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Yeah, comes. Perfect. Thank you. Okay, okay.

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Well, hi everybody. It's a pleasure to be here. My name is Esther, Esther at Nandis Medina.

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And originally from the Dominican Republic, but I'm based in, as you can see, in California at Pomona College, but I'm based in, as you can see, in California at Pomona College.

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And what I'm going to be presenting is actually something that the second presenter, Arthur Alvarez, helped me with and also Diane Davis and several of the people who are here.

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It's my dissertation about an experience of citizen participation in Mexico City. That has then did and that's why I included the the time frame 2,001 to 2,012 but I think it's still a very important reference for the conversation that we're having.

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Yeah?

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So can you do it? Nice. I that. Oh And that's why we like hanging out with you.

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Okay, so let me get started right away so that we can Use time more effectively. Oh wait. This is not.

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Okay. Okay, so just to give you this I'm going to present very briefly but just to give you an idea.

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My dissertation is part of my overall research agenda and my overall research agenda what I try to do is address the question of under which conditions are marginalized groups.

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Able to change or to favor to influence at least public policy in their favor. Right and then this part of my research is taking place in the urban context of course And my interest is looking at both sides of this equation.

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In this particular research project I was looking more at the side of public officials, progressive public officials trying to make this.

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Happened. And I was trying in the dissertation to pay attention to national, local, and international factors.

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And we can talk more about this if you're interested in the Q&A, but I wanted to just give you a little bit of a context.

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So I have tried to answer this question in 2 ways. One is, and this is again the project that I'm going to be presenting or at least as part of that I was talking to on just briefly that I another project is about the participatory by Jeanette Apollo is also part of this line of inquiry.

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So in the first line of inquiry, I studied the social movements that tried to do this, social movements that are associated with marginalized groups.

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And that's the kind of research that I'm doing now again, starting the Dominican Feminist Movement.

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And this dissertation as part as I mentioned of the second light of inquiry, studying what progressive public officials do to make this happen or at least to try to make this happen.

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And in this sense, I basically develop this concept of a pragmatic urban regime. Many of you are familiar with the concept of urban regime, by stone, being formal arrangements by which public bodies and private interests function together in order to be able to make and carry out governing decisions.

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And those decisions are about managing conflict and making adaptive responses to social change. And what I found in my dissertation or at least what I argue is that based on this transition that has started of course as you know from the institutional revolutionary party, losing power in Mexico City, started what I call the pragmatic urban regime.

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So in northern regime where interest on the side of the private sector had to be balanced with the interest of marginalized groups.

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And specifically progressive public officials, selected state actors were trying to make that happen.

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I also and I'm going to look at this very briefly also use the concept of associative networks.

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That emerged in the 19 nineties. This of course reflects many of the changes that we were talking about at the time, especially regarding globalization and regarding urban changes and apply that to the case of Mexico City.

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This networks of course link state and social social social actors and that's why I was interested in. Looking at them and especially because of their flexibility and the more duplicity.

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And the last, important element and my theoretical framework was this concept of invited spaces. For citizen participation because at the time And I'm sure that's going to be part of our conversation today.

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We were paying a lot of attention. To the most. Progressive, let's say, for for the lack of another word forms of citizen participation, of course, starting with Port Alegre, right?

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So the original model of participatory budgeting, but the case that I looked at is not such a case.

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It was a very limited form of citizen participation, but it was still put in place by public officials in the fiduciary fund for the historic center trying to invite or induce citizen participation in the city or at least in that part of the city.

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Of course, again, it's limited. It didn't start on the part of marginalized groups, but it and of course the rules of the game were defined by the rules of the game were defined by state actors, and of course the rules of the game were defined by fate actors, but I think that it's important to pay attention to

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that. And invite a participation in that context was the main mechanism to achieve cooperation by other actors in the context of the pragmatic urban regime that, oh, sorry, that's a type of SS urban region urban regime that I mentioned earlier even though of course it coexists with other mechanisms from the corporate past, in

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this case in Mexico City, but this is true also in other parts of Latin America. I'm from the Dominican Republic, so oh yes, it does happen in other parts of the region, like co-optation and of course contentious politics.

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Is that, yeah, that's a little bit too small. But the comparison that I was doing and again Artur and I had this conversation many many times while I was doing field work in Mexico City was that, OK.

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So that these 2 cases, Central Storic or the Historic Center where the fiduciary fund established this citizen participation process.

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I was comparing that to another part of the city, the regional well the territorial what they call the territorial unit Roma Condesa and according to the literature I would have expected and that's what I go into very a lot of detail in that table to have higher levels of citizen participation in Roma

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Condesa. Why? Because there were people there had higher incomes, higher levels of education and so on.

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But what I found was that, and that's what you see at the very end here, highlighted because of that citizen participation process.

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That the fiduciary fund put in place, the opposite was true. At least for that period.

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I know that things have changed tremendously after that. But at least for that period, people in the historic center did have some level of influence, some level of say in what was happening in that part of the city.

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One important and I'm going to because of time I'm going to go through this more quickly an important part of that methodology that the Public officials, progressive public officials at the fidiciary fund established was this idea from highimal Leerner from Brazil of urban acupuncture, which basically means being very selective and

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being very strategic in terms of where they would start having their interventions in the city. So for example in the case of this experience they started and they were very strategic they were very deliberate about this They started their interventions in El Carion de Rahina, which at the time was an abandoned part, completely abandoned but very

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iconic, very important part of the historic center because they knew that if the intervention was successful there they could then transform that and that's actually what happened into a process of change in the rest of the historic center.

