

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But for a lot of these cities there was no hole. To begin with, the splintering doesn't occur. It is an assemblage. It is an accretion of smaller networks into a larger network. And so we actually want to kind of like, you know, push this frame of splintering a little bit further, and say, it's not a splintering, it is actually a much more of an agglomeration and accretion over time, and that temporality is very important.

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But this kind of this movement that happens is the result of historically fractured incremental, exclusionary, and politically structured processes of infrastructure, great creation, repair and pricing. It is not a break from a previously gridded past, caused by rapid population, growth and or

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pedi urban outfits for socially and economically marginalized urban residents. Infrastructure has has historically been engendered through assemblages, multiple supply, access, repair and pricing arrangements which are determined not only by physical availability of types of networks and formal information systems of subscriptions and eligibility, but also the social, ecological, and political relationships that make access possible at multiple scales.

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So one of the first things that we're trying to push with. This assemblage, like, I said, is to take the the importance away from the pipes themselves. But to the humans and the non-humans that are part of this

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and as assemblage sort of pushes this thing as to think about this instrumental co-functioning nexus that comes together of human and non-human actors in certain juxtapositions of history and of place

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to make a certain outcome possible. So these are not necessarily, and to respond to one of the questions that came in the earlier thing. These are not necessarily long legacies of community networks that we're talking about. These are also instrumentally leveraged community networks that come together in that moment

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to address a lack or a gap that is there. Yeah. So of course, it draws on networks. But we can't actually romanticize it as some sort of like all pervading existing community networks that can always be sort of you know the the fall back when the formal systems don't work. I think there is. There is. There is a bit of a gap between those 2.

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So we did part of this kind of a mapping where we kind of done the spectrum of the grid to the off-grid, but also sort of broken this into.

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you know. You see these little these little storage. kind of sketches that are there. Next to each one of these systems that each one of these graded or off-grid systems also requires the household than to create their own infrastructure. To be able to, you know. So have a conversation with that credit or off-grid system. So this is also something that has to be actively participated in.

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We've also sort of gone into how these systems are differentiated spatially across the neighborhood. What are some of the different kinds of delivery and materiality. differentiations that are happening across the neighborhood. we have a paper coming out, so

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I'm not going to go into all the details here, but also this kind of nexus of actors that then changes for each one of these types of bridges and off-grid networks, even in a small neighborhood. It's about 45,000 people who are living in this area, and how that sort of shifts and changes.

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Now we want to push the assemblage frame a little bit more to kind of talk a little bit more about this.

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that it is a. There is a politics to infrastructure. There is a certain agency to infrastructure. There is also. And again, to kind of take

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what side is sort of view. It's not just agency. Instead of the romanticized you know, sense of the word, but it's also a coping. When you're not getting water, then you have to cope. You have to find other means. You need to have redundancy and systems and multiplicity of systems to move between different kinds of provision arrangements, to be able to get your water.

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What this is is not a solution. In some ways it is how it works, but it also means that it creates a gender time. Poverty, which is a lot of that burden is on women to make sure that, and that means that some days they don't go to work. Some days the child is late to school some days. You know the cooking is you know, done in ways that you know have to make do with the schedule that this kind of an infrastructure cycle is put on it.

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And so we want to push this frame of assemblage a little bit more to kind of pick up on these nuances through this terminology of adoption and adaptation.

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And what we are trying to do with this to adoption is one of the is to say that the grid is in the imagination of a technical imagination

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 of the grid, as being some sort of a two-dimensional coverage that covers the city, forgets that a lot of grids come to neighborhoods, especially low-income neighborhoods

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after significant social mobilisations and protests. So this neighbourhood is no different. The reason they are located. There are upscale neighbourhoods all around it. But the way that this neighbourhood got access to water was because of a lot of social mobilisation. Certain political leaders who took a very central kind of a position, some of that that became part of political parties which are national political parties. And

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you know that translation across skills which make this possible. And so we have, like a whole section about how protest social organizations at one level. But also these negotiations between neighbors when the water comes. Who has the water pump? Everybody can't afford it, and so you use yours, and then you give it to your neighbor, who you have a good relationship. So the time poverty that I'm talking about is also something that people have to constantly work towards. If you don't keep good relations with your neighbors

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in the time of need. No one's going to come forward. And so it's also something that I'm not necessarily saying that

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it's bad. It creates a certain kind of you know, a community in that area. But then there are also migrants who are coming into the city looking for work, who are not part of this community. And so within marginalization, you have other sort of, you know, intersections of marginalization for newer people who don't share those networks.

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So that's what one of the ways in which, okay, so I'm just going to like show you some of the stuff. So one of the ways in telling this story that we understand is that the consolidation of infrastructure is often told in this linear way. There was no infrastructure. The grid came, and you know that it's great. But in telling the story through this grid, off-grid, and assemblage frame, what we get is a temporality like this.

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But you realize where there is one access which is time. But then there is also this axis between gr and off grid. And so you don't see this progression from the off-grid to the grid. But the scoping that is sort of, you know, trans. Moving back and forth across the grid and offput spectrum because there is a coping, because there is this act of supplementality that is going into having this redundancy in infrastructure systems. 250

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adaptation is also something that we see a lot that it cannot happen without people taking a very active role in the materiality of how this happens. Repair is a very important part of what we're talking about. Assemblage's adaptation.

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We've also sort of done. like, I said, that there is a sort of a gradation across this thing we've done. A mapping of how the spatiality, like temporality, is one access for spatiality also introduces a whole other access of understanding assemblages, and so that I end with this.

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and this is the conclusion. The human and non-human history of infrastructure assemblages are there in this neighborhood. Poor functioning occurs across cycles of daily use seasonal scarcities, material life cycles of repair institution and non-institutional cycles of constructing new infrastructure systems.