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While I mentioned this already, they started with small interventions. There was a lot of emphasis on that.

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And the decision was to get poor residents involved as early as possible and I even started with elements like what they call the citizen groups.

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Their participation in the historic centers management plan at the time and I don't know if. I mentioned this already.

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Citizen groups were also part of the process of making decisions and distributing the budget. So even paying the engineers that were in charge of the renovations like block by block renovations, there was a citizen group per block in charge of that.

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And the last element that I'm going to emphasize is the citizenship citizenship school that was established at the time.

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The citizenship school continues but it does and continue with this. Emphasis or at least being part of this process that started at that.

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Point in time. These are some examples of different types of land use. The private investors that were at the time, as you can see, all those red dots are cuddle slim properties.

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I just included this in the dissertation to show what I was talking about earlier, the need to balance the interest of private sector and Carlos Slim is a very big part of that with the interest of poor residents at least during a big part of that with the interest of poor residents, at least during this period of time.

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This is an example of the urban active puncture methodology that I was telling you about this period of time.

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This is an example of the urban active puncture methodology that I was telling you about. This is not an example of the urban active puncture methodology that I was telling you about.

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This is not an actual, oh, sorry, I don't know why it's upside down.

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That's not the way it was originally. So you can look at it in a very original way.

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But this was part of the planning that went into that example that I mentioned and this is somewhat similar to how it looks today.

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This is another very important moment that took place in this process, the eviction of street vendors and October, 2,007.

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Of course that has changed again, but it was important at least at that moment and everybody thought that it was impossible to do.

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And the last example again as I mentioned is the experience of the citizens citizenship school associated with this process of change.

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So again, this is an experience in a specific period of time. I like to go back and see how much of this has changed, but I think that is still an important experience for the conversation we're having today.

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So thank you so much and let me know about your suggestions.

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Oh, okay. It's going to get your restarted. Yeah, it's, yeah, it jumps into the next.

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Thank you very much.

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Okay, so the next percentage is the remote, right? oh, okay.

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Okay, good afternoon everyone. This is not we had to get out of there. I'm sorry, I got the wrong one.

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Yeah, that's it. That's nobody's saying remote. But I'm here.

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What's that? It doesn't matter if you are remote or not. It's just whether you're remote or not.

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It's just whether you can be here, you can be there or anywhere. But the presentation is there.

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Anyway, thank you very much. Good afternoon. I am Artur Alvaro from my collection of Mexico and what I am going to present today is an essay attempting to compare 2 minor metropolitan areas in Latin America.

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Which are Mexico City in Mexico and South Brazil and I'm just I'm gonna talk I mean, fast about some previous work that I've been doing with other colleagues.

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Well the idea of comparing the cities and comparing how those cities are governed and particularly in which in which ways either illicit activities or criminal actors affects the governance of cities.

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We've been trying to say different alternatives to story day. It's one of the cities. So we came out with this idea, say, you're the owner and myself.

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Are common such as Pass a classification so we did an essay on this thing that is published already in in dilemmas.

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We start this in socialists from And then we will see that if you are the generator and we compare the cities by in 2 dimensions.

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On the one hand, the socio spatial characteristics of the cities that includes not only the infrastructure but also some issues about income employment and participatory.

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Organisations in the city. And on the second he mentioned the proxy variable that we used for crime or violence was the homicide levels.

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The data comes from the census of 2,010. Imposed cities with deep projections and then we use data from 2,018 from size.

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The idea was that we were trying to do social certification of the city where we can find on the one hand areas of very low levels of the quality of service and life in the city and high levels of homicides.

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And then the opposite high levels of the quality of life and very low levels of exercise. And then you have a lot of things in the middle.

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In the 2 cities we came with 2 different classifications among other things because of the data. This is not a perfect match, unfortunately.

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We're working on a new. Attempt on this thing, but we came with a classification of 8 clusters in the case of Sao Paulo with this classification and 16 clusters because there's a determinant of the and the number of Icali years in which it could develop.

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Hypothesis. But what we found is that there is no such thing an homogeneous distribution both of the quality of service and homicide.

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And even if you can find places where low levels of the quality of life are linked to high levels of homicide as a proxy for violence, then we have a mixed set of situations that doesn't really match the discussion in the literature.

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I'm getting into the issue. Of the paper. Okay, global realistic activities are a significant component of the world's economies and both of the city they affect economic, social and political dimensions of the cities.

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They distort the way cities are governed, particularly these types of cities that have levels, high levels of crime.

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But the argument can go on into several other situations. And what we try to address in the paper is these questions.

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Who governs the 2 cities and how does they do it? The second question goes more in the literary what is cover.

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What is exactly govern when we talk about that? The third point is the question about the capacity of the governments to cope with these challenges.

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Illicit activities for sure, the presence of organized criminal actors and the others and the complex interaction that this situation produces between government actors.

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Citizens and the criminal actors and you have combinations of different types of strategies that results in communism of different types of government at different levels of the city.

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This is the my overall idea. Of the paper and what I'm what what we did after we made this classification is now we're attempting to use more data on illicit activities, on public provision services to try to understand how those cities are distributed.

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This is an ongoing project, but the idea goes into several ideas and arguments that are related to German governance.

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Okay. Human governance can be, I mean as you see the literature. We consider a coordination between a process of coordination between different actors.

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In fragmented and in certain environments. But to go beyond these arguments, we proposed a metropolis.

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Have different problems and challenges to coordinate and to make the institutions working in better forms in order to produce the idea of good governments.

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So ideas like sovereignty, Germany, Germany. Monopoly of coercion or even monopoly of the legal regulations in the cities are very contested When we look at everyday level of government activities.

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As well as when we look at different forms of citizens participation. So what we try to do is revisit literature on this topic.

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There is a dominant idea today in the political science literature about this idea of criminal governments and they this is a hypothesis that cities are.

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Becoming a place where hybrid governance systems are implemented or restructured by criminal actors. And from that we argue that probably if that was the case then we had to consider Narcos, counterfeits, if that was the case, then we had to consider Narcos, counterfeits, pirates, architects and big

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translators, pirates, architects and big translators in the city as part of the architects and big translators in the city as part of the big important city makers.

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So if we consider this thing, then we have to rethink about our ideas, our ideas of what is exactly governance.

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And also what is exactly govern in the cities. So for the paper either before and also for this paper we tend to concentrate more in 3 little they mentioned.

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On the one hand, this idea of Babel's monopoly of the legitimate state coercion On second hand, the idea of Norwegians about the, I mean the building up of public and private monopolies.

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In order to try it understand whether these private monopolists play a still exist and play an important role in the way that cities are governed.

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And then we discuss this ideas of the criminal governance literature on whether we have hybrid governance governments or not.

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And this is what I'm going to try to. Third part a little bit. Now, in order to do that, I mean, the first problem that we confronted is You have data to try to compare the series.

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And this is a comparative study where we explore. Considering and hypotizing that the cities can be compared having these similar features.

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Or a set of similar configurations at the socio-special levels. And different types of governments.

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We expected that the similar features may produce a different results particularly on the way cities govern the issue of criminal activities.

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And this is the idea that we're gonna try to describe now. And from that going to. I discussion literature.

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Now, data comes from public records as I was telling you before. Both data comes from public national institutions.

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For basic services, water sanitation, provision of public services like garbage, health, education. We also collected data for employment.

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For income levels. And we also collected, some data for quality of housing. And finally for public participatory processes.

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We do not hire. We have 12 min. Yeah, so and well, I'm gonna have to go really fast into this issue.

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These are the comparative basic features of the series. Cities are relatively similar in population size in economic output in the proportion of the formal economic sector as well as the informal sector.

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There is also an important portion of the economy that is related to informal or illicit activities that are going to have to jump into this thing.

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This is I'm talking. I'm not going to have time to really explain this part. But what we did in this section is we make 7 components, but what we did in this section is we make 7 components of illicit activities.

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And from that we try to see what data is comparable in each cities. There were, I mean there was a manner for these cases because for instance Mexico City has 4 surveys of victimization a year while Sao Paulo has only has the last one in the late 1,917 so the only measure we had was that time

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and then criminal data when it's one of the cities have different forms of definition and we're still working on trying to make them more homogeneous.

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But from that we jump into an idea of trying to classify the different forms that elicit activities are performing in the city and the illicit actors that are present there.

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For our illicit drugs. Another time of listed activities come up like counterfeits, smoking, piracy.

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Then we jump into other important issues that is everyday construction in the city forces. Housing, construction, major big private and in some cases public projects have a strong component of explicit activities.

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Or transgression of rules. Or corruption or a combination of all of them. So we have to understand that the cities have placed not only where these illicit activities of production is made, but also that the production of the serious assets as it is It provides incentives for all actors to transgress the laws and regulations.

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And of course they

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Sir, you have 2 more minutes.

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Well, yes, okay. And then we do, I mean, then we entered with a big discussion that is in the literature of these politics.

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On the one hand, there is a strong discussion about the case of sapa that there is. A criminal organization born in South Pablo, there is a Primera Commando Riccapita tab.

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But it tends to have the monopoly of coercion. On the city and that is the dominant organization in several areas of the city.

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While in Mexico City we don't have the exact idea. We have the presence of small gangs, more criminal actors, and then the major criminal actors of the country and transnational actors like this big cartels of transnational drug and other topics, Carter's like Kaliskun Arakhan.

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They are all present in the city. For the situation in the case of Sao Paulo produces a systematic questioning of the issue of severity of the government while in the Mexican case.

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The situation is very different. And as a conclusion, and I'm gonna have to go to the conclusion.

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And I hope we have more time to discuss every single issue. At the macro level at the metropolitan scale, we cannot confirm the hypothesis that there is a criminal governance in the city.

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Also, there is overall weak governance in both cases. Neither we can confirm that there is complete editorial sovereignty by an elected and legitimate authority.

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No monopoly of coversion. Or city authorities as well as there is no monopoly of the legal regulations in both cities.

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We can go on into this thing with several dimensions on the topic. At the micro level on the contrary.

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We identified some, I call them also microscopical relations, but these are very different ideas.

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We can discuss that later on. Of motor or hybrid governments. Where in some places there I mean some areas are under the control of criminal actors while in other places they are under the control of the Gitima governments or completely controlled of the citizens organization because there are so many poppets in every one of the cities that have strong

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cities and organisations that are self governed. The rise. Okay. On a monopoly of coercion both cities has this seldom monopolies of coalition we're just in this idea of that I presented before and Some are private or quasi monopolist.

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As we can discuss that thing for instance, private policing in both cities is very important but as well as other types of illegal forms of Police in.

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And finally, cities navigates in a complex intoage where they are some sort of subject to 2 sovereign authorities.