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These are different time cycles. These are generational cycles of the daily cycles. It provides the whole sex spectrum, and these geographies of difference that persist so infrastructure assemblages, highlight these transfers, and logic as Teresa Caldera has called it of instrumentality in situations where pipes do not guarantee provisioning, but they are subject to structuring that recreates and amplifies existing patterns of social and economic marginalization.

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And so it is what it is now. But it just definitely needs more.

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Thank you so much.

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Okay, so thank you so much. Sedition. I think we'll proceed to

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Merrick. Yeah.

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thank you. 15 min, please.

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Hello. Good evening, everyone.

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So today I will talk about a a follow up small follow-up paper of my Phd. Earlier Ph. D. Work on the Japanese, the neighborhood associations. Actually, my, my Phd. Was not about neighborhood associations in particular. It was about the change of a neighborhood in Osaka, in Japan.

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But during my Phd. Work I got emoted a lot with neighbourhood associations. So please consider this as a small follow up work that is particularly focusing on Japanese neighborhood associations, and I look at them through the land of social infrastructure this time.

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So I propose that Japanese neighborhood associations are an example of social infrastructure at the neighbourhood level in Japanese cities, because they enable interactions and active participation of residents, of all aids at different scales of events ranging from small groups to associations, and larger, like city level, or even a larger level of

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events.

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And they are called multiple names, so it can get a bit confusing. Sometimes the the most common ones are juice. Chikai and cho nikai chi chi Kai is like a Get drink association. Jichi is South Government. That's why I consider them as embedding democracy on the ground. At the same time

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I have published about my earlier Phd. Work in several venues. The paper in the city and coming to was mostly focusing on the empirical aspect, and a recently edited volume by Toshio, Mizuichi, and others.

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entitled Diversity of Urban Inclusivity. There I focused more on the literature part of my Phd. Work, but at that time, as I said, my Phd. Utilised the concept of gentrification and urban chains. So it was a little bit different.

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So when we look at the earlier work on Japanese neighborhood associations, we can find both in English and in Japanese.

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Interestingly, the English work goes as back as 1940 s. 19 fifties, especially with the workers of anthropologists, ethnographers. And we see more Japanese work after 2 thousands, for example, but most of these earlier work they

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mit Ctl and commonly focus on the functions of these Japanese neighborhood associations, starting with the social and cultural functions of them, but not limited to these 2 functions, but having also, for example, political functions and environmental functions, 150,

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and the official function could be, for example, a dissemination of information coming from the local government to the neighbourhood level. Social cultural functions are more related to the organisation of public events in the neighborhood, such as festivals, for example, or sports, events and environmental functions can be bought like cleaning the neighborhood, really

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cleaning the parks in the neighbourhood, or I also joined to a graffiti cleaning with the Neighbourhood Association members, but it can also be related to preparations for disasters. This is a very important function of neighborhood associations in Japan, actually.

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Yet most of these earlier work also state that they are having challenges in terms of continuity into the future as organizations both due to the increasing neoliberalism in urban life, but also other particular factors that I will talk about later that are more particular to Japan.

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Here I just put a very simple. I'm sorry I'm a sociologist, not a geographer, so I'm not good with Max, just to show you the 7 main districts of Japan. Starting from Hokkaido in the north and going to Kuusho in the south, so mainly, there are 7 main districts.

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I showed this because of the next slide, which is mostly in Japanese. Sorry for that, too, but I tried to translate it a little bit. This is a table that I borrowed from Hidaca's paper

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from last year. He is just showing the change of the number of these. Japanese neighborhood associations at city block level. Throughout the those 7 districts of Japan

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that I showed in the previous map, and in what it shows actually is that the number of these neighborhood associations were only increasing in the canto and kinky regions of Japan. Kanto is where Tokyo is located, and Chinky is where Osaka is located, and throughout the rest of the country they were decreasing in number. He compared the years of 2,008 and 2,000

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20, I think. Yet, although his table shows that they were increasing in canto and kink regions, I also came across

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newspaper article from Asah. He Shimbun, as a newspaper that was published in April of this year, and it says that only focusing on on Tokyo In Tokyo the number of these neighborhood associations actually decreased for the last 6 years about 144

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mit. Ctl. And so exact number, I remember. So it's even decreasing in Tokyo, I think the difference is is related to the years that they compare. So so in general, we can say that they are decreasing in numbers 2

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and another paper by apple bomb, states that he tells more about the level of cohesion of these neighbourhood associations, and he says that the ones in semi rural areas of Japan and the ones in old neighborhoods. In cities they are more cohesive and stronger in terms of relationships. One

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erez agmoni. But the newer commuter areas of Japanese cities, such as suburban areas, they are less cohesive, and they have more problems in terms of 150

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like internal social relationships.

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This is just a slide about the general urban context about concerning the globe, but also Japan. Japan. Japan is highly urbanized, but it's also aging, as you know, the

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graph on the right side is showing that it is an aging population, and it has shrinking cities at the same time. So these, these are the social issues going around in Japan. So all these kind of factors create, of course, pressure on natural resources, but also on urban infrastructure and services giving rise to urban sustainability issues.

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And most of the recent urban literature is trying to deal with such kind of sustainability issues and icons. Their social infrastructure as one of the like solution suggestions, recent solution suggestions.

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And in this small paper I asked whether we could consider Japanese neighborhood associations as social infrastructure. And if so, why.

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so? I will try to only go briefly over the social infrastructure. Literature, then talk a little bit more about the Japanese Neighborhood Association literature in English in particular, and I will try to back up my own argument that we can actually consider them as social infrastructure with my Phd empirical data.