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On the one hand, the government I know the other hand these different types of criminal actors that govern certain portions or certain sectors of the activities of the city.

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Anyway, and so what we found in this thing that the main difference that we have in these 2 topics in these topics are on the one hand the way that the public provision of security is produced and implemented in each cities.

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That in turn It's also, it's also very directed to the way and the form that the criminal organisations are present and active in those 2 in these 2 situations.

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And with this thing I would have to stop and thank you all and

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And then we go into the next one.

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Return to Next person session. Yeah.

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Yeah. Hello everyone. My name is, Billy Zonan from a Department of Sociology at University of Vienna in Austria.

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Today I'll be talking about the early results of our research JPI urban Europe research project where we look at 3 different participatory practices in 3 different urban settings.

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Namely Amsterdam, Barcelona, Vienna. In today's presentation, I'll be talking about our case study in Vienna, which is about participatory budgeting.

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For climate change adaptation. Where we also monitor and evaluate its process and short term outcomes in cooperation with the city of Vienna.

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So I'll be first talking about the background of our research and its design. And in case study context.

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Analytic framework and then some early results and then final remarks.

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So, as we all know in planning research, planning studies, the call for direct democracy, open democracy has been very consistent, persistent while as early as You left urbanism in the sixties or in the 19 nineties communicative turn towards urban planning.

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And in practice also we see citizen participation as a fundamental element of urban planning. And we see citizen participation in one form or another.

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Everywhere in the in planning practices in different parts of the city. Of the world. This trend is increasing or intensifying.

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In light of transcendental policy transfer we see similar planning ideas and contests being exported, imported in different parts of the world.

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Participatory budgeting is a great example. As you see on the map here in 2,019, just a year before the pandemic.

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There were more than 10,000 cities in the world experimenting with the concept. Our approach here or our question here is are they all the same in different cities?

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Within the process and outcomes of localization of participatory budgeting will be placed specific and they'll be bound to specific spatial contexts within which they unfold.

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So to understand the spatial context, the place specific spatial context here, we are applying a multi dimensional approach to it.

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So as you see in this model here, we see citizen outcomes of citizen participation will be filter through condition by multiple spatial dimensions of participatory policy making at a more macro level you see political dimension of course every city has a different institutional arrangements when it comes to sitting participation in urban development.

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Municipal governments, regional governments, they all have a varying degrees of institutional capacities, meaning they will have different power to translate inputs into meaningful outcomes.

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Of course there's a structural dimension. Every city has different demographic structure, economic conditions, infrastructure, social conditions.

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At a more micro level we see a design element although the concept might be the same I mean look close to it, specific design tools that are applied in different stages of the overall policy cycle will be different which would generate different outcomes in the end.

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There's also is in your dimension so those were involved in the budgeting process, whether municipal actors, non-institutional actors or citizens will come into play with different motivations, expectations and perceptions.

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So we are applying this multi-dimensional resource lens to magnify the spatial context in Vienna.

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Vienna is a Conservative authors state what the very long tradition of the dominance of social democratic party and municipal politics Vienna has been governed by the Social Democrats.

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Ever since the end of where it became a federal state into 1,922 except the Nazi era.

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Pienaar has really, at least Vienna's municipal government really has a strong in student capacity over big important policy fields, most notable example will be housing policy but also active labor market policy and of course urban development.

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As a federal state of Vienna has a very high level of financial resources. The theme that the feature that characterizes that VN as policy making participatory policy making is a vertical approach to it involving a number of large public organizations that are decentralized but under direct control of the city government.

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Vienna, despite being a new corporate city, I also made its participatory turn like many different cities around the world.

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At the woman currently participation happens through primarily 2 channels. So as you see on the maps in the left side.

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Citizen participation happens in large-scale urban developments in outer districts. On the other hand, citizen participation happens as small, smaller-scale neighborhood planning and inner city districts.

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Left happens to urban renewal office and a smaller scale planning happens through local agenda 21. So, although Vienna has made some improvement in the past 40 years, 50 years, Citizen Partition in Vienna is very top down organized so the municipal government has very strong hands over it, control over it.

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And the role that the citizens or grassroots initiatives play in the planning process very limited to let's say information distribution or consultation.

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And that their decision-making power is seriously limited in the planning process. So our case study happens within this institutional context.

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It is participatory budgeting for climate change adaptation. Design implemented by the city's energy plenty department under the control of the Social Democrats.

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It has 4 major stated objectives which are governess innovation. Democratic awareness building, climate protection, social justice.

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This year is actually the second pile of year so it's been going on since last year. Last year 3 pile up districts this year again 3 pilot districts.

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And all of them are controlled by the social governed by the social democrats. And it has the total budget of 30 million years.

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And that money will be distributed according to the content of the final project. So briefly, this is how the participatory process of participatory budgeting in Vienna happened.

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First, idea of submission, not only residents in pilot districts, but anyone if they have a interest in in the district they can submit their ideas.

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And this will be screened by 2 rounds first round by the city government, second round by the district government.

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The screened ideas will be sent to cooperation workshops. So those who submitted ideas can, participate.

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Or co-create projects with the experts from the city government, municipal governments. And these corporate ideas will be turned into concrete planning projects.

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And these planning projects will be then sent to Citizen Jury who vote on the final projects.

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And which shall be implemented. And those ideas that were selected last year are in the current implementation phase, which should be finalized before 2024.

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So the location that we focus, in our research is a district called Magaritan. It's an inner city district as you see in this red circle on the map.

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It is densely built, densely populated. Residents are low income residents also with the low level of education large migrant population, high heat exposure and also less access to green space.

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The map on the left shows the shear of green space per inhabitants. It only has 4% of its whole area is green.

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It's not the lowest in Vienna but one of the lowest. The center, the map in the middle shows the share of non-Austrian citizens in the district.

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It has the highest voting gap in the among the inner city districts. So myRA residents who live in this district cannot vote neither in the municipal elections nor in the national elections.

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Is the highest most densely populated district in Vienna as you see on the on the, the map on the far right.

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So we are applying here as an analytical framework a three-dimensional space of institutional design which we bore from March and Fung.

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For example, so in order to connect what we see the process and outcome of our budgeting projects within the spatial context with 3 core values of democratic governance.

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First, legitimacy for we are asking who will participate in the process. So we're here we look at the participant.

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Participation dynamics in the budgeting process. And for justice, we're asking whom does participatory budgeting really empower in which urban issues and for effectiveness?

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What do they actually decide as an end outcome? So, although there has been an extensive recruitment process by the city of Vienna, not only online offline recruitment process by the City of Vienna, not only online offline recruitment but through 9 local multiple cadres.

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So we see greater deliberation. So within 5 weeks it generated 290 citizen inputs. One problem here that we see is that the lack of tool that actually can facilitate targeted recruitment of the specific target groups.

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As we see on the map, a lot of ideas that are submitted are concentrated around the local areas where local multiplicators operate.

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And also we see multiple submissions by the same participants and then they are spatially located in the north and the west of the district.

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Which have relative better access to green space than other parts of the district.

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These 290 ideas that are submitted as I mentioned are co-created. So citizens actually get, well at least those who submitted ideas can actually get to sit down together.

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Using professional expertise. With experts from the city government, municipal government. And turn them into concrete planning projects and then ordinary citizens actually get to decide, have a final say in the decision making, which is a rare case in Vienna.

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But this voting process is very transparent. We don't know who they are in the citizenry, the information about the process.

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Never made public. And also the fact that there are ordinary people sitting in this voting panel is that they have a low technical capacity and we see this in the themes of the 5 final projects that are selected in the end.

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So in the end, there are 5 Winter projects in Margaret and selected for implementation. Briefly there, a repair cafe, car free day, facade reading, super block, street screening.

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But if you really closely look into the content of these projects, there are another event. Participation event, information events, so there's no concrete planning material in these projects.

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One example is street breeding that you see in this picture. So the content was actually trying to plant, get rid of parking spaces on the sides and plant trees.

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But we find out recently that again, implementation fees will focus on another series of participation phases where they want to collect more ideas about what citizens want to do see on the street.

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There's also a maintenance issue because

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There is 3 min.

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3 min? Oh, okay. 2, sure. Okay, fine.

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There is also maintenance issue. So the the content is questionable whether these will be actually effective in terms of meeting the state objectives.

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Maintenance issue is that despite the fact that city government invested 30 million years in district Margaret 10 is getting 1.5 Districts once these projects are implemented need to maintain this projects with their own budget.

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So this was the major concern among the district actors because no extra money will be available to manage these projects.

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Once they're implemented. So a final remarks, the challenges in summary would be the including ordinary citizens beyond those who are interested, so beyond participation beyond self-selection bias.

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Also, as we saw there's spatial concentration of submitted ideas, so challenge would be a participant encouraging participation of really the target works in underserved areas.

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And also the last challenge would be the clear responsibility given to the district level and also sufficient resources available at the district level.

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I think there will be a few opportunities however. Participatory budgeting project in Vienna has multiple monitoring and evaluation processes.

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So the submission phase, different organization is doing interviews with participants who participate in the submission process. Co-creation, there is a participation observation.

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Bing, focus group. And our team is providing indicators to evaluate the implementation phase according to their stated objectives.

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So the question is whether the next round of the budgeting process after the pilot process is whether the pilot processes over whether we see changes implemented.

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Budgetudget and process. Thank you. That's it.

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Okay. No, not yet. There's no uploaded but she's gonna share it from home.

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Yeah, that's right.

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Yeah, if you you could stop sharing your screen that I'm able to share mine. Perfect.

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Yeah, thank you.

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Yep, can you see my screen though?

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Yeah, perfect.

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Yeah, can you hear me okay? Yeah, great. Right, so, right. So my name is Elena Vaquelli.

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I'm based at the University of Greenwich in London and I'm presenting hybrid with Franka who is a PhD student and we are presenting this our work in a borough in Greenwich.

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Our presentation is called Participation and Contest form of Citizenship in the city of Centre.

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Right, so, sorry, and oh, I think Shranka you need to share the And they changed his lights.

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So basically our research, we have 2 main research questions. The first research question is how the City of Century movement in the UK represents itself through its communication and its practices.

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The second research question is how the movement actually is enabling citizenship planes for migrants. So in the first part of the presentation we are going to actually present some examples of this kind of representation and also provide the policy context in which the City of Century in the UK operates.

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And then Franco will present the findings from our field work.

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Yeah, thank you. So as you can see from this code, the city of Sanctuary movement in the UK.

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Tends to really present itself as a movement of welcome and hospitality. If you look at the second part of this court you will see the essence to target just forced migrants.

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However, the way in which the movement actually represents the target migrants that they actually seek to help is not very consistent and they tend to tend to use more often the term of century seekers.