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So I will go briefly over this, because I think you all know about social infrastructures. They are considered, not social capital. Social capital is a separate concept, but they are a precondition for social capital according to clean amber, and if we don't have so much infrastructure, what we have instead is social isolation of urban residents, and they can be

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like multiple things. When I checked for examples of social infrastructure, it's a little bit confusing, actually, because it has a wide range like it can be tangible things, but intangible things, for example, that amandate and give examples such as public parks, but also public health, education, and even democracy. So it's again a very wide concept, I think, and

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it is stated to avoid the classical decodomies, some classical urban dichotomy, dichotomies, such as a public space or private space or at the bottom. I also mentioned about top, down or bottom up

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processes so social infrastructure, according to the authors that I read can avoid such classical decatomies and can combine these kind of different areas depending on the

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and in the pandemic, for example, we see that physical infrastructures which the earlier presenters mostly talked about can complement our social infrastructure, and we also see that social infrastructure is very much about social service accessibility for urban residents.

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Now we come back again to Japanese neighborhood associations. We see that they are actually voluntary.

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mainly voluntary local associations, meetings, and gatherings organized by the residents of Japanese villages or parts of cities for the purposes of friendship, promotion of common interests, and local, serve government, and Theodore best, or defined them as key institutions in the formal structure of many Japanese neighborhoods.

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The history goes back

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to as far as sixteenth century, but I think they were more formalized and gained their current structure more during the twentieth century, when they started to have these neighborhood associations in all

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Erez

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united neighborhood associations.

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they were briefly like abolished during the Us. Army administration. But then, after the 1970 S. We see that the Japanese Government promoted them again, especially for the disaster prevention prevention function.

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Yet some of the authors criticize

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also these associations, stating that they are actually applying friendly authoritarianism at the neighborhood level, or Nishimoto says that they are means of horizontal or soft social control. And best. Or again, mansions about some age or gender-related hierarchy in these neighborhood associations.

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Yet from based on my own Phd work, I actually

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consider them Important, significant for the social life in Japanese neighborhoods, and because they managed to reach out to vulnerable local residents in the neighborhood, such as the elderly mothers with young children, for example.

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And they create opportunities for Social participation of the neighborhood residents, their interaction, knowledge sharing and receiving care especially for the elderly population.

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and they, as I said, organise regular events and activities which is like which prevents people's social isolation, which is important for social infrastructure, definition, and also vocalism. Maybe so. They can also attend some events at their neighbourhood during their free times

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and overall. I can say that they are improving the collective public life in cities by creating social infrastructure. I won't go over all the paragraph on the right side. It's just giving some examples of their branches under the Neighborhood Association. So it their organizational structure. It has many branches targeting particular populations of the neighborhood, such as one

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as I said the woman or the elder, the children. They have such sub-branks that particularly may make activities for those populations actually.

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And as for conclusion, I suggest that I propose that we can consider Japanese neighborhood associations as a bottom-up social infrastructure that enhances urban citizens daily lives and strengthening democracy from the ground. Yet, as I said, they are having the children of continuity or sustainability because of they are decreasing both number of their the number of the associations, but also part spatial levels

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mit Ctl, and are decreasing, although officially, it's the stated to be around. I think 70% that that part spates that I fear here from the ground. From the associations that I'm involved in Osaka, I heard that it's mostly around 40% people participating, actually participating.

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So they they have this challenge

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in terms of non-partisan and aging board members and aging volunteers who are not replaced by newcomers to the Association.

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Yet there should be some kind of solution, in my opinion, to keep them going because they are really indispensable social infrastructure for the whole Japanese society.

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And as I have some time more time left, currently, I'm actually involved in another project. So this is more about gender-based urban soldered practices in Japan. What I'm currently doing as a research project

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trying to combine the concepts of Jan Rant Commons. This actually, this project I initiated also based on my Phd. Work observations where I observed that women are actually very active in those Japanese neighbourhood associations, although Japan is not known for good levels of gender equality. Actually, when you look at the grant

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we see that they are actually, women are actually doing a lot of work at the neighborhood level through these Japanese neighborhood associations. That's why. Now, I'm particularly in my current research. I focus on what women are doing in terms of urban solderty practices. Yeah.

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thank you for listening.

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It's 1 one. Yeah, they ready to go. Okay, so it's Marina. Joseph.

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Yeah, thank you. Murray.

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So you go online to join Marina Joseph.

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Hello, Kaye!

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Marina Joseph: Yes, I can hear you. Can you hear me?

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Yes, we can hear you.

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Okay, great. So you can begin 15 min, please

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the

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we can't. We can't see your presentation just yet. Maybe try. Try and stop sharing and try again.

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okay, yeah.

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Marina Joseph: Okay. Good. thank you. Everyone. Thank you to the presenters before me. good evening. My name is Marina. I'm the associate director at a nonprofit organization for Yva in India.

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Marina Joseph: The way I'm presenting today is to a third with your colleagues in that. To say, however, I'll be presenting today.

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Marina Joseph: and we'll be discussing the work that you are has undertaken over almost 2 decades, focusing on planning interventions with various open work communities in different cities in India.

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Marina Joseph: to begin with, just an introduction. Of course, I know there are many

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Marina Joseph: planners and academics in in the audience. Suppose we know planning, and the global South is highly contested. And in India, if we look at planning, one has seen an evolution in planning practice, since independence, from a very centralized method of planning to a more localized method, and also a lot of reach, a acknowledgment that if plans are made. Plans also need to acknowledge regional differences, etc.,

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Marina Joseph: and while in general planning does attempt to create order and regulate the over. if one looks at the growing number of cities today and the challenges we face in the open. One does see more visible failures than successes of planning.

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Marina Joseph: and through the work we and the interventions that we have been involved with, we are arguing that, in order for planning to be successful.

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Marina Joseph: acknowledging the claims of the most marginalized in the planning process. That is, the claims of the urban port of the city. One can actually see successes in the entire planning process.

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Marina Joseph: Very often these teams of the who are the marginalized very basic they. They are on basic rights. Often the right to housing social amenities, infrastructure the right to livelihood spaces.

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Marina Joseph: and they have to be negotiated constantly through the planning process. But, however, in the long run, what this articulation of what this negotiation is actually doing is demanding how plans can ensure justice in cities in the long run.

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Marina Joseph: So in that sense, this paper does look at planning that goes beyond traditional regulation forms of planning. what looks at planning to ensure the recognition, redistribution and encounter in urban spaces. And this draws from

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Marina Joseph: the the work of Finch and Eisen, that where they talk about the 3 social logic, of of of local planning efforts which are redistribution, to which attempts are need to plan for redress a lot of disadvantage in cities.

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Marina Joseph: recognition through which efforts are made to define attributes of groups so that their needs can be met and encounter, so that there's actual social interaction between different groups for increase solidarity. So we use this framework to also analyze the work that has taken place over the last couple of years around, planning with them, with the marginalized

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Marina Joseph: a little bit of a background. While some of these examples might seem as micro-politics. And you know localized examples. We do feel that this practice gives some insight into the ways in which different forms of planning can be made successful in an incremental manner. So these are experiences from around 8 cities in India, and beginning in the early 2 thousands

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Marina Joseph: some of the cases. Look at the integration of street vendors. Who are. They are either called either of interventions with regards to people's participation in master plan, development, plan revisions that take place typically every 2 decades in Indian cities.

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Marina Joseph: Then how there has been negotiations with local governments during the planning process to ensure provisional services. These can be childcare centers, working women's hostels, homeless shelters, etc., which were earlier not included in the city plan.

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Marina Joseph: and also looking at planning research that looks at the inclusion of informal housing in urban areas.

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Marina Joseph: and one of the aims of this work has been to develop new standards for the informal, because very often, this form of housing or livelihood

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Marina Joseph: is not is not acknowledged in the city. They either considered informal, unrecognized, illegal, and hence planning itself doesn't happen for them. It isn't claiming that planning happens for them. So the first case is the work that we have done in Nala Zapora, which is an area in it's part of the city of Assign Maharashtra and Western India.

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Marina Joseph: This was a study done. It was actually a pioneering effort at that time where whereby it looked at. How do you integrate street vendors that are largely considered a nuisance to public transfer to pedestrians, etc.? How do planners and street vendors together develop

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Marina Joseph: adequate standards for integrating vendors along both standards for national markets? And how do you integrate free pending as a part of a city plan.

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Marina Joseph: and this is very crucial, because if you look at the statistics today, the Indian economy is largely informal. Street vendors from a very big part of cities itself. They're very integral part of cities. And what this study did was, it went on to inform the national policy of street vendors in 2,009, and in 2,014, when the treatment was act was implemented.

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Marina Joseph: one of the recommendations from the study was actually incorporated that mandated a 2% reservation of land and all master plans in India. So this has become something that is now legally enforced. And it's one thing that it's maybe not being implemented the way it should be. But

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Marina Joseph: this was a case of ensuring that street vending is recognized. Vendors are recognized as a livelihood force, and there is a redistribution of land along roads, along transportation networks.

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Marina Joseph: such that the so-called informal is also integrated into the formal infrastructure network in the city.

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Marina Joseph: The next case is a couple of people's campaigns. So I like, I mentioned earlier, mostly development plans in India are revised every 2 decades. So whether it was the By Development Plan, the Delhi Master Plan or the Navy my development plan. These campaigns have taken place between 2,014 and 2,022 in these cities, and

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Marina Joseph: these campaigns have had at the core of them the belief that citizens, especially the marginalized, especially those living in the open world settlements, the informal workers, etc. Must participate in in planning the city, else they will be left out if their voices are not word.

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Marina Joseph: And what this has shown is that for in Mumbai, for example, we saw that

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Marina Joseph: there was an acknowledgment of the need to plan for slums. There was a need to plan for different kinds of infrastructure, whether it was open spaces crashes, homeless shelters sorting centers for waste management. These were things that were earlier, not considered in the plan, but through a complete participation of people and negotiation with the local authority. Some of these recommendations were finally also included within the city plan.

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Marina Joseph: If you look at the Navy Mobile Citizens campaign now, remember, is a plan city. It was actually one of India's few plan cities and very celebrated as well. but over the last 30 years since the city has developed

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Marina Joseph: around 18% of the city currently lives in informal settlements of sums. So the campaign was really focused on demanding the integration of housing for people living in these settlements within a plan city, because the city had really unfolded in the in ways image planners had not seen.

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Marina Joseph: So of course, we are now in the process of actually seeing whether those you know whether the negotiation and those demands, etc., going to be incorporated. But it has. It does become a very powerful force for citizens to believe that they have a right to participate in their city in the way their city is made, because, their claim is, we have built this plan city, and now we need a place to live. We can't forever live in informal housing.

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Marina Joseph: So it does become a very powerful medium to challenge the existing ways of planning a city, as well as negotiating with the local authority to make them accept the need to incorporate this form of this form of living and work in the city as well

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Marina Joseph: to

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Marina Joseph: While these campaigns have been very powerful they have also shown that the causes of poverty and vulnerability are also linked to land use planning, and there have been many civil society organizations in India that have been involved in these campaigns that have all believed that it is very necessary for citizen participation to actually have a million for planning process.

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Marina Joseph: The third case, the third and final case that I'll be talking about is the research that we have done again. This was, some of these studies were done in partnership with ihs where we looked at, how do? How do master plans in general engage with slums? So this was done in 4 cities, actually.