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There has been a range of scholars who have been really critical of this discourse. Of welcome and hospitality.

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For instance, because This discourse tends to frame citizens as those generous hosts. As opposed to non-citizens who are actually those adapted guests.

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Moreover, there is reinforcement of the notion of who is actually deserving to be us hosted and under which conditions and the fact that these conditions may change and that the conditions of hospitality actually main change is actually a reminder of the idea of borders and who is actually deserving of the rightful presence of migrants in in the

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UK, for instance. Thirdly, sanctuary seekers are actually presented as innocent victims in needs of saving rather than being presented as bearer of rights.

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And the work of Wilcox has been particularly eloquent in criticizing this whole idea of innocence because we know very well that very often migrants and a face, Perilous journey is not necessarily in a way that is considered legal, but that doesn't make them.

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Less deserving of. They're right of rights.

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Oh yeah, next question.

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This, this definition is taken from the theory of change strategy which is then on the borough century website.

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And this really delineates the strategies for mobilization that the movement adopts. So you can see that here it really talks about, firstly, a micro level where actually mobilization is really based on everyday type of contacts and relationships and that they build on this micro level to ship to a more structural macro level

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mobilization. And this has been evident especially in the past few years since the establishment of the local authority networks where the movement has definitely shifted to a more institutional approach to their mobilization that will become clearer in the context of the presentation.

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And especially and I should add this actually because they do that through a strategy that ends to embed these guidelines of learn and bed and share in the local authority strategy.

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So they collaborate with local authority and they get local authorities to commit to policies to these steps that allows them to achieve the borough century accreditation.

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Right, so with regards to the context of the city of sanctuary movement in the UK, we definitely need to point out to the fact that this happens in a policy context.

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That is defined as the hostile environment. Despite really draconian legislations that perhaps represent the pinnacle of the hostile environment in the UK and here I'm referring to the Nationality and Borders Acts and the illegal migration bill.

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They are style environment cannot really be defined as a a policy of or a set of policies. It is more an ideological matrix that is actually proliferating its border with the state and that transforms everyday citizens such as teachers or landlords or medical professionals.

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In. In border agents basically.

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The city of Sanctuary movement, however, is trying to make a positive change and it is a plane an extremely and increasingly positive role in the migration governance.

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Firstly, because it is trying to negotiate vertically the type of frictions that there are with the states.

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And secondly, because from a more sort of horizontal governance, it is trying to mobilize local civic society organizations in order to create this.

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That would change. So, some scholars have really defined and specifically Wilcock the City of Sanctuary as able to actually be effective both effective and ineffective in creating these type of changes.

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With regards to the challenges that the city ofs century is facing at a local level, there is certainly the fact that the ideological orientation towards migration depends on the type of government that local government that kind of leads the council and so these alliances obviously change.

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And in terms of opportunities that the City of Sanctuary strategy of embedding policies in local government can create on the ground.

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Is the fact that actually there have been examples of migrant groups. I've been really able to leverage.

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Their their own sort of demands. Using the strategies that had been implemented. Driving home, really important successes.

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For instance, with regards to the new request to public fund policies. So I think now Franka is going to illustrate our methodology and our findings.

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Thank you. So methodologically, our paper is based on a qualitative epistemology.

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We conducted based on their qualitative epistemology. We conducted desk based research looking at the City of Epsteinology.

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We conducted desk based research looking at the City of Century website at key impact reports from the last 10 years and also YouTube recording of the local authority network launch.

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Which happened in 2,020. To understand the practices of the movement more in depth we also conducted participant observation in one London Borough of Sanctuary group.

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What's important to note here is that we're not only involved in this group as researchers, we're also organizers of that group.

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As you can see on the picture, where I'm at at an event a few weeks ago.

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And we also want to reflect on our own positionality which in some ways is quite unusual because we do research on migration in the UK.

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But neither of us are British citizens, but at the same time, our experience of migration is also very different from those considered sanctuary seekers in the movement.

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Which has to do with us holding EU passports and also being white migrants and not least because we're professional migrants as well.

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We conducted a loose version of reflexive thematic analysis. Coming up with themes in an iterative process.

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And so we kind of had discussions together and then coded the data and then had further discussions and the themes emerged throughout that process.

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We identified 4 themes which I will go into further detail about now. Our first theme looks at what we call the institutional turn.

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So in the past city of Sanctuary had put a lot of emphasis on creating opportunities for established residents and migrants to meet.

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Whereas the focus now appears to be increasingly on building cross-institution collaborations. This is for example visible in the extract here from the impact report where the cross collaboration at cross-institutional collaborations are really prominently stated.

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Really important for the city of for city of centuries involvement in governance is of course their collaborations with local authorities.

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And the establishment of the local authority network, which I mentioned, in 2,020, which has as its aim to speak with one voice on national matters and strengthen sort of the local scale.

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It's also important that there's now an a streamlined awarding process for local authorities. That they have to go through to become an accredited city of sanctuary or borrower sanctuary in the case of London.

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The shift from individual contact, to institutional contact or institutional collaborations rather. Maybe in response to early critiques of the city of sanctuary movement which said they weren't focusing sufficiently on structural change.

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Or it came from a realization that interactions between citizens and migrants in itself do not have the desired bottom up social change effect.

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Okay. And our second theme we looked at the relationship between the Borrow of Sanctuary Group and the local authority in the area, which in the words of one organizer is that of a critical friend but a friend nonetheless.