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Marina Joseph: and while cities are very diverse. They have their very diverse histories. some, some of some are, you know, not

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Marina Joseph: not planned cities. In that sense. They have been called organically, but what we found was in the way in which the plan addresses informal housing or some housing

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Marina Joseph: is that they are very common. One is that there's a homogenization of different kinds of settlements of the open. For so, whether these are urban villages or these are recognized, recognized by the local government not recognized. There are different type policies of. They are all categorized as one form

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Marina Joseph: of either slum housing or residential, and which sort of override what they, the existing reality is. The other thing is, many of these cities have their local laws on Daniel. So some of these sounds may actually have some form of protection of Kenya, but the plan somehow seems to overnight it.

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Marina Joseph: and one very important concern is the population projection on the number of slums that actually inform. There is all there has been a tradition of under counting the number of settlements that exist in the city, and somehow this under counting is what informs the final plan, and due to which many settlements also get left out, and then, of course, face the threat of post evictions.

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Marina Joseph: So what these studies did was that it really illustrated the need for a very granular approach to understand and recognize various forms of housing, and this is actually the first step to ensure some form of Housing justice in the city.

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Marina Joseph: Oh, and what it can do. Once housing different forms of housing are acknowledged, that is, ground level research. There is a lot of

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Marina Joseph: There is a detailed plan that's made specifically for these settlements. One can see that it not just addresses the housing issue, but it also addresses larger questions of social economic inequalities in the city, because it is very often socio-economic inequalities are linked to housing, if not the only cause of socioeconomic inequalities.

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Marina Joseph: So just a few propositions that, you know we drawn, based on this based on our work over the last couple of years. When we look at planning and the interventions that have been done.

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Marina Joseph: one is very often the whole rights dispos. You know it's articulated within law and policy. But it's articulation with planning is fairly limited.

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Marina Joseph: And these cases that I just presented showcase ways and which rights can be articulated, and the 3 social logics. Whether it is redistribution, recognition, or encounter, they useful to draw attention to ways in which they' to the city can be claimed.

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Marina Joseph: The second proposition is the link between poverty and land use planning offered unseen, but it exists, and it is only through people's participation, and people in planning and people being at the center of planning in which

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Marina Joseph: socially the quality can be reduced, and some form of justice can be seen within planning practice. The the third is that participation in planning, of course, though not legally mandated at every step of the way, it is an inherently political process, while often planning is seen as an inherently technocratic process.

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Marina Joseph: But the people's campaigns through which we have been bought off show is that it is possible for the technocratic ways of planning to meet people's participation, but also acknowledged that

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Marina Joseph: planning people's participation and planning should be recognized as all right and should be encouraged by local governments to actually see what successful planning can then result in

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Marina Joseph: the last point to be made here is again coming back to the social obligation of planning

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Marina Joseph: that planning must inherently try to improve and not exclude, because that's often what ends up, how our planning ends up doing. It ends up excluding a large part of the city that often whose housing and livelihoods are not considered to be fit to be within the urban.

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Marina Joseph: And it's through this in understanding that social planning has a social obligation that there is when the technical and social political realities are come in contact with each other. We understand that through sustained investment, in planning, through rigorous research, public education, and participation, one can ensure that the social obligation of planning can be met.

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Marina Joseph: Thank you. That's it.

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Thank you so much, Marina. I think it's time for us to have questions and discussions.

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so all the presenters should kindly come here, and then we would collect all the questions.

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any questions.

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Thank you for your presentations. I have a question from a marriage.

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So you mentioned that these neighborhood associations are struggling to attract young people.

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So what are what do you think are some of the reasons, and also does the sort of

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age-based hierarchy within those organizations have something to do with it, and are they trying to reinvent themselves in some ways?

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Thank you for your question. I think the main factor of young people not attending is that they are actually really busy working. And they really work hard in Japan, as you might

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all know. That's the basic reason most of the people only have, like Monday holiday for for the weekend on that Monday they don't prefer like Italian neighborhood events, but just doing some family kind of

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tinks.

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That's the basic reason, actually. And they also have this, I think, idea. That's neighborhood associations and all related activities like are concerning the elderly members of the neighborhood, so they don't feel feel probably so much belonging. But there are some exceptions, such as young mothers

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with small children. They they attend more like taking kid, having those care obligations. There are some activities directly targeting them, like weekly meetings for mothers with small children. They get her in the Neighborhood Association, so they might attend more

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in general and about the age based structure of the neighborhood associations. I think it's not really changing, or they are doing anything in particular to change it.

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But it's all going as it is, so it's a bit difficult to understand, but they are not trying to change anything, but maybe from the newspaper art this morning they are trying to get rid of all their obligations towards the local government. I think they are a bit overwhelmed by their obligations for the local government

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erez agmoni. So they need to get rid of some of them. It is, I think, in terms of change to be able to continue with their existing number of participants. That's all I know. Thank you. 101.

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Thank you. First question for Wau. I understand that Jakarta's a piping rate. I think it's about 60% maximum.

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So I was wondering if what is the institutional barriers to extend the piping up to 100? Is it because of the colonial legacy, or is there any like a political economy of water in Jakarta?

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A second question for Eric. Yes, the the notion of social infrastructure is always interesting, and I think every infrastructure is always in our socio-economic. There's always there's a social part. And there's a technical part, and they're always. And I intertwine. But my question is to what extent that these social infrastructures play a role in maintaining social cohesion. Or probably it is the social cohesion that actually maintains this. It's also for cycle. So what do you think about that? Thank you.

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Yeah.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti:  yeah. thank you for your question, although I cannot see you hear from here. But yeah, there is.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: The reason why I think that there are many, many reasons behind why we haven't reached 100% surface in. It's a urban area.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: But one of the challenge was that it needs a big big water source to to supply to the population and so to mobilize that water source.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: There are currently 3 Ppp projects under underway. So one is supplying water from a new dam in the back, which is like West like 30 kilometers away. And then there are 2 more water supply system from the East, from the old dam in Japanese. So But bringing those water is not the only issue here, because, like I said in my presentation.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: the local connections, like the household connection, that they also have to be there for the water to to get into the houses right to to to get to be consumed by people. So their investment in both levels the investment in in supplying in providing the water water source into the water treatment plan. And there needs also another investment at the local level at this point. Now.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: people are discussing about the end of privatization in Jakarta which has already been going since 20 5 years. now it it's ended. But there are a municipalization apparently faced another, you know, challenges, because,

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: apparently

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: be dams that the local water utilities are not.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: I will to mobilize investment, to extend what is supply because they're Terry for not very competitive. That is also one thing that he just private investment to come in because they don't see any revenue, you know, a generation here. So then, that's why governments need to mobilize support, such as guarantees and and other kind of you know, subsidies and funding to make sure that the project is

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: is feasible, and so that the private sector can come in. But all these things are are very complicated, and

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: it's not an easy process so I guess what we will see. I don't know. It's just like my my assumption from from doing conducting my field work. But I guess what we will see in the future is different. Attempts to first is to to mobilize investment to mobilize water and investment

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: but also at the same time trying to absorb this water at household level, which means.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: if it's not absorbed, that would be a risk The private sector cannot get the money, and I think that those will don't want that to happen. And so what it will be channel to the be consumers feature. They realize the the industries which will bring back to the questions of you know, how, how are we going to even reach the 100% surface. If all the water is there, being, you know, channel to the big the consumers like the real estate and industries. I think that's the answer.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you for the question about the reciprocity of social social cohesion and social infrastructure. I agree with your earlier command that all social infrastructure also is a physical element most of the time, and vice versa. In Japanese neighborhood associations. We can also speak of a physical infrastructure actually, because they usually what they call

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I come. They have a building in the neighbourhood where they organise all these activities, and there is usually one volunteer who is always at its reception on a daily basis from 9 to 5

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E. C.

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And there wouldn't be much of a social cohesion, because most people are only busy with their work anyway, so they don't spend so much time in the neighborhood. They use it more like pet towns. So they really they are the starting of the of that social cohesion in every aspect, as I said, showing care for the elderly. They have a person who is responsible, and

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called to Memoor Mimi coordinator. She

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erez agmoni makes phone calls to to the elderly who live alone in the neighborhood to check if they're doing okay, for example, on a regular basis, or one of the earlier presenters mentioned about ice on the street. I like change up to cops myself and 150

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erez agmoni for the children raising. They are also very supportive for young mothers and all those events, etc. So I think they they come as social infrastructure first, and social cohesion follows, thanks to them in the Japanese case. Otherwise it's all individualistic. It's a very individual society increasingly.

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And it's part of the earlier question. Actually one other reason I could think of afterwards. Young people, some of them considered as an invasion of privacy. Being a member there, they will follow all my private life, and they will know all about my house life, which is private. So they don't become a number. So that's another factory sector. Actually, thank you 250.

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thank you very much for all the presentations. for another question for Eric, but the neighborhood associations, because I was wondering whether there is ever kind of a competition or conflict with the local municipality governing bodies whatever, because some aspects of what you're presenting sound a bit like, booked in like one, is a Pelosi communism, where you can see, like the potential conflict with legal with local governments. Thank you.

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 I remember that some of the functions

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really duplicate each other with local government. So there might be some confusions in that respect.

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It has been some time that I did this study, so I don't remember the particulars of those conflicts, but I remember so some of my entire louis, Like mentioning about such duplications of tasks, but other than that, they actually cooperate in terms of money matters, especially because neighborhood associations receive some support subsidies from the local government as well for their activities, one

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and And the local government wants to reach up to the inhabitants of the neighborhoods to provide some information about any matter. They also ask for the neighborhood associations to to do that. So they cooperate more. Actually, in in my opinion. Yeah, 150

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any more questions.

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Hi, My question is for citation

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a very interesting presentation. I have a personal connection with the field that you chose.

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I did my master's dissertation in the this area a very interesting place.

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So congratulations for the presentation. My question is, yes. Some large theory does recognize the the agential potentials of human and non-human interactions. but what do you think about those? contexts where self provisioning of infrastructure are.

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say, repaired by the community is undesirable. say so? so so so much cleaning or sanitation works. So how do you think about? how do you conceptualize agency in such contexts?

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My second question is, there's this whole discourse and narrative around.

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and there are a lot of literature also around the corruption and wood banking, or

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that view this as a dereliction of State's role in infrastructure provisioning. which also kind of fails to recognize

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the grassroots, levels of people and communities. Engagement with you, you know lower level and politics

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and political authorities. So how do you critically view this literature or discourse of corruption?

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you. It's a very interesting question. So, and I totally take your point. I think assemblage has

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like. When it is sort of

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deployed, it often ends up being a descriptive category much more than an analytical category, which is more speaking to the kind of connections and the networks, and doesn't really take

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any kind of a normative stand towards in terms of like how that connection is kind of coming together. And in that kind of a two-dimensional reading of that it can come across a sort of a depoliticized

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to understand these networks on these connections.

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And I think what we are actually trying to push is that while it holds like really well as a

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as coming much closer to the infrastructure of the daily lives of actual provision, and how the actual provisioning is happening on the ground, it is not able to hold the politics. And so this this frame needs to be pushed further and actually be talked about in terms of. And so this is kind of in some ways the first push of

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unpacking the ideas of adoption and adaptation, and taking a temporal and a spatial lens to understand the kind of burdens and the kind of exacerbations of social and political inequalities that these kinds of methods of provisioning are.

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you know, they are filling the gap, but at the bare minimum, and in many cases actually exacerbating the problem. I am creating other kinds of issues that are coming out like, for example.

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the gender issues around work and childcare, and all of those those kept invisibleized even within the spring.

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So I take your point very seriously. I think it's just the beginning of sort of taking this kind of a frame, but pushing it much, much more.