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The local authority is really committed in driving positive change for migrants in the borough. Which is visible in them attending all borrower sanctuary meetings and also being sort of open to changing some of their policies and practices.

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According to the demands of the Borrow of Sanctuary Group. How, there's a crux to this friendship as they call it, which is the local authorities direct link to the home office, which limits the local authorities and in consequence also the Borough of Sanctuary's ability to criticize their policies and

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fully resist the policies. There's one example here that I want to expand a little bit more on which is the prevent strategy.

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For those not familiar, prevent is a counterterrorism program in the UK that has been disproportionately used against Muslim people in the past and is deeply entrenched with Islamophobic and racist ideology.

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The program is now increasingly focusing on right wing extremism and that shift has been used by the local authority as an argument why they included this program in their sanctuary strategy.

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Saying that by collaborating with the home office on this program they would protect migrants in the borough from hate crimes.

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However, their collaboration is not contingent on the program's continued focus on right wing extremism.

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And on top of that, it also exceptionalizes, extremism and violence rather than acknowledging that they happen at the center of society.

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And that they are perpetuated through everyday acts of violence. So that are just with this one.

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Can you? You have 3 min now.

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Okay, I'll try to be quick. So they are yeah, considerable risks, collaborating with local authorities.

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But the, the group is also really trying to hold the home office at the local authority accountable for example when it comes to not sharing any, the immigration status of local residents with the home office.

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There's, also a commitment to increase, the lift experience cohort, which may be because the organization is now focusing more on sort of this strategic level so they have less everyday interactions with migrants.

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And just one example here is, and a lift experience board on experts by experience, board that has been set up.

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Which, we think is problematic because it establishes 2 kinds of knowledge in the movement. One knowledge is the professional knowledge, people who are able to lead the movement.

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And the other knowledge is kind of the by experienced knowledge migrants who can only contribute through their lived experience and whose role is just to advise the leaders of the movement.

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Our last theme to give Eleanor a little bit of time to conclude at the end. Is that there are despite these, yes, likely problematic participation structures, there are indeed problematic participation structures, there are indeed, citizenship claims made in the movement.

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Just one example is a migrant in one of the groups, asking the law authority to make a policy for everybody.

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What she was referring to is that the policy should not only focus on refugees and asylum seekers who settled in the borough through national resettlement scheme such as the Homes for Ukraine scheme.

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But also, to include migrants on no recalls to public funds, for example, which shows that that.

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Citizenship claims can be made within the movement and they can be effective as it is indeed now required for.

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For all local authorities to include people with no recourse to public funds in their policies. And with that back to Eleanor to conclude.

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That's great. Yeah, thank you. So basically in a nutshell there is this, you know, a nutshell there is this you know it is positive that the movement manages to amplify the campaign to the collect the collaboration with the local authorities.

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However, there are they have realized that this professionalization could be a problem and they're mitigating measures that they put in place in order to kind of you know, address this problem are a different one is the one that Franco mentioned which is the introduction of the expert by experience board which is however a really top-down type measure is

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also another strategy to try and alternate strategy meetings with, for instance, a schematic meeting to as a way to include more migrants more systematically.

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But anyway, so there is this separation between professional activist and century seekers persists. So the questions and the ask questions that we would like to leave you with is actually that if citizenship is indeed a process of appropriation of normative and not just legal citizenship in the idea of Bridget Anderson for instance then how can the City of

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Sanctuary movement become a catalyst for real change in the face of an increasingly hostile environment and policies.

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So thank you for listening.

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Oh, no, I'm not. Okay, I don't.

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Is. Is, there or? Is

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Okay.

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As well. It's, yeah, it's a remote presentation. Yeah, it's a remote presentation.

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Well. I say to is this person in the room or not? Because he's also not in the chat.

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I'm here, I'm here. Yes, he's here.

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Okay. But this is and it's homely there as well because this is again the The distributed paper.

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Yeah Yeah, but she doesn't hear me at this moment.

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I cannot hear what if you don't talk into the microphone. But who is I'm here?

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Who?

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I'm here, I'm here. Yeah. I am Hussein. Wasn't.

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I'm here.

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Okay, because we have to let who's saying how to go first before the distributed papers.

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Hey, this is a. This is Should I go? Yeah. Are you sure?

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Okay, thank you so much for the session chair for organizing this you know fascinating topic. Okay, I'm a bit anxious about whether I should go or not.

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Yes.

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But I don't know who I we have here in front of us. So maybe you can introduce because now I'm totally confused.

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I'm going to introduce myself shortly. So yeah, my name is

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Okay, because then we are also deciding now that that's how that's Handy is not receiving his time.

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You know, I'm sorry, but we can decide about that. It's time for me, but you have to do that then in the room.

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Sorry, sorry, this is, This is a speaker that was already scheduled for presentation in the system.

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So we have 2 speakers and the first one of the 2 is right now.

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Apparently you're deciding about Okay, okay.

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Go.

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Okay, okay, again, thank you so much for attending this. Station. My name is Suzie Kramer.

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I'm an associate professor of sociology in the School of Social Sciences. Nanya Technological University in Singapore and I'm going to discuss a paper which draws on actually a publication I am working on for the ref at the moment.

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For a journal called Journal of Organism. So the main topic of my talk is about collaborative urbanism.

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Just want to highlight some of the are key points in the conceptual framework of collaborative urbanism. As we know that the growing complexity of urban problems have challenged many urban experts.

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And the way cities are governed basically plays a pivotal role in using democratic means for managing such problems.