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you know, through a political lens, to understand that assemblage is not the romantic answer to provisioning of services or the dereliction of the State infrastructure itself.

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but there are.

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there are invisible spaces within the state role of infrastructure. So I think it's it's kind of this.

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even in in a political process it's a phased approach, first to kind of make what is invisible, visible, and then also thinking about that. What else is not getting covered within that like to make that in that visibility? What else is becoming? Then you have to push for remedial. kind of measures that need to be taken so

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in in the, in the push towards understanding agency

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again, I mean, I'm stepping far back from saying that this is some sort of a romanticized

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idea of agency. It simply says people are doing things, and they are coping, and that needs to be acknowledged, but in acknowledging it. There are other things then, to be done. So point, I think. Very well taken. Thank you.

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Maybe just a little add-up question for me. I was also wondering on a theoretical level.

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You mentioned Cal data, for example, as a conceptual framework that is somehow connected to what you've been doing in the assemblage theory.

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I was wondering. Other people, Sylvie Jacqueline, for example, that is working on this delivery configuration concept that is also like including social and material aspects of infrastructure, production, or other ideas of like heterogeneous infrastructures that are also like dealing with this kind of things. How are they related to the concept that you've just presented one?

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Sure. So we actually just got a working paper out, which was on sort of the conceptual framing that we're dealing with. So a lot of the theories that you talked about, I think, are things that we have. So so we we're talking about hybridity. We're talking about the gridded, off-grid spectrum, the

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There's a whole set of things that we have sort of developed a dialogical sort of this thing. I'm also like this frame that I have picked for this particular paper is not something that holds across all our work and across all the locations. I think it is about.

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What is the question that you want to answer? And each one of these frames in some ways is more useful to, you know, engage with a particular kind of I mean, that entry point is useful to answer a particular kind of a question. So I I mean.

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I don't know if I'm really answering your question. I think this is a much longer conversation, but depending on what it is that you're trying to unpack that certain frames are more useful than others in that particular context. So I think it is just. It's question-driven rather than you know, sort of somehow holding the whole embeddedics under one particular conceptual frame itself. I don't know. That's possible.

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Yeah. So thank you.

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Can I ask one more?

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I I I one for Marina. we know you've been talking about plans quite a lot, and I think plans are really important artifacts, for, like the political process, but also all kind of social processes of like.

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yeah, bringing materialities also making them visible. I was wondering how, because you've been saying that citizens, and like all the grassroots. Initiatives have been largely neglected in the plans that are being done in the last decades.

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Is that changing, or is there a lot of pressure towards including them more. And how is how is policy reacting to this

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or the politics? More?

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Marina Joseph: I don't know if I've heard your full question. You were in too soft.

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Marina Joseph: But what you asking if there is an acknowledgment of people's participation in planning?

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Yeah, if if this is growing, or if the pressure that people are putting on policy reforms is growing. So how is this? Maybe changing? Is it changing for good? Or maybe not?

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Marina Joseph: Actually, I would say both. There is a a growing acknowledgment among even senior planners who we work with. that there needs to be formalized spaces for people's participations in plans.

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Marina Joseph: But at the same time there are growing number of people's campaigns around master Plan revisions, so I think it is taking place on both sides. However, there is still a resistance to actually include

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Marina Joseph: the suggestions, all the suggestions that people make, and fair enough, I mean, you know not if not, all demands will be met there it is changing. Things are changing, but I also often find that a few places in which maybe things are not changing at all. and maybe it'll take another decade or so, for

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Marina Joseph: for there to be an official, a formal acknowledgment of people's participation in planning revision for that, maybe to come out into legislation, for that matter, if that's what's going to make that real change.

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Marina Joseph: So there is an acknowledgment from a senior planners. There is also growing number of campaigns around master plan revisions, but yes, when final plans are sanctioned, one does do it still. See very regressive steps where you know non inclusion of settlements, non inclusion of informal workers, etc., that is still happening, and maybe it'll take a few more years for that complete acknowledgment to be there and see that it. That's what it takes for planning to actually be successful in an Indian city.

383
01:29:13.480 --> 01:29:14.380
Thank you.

384
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Yeah. With regards to my you made mention of. In fact, there is this

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and x and y kind of access that show the timeline between the upgrade period when people use boreholes and all that

386
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I would want to know whether at this moment, within the period we talked about, it's just

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the specific kind of water source they use, or there is an interplay of differing sources. Because, we are doing a similarity. And what I find out which is why it's interesting for me is that

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in a household they could reuse an upgrade as defined by you on grade and other sources of different types. So

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is that is it similar? Or it's kind of just the way you yeah. If you remember that the other illustration that I showed with the whole spectrum that went from what you gave this thing.

390
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All of those are in news right now. So

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there is a whole spectrum of graded to off-grid

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I mean, I would say, about 5 different systems are now in use, and that even that small neighborhood of 45,000 people, the timeline is more to show that when did a new grid or off-grid system enter sort of the the configuration. And so it's it's more and sort of an accretion. So now it's it's like this, plus this plus this plus this and that redundancy is very important, because as one breaks down or there isn't a supply, they move to another, or of those.

393
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the quality is not good, then to move to another. So this this mobility between different kinds of water systems is very key to how they're surviving right now.

394
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So all of it is there right now, like first illustration, which I'm happy to share. The presentation slides again.

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I had a general question. I would want to know except with it.

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Eric's case, where she made, I mean her emphasis is more on unions and associations.

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I would want to know how associations pressure groups, unions are formed, and how they are interlinked with the whole forms and systems, especially in terms of planning in terms of

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infrastructure. I look at allocation, because it looks like it wasn't really. Most of the presentation made me think

399
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more individualized. Or people actually come into groups to make these things happen. Yeah.

400
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there are. There are various kinds of groups there. So there is like, I said, that it's a 45,000 person neighborhood. a lot of it is lower cost as well. So there is a Dullet association that is very active.

401
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There is a women's group that is very active. There is, there are several political parties. There are 5 languages spoken in that amongst 45,000 people. So there are also, like these different histories of migration of people coming from Kamalan, who, and settling in Kanataka for work at different times. So these different waves of migration have also been associated with different community groups that have emerged.

402
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There are. So so there are. There are. There's Muslims, there's Hindus, they're Christians. So there are religion based community groups in that area as well. So you actually see.

403
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I mean, for an area that's small. The density of social organization is very strong. But at the same time, again, it is not equally available to everyone.

404
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Those social organizations then push

405
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for certain social groups more than others, and if you are a new migrant, then you are perhaps not part of any of the social organizations. So there has been sort of this local level groups, but then they also have like ties to political parties, which are, you know.

406
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standing in State elections and national elections. So there are those kinds of political mobilities as well.

407
01:33:31.480 --> 01:33:43.270
And then there are these intersections on caste and religion and language, which are also part of different kinds of social groups in that area. So very much so, they have been incredibly active.

408
01:33:47.350 --> 01:33:51.139
Yeah, this question was favor, but I don't know whether

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with regards to the planning, and you may respond to that.

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01:33:58.850 --> 01:34:02.030
Marina. What you yeah, Marina. Yes, Marina.

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I mean, that's not there

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Marina Joseph: for me. I didn't hear that question.

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01:34:13.940 --> 01:34:23.620
Ok, yeah, I want to know how pressure groups, associations, unions play the rules they play in issues of planning

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with regards to your keys.

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Marina Joseph: Okay, so often, it depends on the group themselves.

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Marina Joseph: So and very often receives. Not that these groups aren't in conflict with one another. So you may have, say,

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Marina Joseph: street vendors, unions that are demanding for spaces on roads. And you have maybe a taxi union or a rickshaw union that is demanding for parking in those very same spaces. So they do come together. But what campaigns end up doing is they do end up being a point of negotiation between these groups

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Marina Joseph: and that sort of enables them to then present something in a more unified voice, or to come to some sort of a mid ground when making their demands to the local government.

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Marina Joseph: So yeah, there is organizing between them. And somehow we've also seen that the plan, the time around which the plan is to released and there is to to submit your suggestions or objections to the local government. There is a lot of organizing that takes place, and people are willing to come together, especially during the Master Plan revision, knowing fully well that the decisions or the demands that they take right now will impact them and their livelihoods or their housing for the next 2 decades.

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Marina Joseph: So I don't know if that answers your question.

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Thank you. By you. Would you go next?

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: yeah. maybe I can explain about how. So there's this

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: coalition against prophetization. What a privatization in Jakarta was able to

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: cancel do Throughout their movement they they were successfully canceled the law for a water prophetization. And so at the moment. Now the law says that what it cannot be privatized.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: and That leaves the private sector only in the middle. So private sector cannot

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: cannot get the water cannot not extract water directly, and they cannot channel water to the to the household. What they can do is only in the middle. So somewhere, like, you know, building and operating what a plans or

427
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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: so, so it's very, very limited.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: space for a private investment here.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: but I guess there is so many negotiation happening right now, because this is still very, very recent. And so even with the makeup project for water supply in Jakata metropolitan area, I guess because, the impact is of the project is not realized yet. And so the impact is so it's not affect. it's not felt by the

430
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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: by the community. And so I think there's still a lot of negotiation, and how how this is going to how this is going to proceed, and later on, maybe also to negotiate on how?

431
01:37:24.580 --> 01:37:45.399
Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: so that it's going to be choose the impact, because, like the Ppp project, will rise with certainly rise to tariffs the water tariff, and that would certainly burden like the the community. The households level. So I guess it's many, many things are still ongoing, and and the extent that they can negotiate in the process is still and not clear. For now.

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Wahyu Kusuma Astuti: yeah, that's my answer. Thank you.

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Okay, thank you.

434
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And

435
01:37:55.650 --> 01:38:18.560
although it's a little bit different from the other cases in my study area. It wasn't so much between like neighborhood associations and other community organizations. As far as I observed it, it's more. It was more at the individual level, and it was based on like reciprocal exchange of, for example, teaching.

436
01:38:18.610 --> 01:38:28.550
If one of the women taught others Yoga on a weekly basis. Another woman who attended to Theoga lessons taught them English.

437
01:38:28.570 --> 01:38:58.009
So a small group again on a weekly basis, another woman attending both taught others tea ceremonies, for. So it's more like reciprocal exchange of teaching for very small amounts of money. They still paid each other but very small amounts, but in other neighborhoods which I didn't study, but I observed by attending some walking tour star and hearing from my professors.

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There is a neighborhood called Missionary in Osaka, for example, which is like a homeless people's service hub. Historically, there, I think these neighborhood associations collaborate a lot with Ngos based in the neighborhood and also governmental. But these foundations.

439
01:39:18.950 --> 01:39:31.930
university professors and I said lectures, and so on. So in those kind of special neighborhoods there there is more collaboration among different kinds of committee associations going on?

440
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Do we have any more questions?

441
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I don't see any. Shall I do the closing remarks? as Pearl just said in the beginning, and I just realized we had 2 amazing sessions that were all given by women. So we had 7 presenters tonight. Pearl's status was saying, girl power.

442
01:39:59.200 --> 01:40:18.830
no, I mean, spice, because I always welcome you guys. so thank you very much. Also for my side, for those of you are interested in more information on the papers, as I said, many of our presenters delivered extended abstract. I'm pretty sure those could be circulated if you ask people nicely.

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and for those of you who want to continue talking, I'm sorry that's not possible for the digital room, but for the in-person room we would meet outside, I guess maybe on the ground floor, where there are tables and hopefully drinks and food.

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And to continue the discussion. So thank you very much for staying with us.