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The concept of the concept of collaboration is not actually completely new. It was introduced in response to the limits of older paradigms in urban governance.

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And it came out through the theory of collaborative governance, which is developed by scholars of, you know, public policy, political science and urban studies.

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And collaborative governance has generally been defined as a governing practice that requires complex interactions between large number of interdependent actors.

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One thing that we need to note here is that collaboration is distinguishable from participation so we've been talking about participation in past you know 3 presentations So I think in the collaborations, it's not completely different from participation because some of the roots of collaborations actually comes from participations.

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It's just that according to some scholars, collaborative governance, you know, came to light offering a stronger foundation for a governance system.

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In which the partition between the government and non-government entities are faded out. And there's a one, you know, a famous scholars on on this topic mentions that in a collaborative governance is never merely consultative.

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So it is about engaging in a non-act non-government actors directly in you know urban development in urban growth.

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And that means collaboration requires a collective process in which government agencies and stakeholders engage in deliberative and multilateral mechanism.

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But there's also some critics about collaborative governance because it reminds everyone that this is sort of a new form of neoliberal governance because it reminds everyone that this is sort of a new form of neoliberal governance because it reminds everyone that this is sort of a new form of neoliberal

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governance. But there's some, you know, scholars defended the concept of collaborative governance by saying that it doesn't necessarily facilitate the corpation of civil society into neoliberal rationality.

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So what we see here in the framework is that public decision-making and management engage people across boundaries and levels of government and civic spears.

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Whose chief objective is basically to execute a public purpose that could not otherwise be accomplished. So in this framework we see the core in which in a collaborative organism lies in a what gluten and I call a civic commons.

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Which provides opportunities for meaningful public discourse and a true public domain in the city. And it also gives some incentive in institution for collaboration in urban spaces.

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Which create or which results in what Bradford called discursive localism manifested in different policy discourse which is also championed by different urban actors.

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In this paper we We like to address a case study of Jakarta, which is a city that that for the past 5 years been explicitly implementing you know the concept of collaboration as a method of urban governance and there are 3 questions that I'd like to address in examining all in assessing the implementation of the experimentation

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of collaborative governance, collaborative urbanism in Jakarta. The first question is how collaborative practices have been enabled and disabled by the urban politics in Jakarta.

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The second one is to what extent that collaboration has been institutionalized in the formal governance of the city and the last one is how collaborative practices have resulted in sustainable impact on handling social and environmental challenges.

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And there are 2 key aspects that are going to be highlighted. The first one is the leadership and the second one is the institutional design which matter a lot in pushing for collaborative urbanism to achieve.

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Full outcome. So this is in Indonesia for those of you who are not familiar with the country.

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And the theory of Jakarta is basically the capital of the country, which is located in the western part of Java Island.

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And this is Jakarta. Which is a very old series founded in 1,527 yeah 1527 before you know the European came to to the country.

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And the current Canondition the size is 660 61 kilometer square with a population of over 10 million people.

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Now for many years Jakarta has been known for a series of multitude problems. There's so many problems that the city are been facing and I think this is typical of mega cities in the global south.

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So since the 19 nineties the city has been very much you know governed using a neoliberal interactionality in which everything depends on you know market mechanisms and the city was allowed to grow but very much unregulatedly.

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So a lot of urban sprawling causing the city to to have a lot of burden. Environmentally and socially.

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And there's a lack of public infrastructure which led to the use of you know private private vehicle and also there's a sort of a reluctance of the city government in investing in you know a decent public transportation system.

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As a result, in a traffic congestion is terrible. I don't know if any one of you have been to Jakarta is one of the worst and there's also poor environmental infrastructure which you know, cause a lot of problems, especially in in in floods in some areas.

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And like many other cities, extreme inequality is quite rampant in the city. But then there's a shift toward sustainability which took place in in early 2,000 you know after Indonesia become a democratic country which affected the way you know the city mayor or the city governor was elected.

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So direct election gives his incentive. For the for the government to give in a better services for the public.

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But the era of collaboration started in 2,017 when And it's a sweden was elected as the governor and he You know, he became the governor from 2,017 to 2,022 and he's focused very much on improving in public infrastructure and public surfaces.

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So, he decided to choose collaboration as a matter of governance and as I said in a collaboration become an explicit expressions of the event that that you know the governor used and he decided to use collaborations as a matter to tackle some of the key problems as a matter to tackle some of the key problems in Jakarta to tackle some of the key problems in

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Jakarta including public transportation, including public transportation, flood mitigation, clean water supply, including public transportation, flood mitigation, clean water supply, including public transportation, flood mitigation, clean water supply, and entrepreneurship and public housing, flood mitigation, clean water supply, clean water supply, and entrepreneurship and public housing.

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Due to the limited amount of time, I am, and public housing. Due to the limited amount of time, I am just gonna focus on.

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Due to the limited amount of time, I am just gonna focus on one showcase which is public transportation.

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I am just going to focus on one showcase which is public transportation. Now the problem with public transportation in Jakarta is going to focus on one showcase which is public transportation.

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Now the problem with public transportation in Jakarta is that it it has so many actors and there's multiple modes of mobility on and operated by different operators a hundred of daily you know paid drivers on the on the left side you see all of the mobility modes that are operated and owned by the government, central government and the

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city government. On the right sides are all modes there are operated in owned by private operators. And this is something that becomes sort of a task that the government is trying to integrate into one system.

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By talking to every individual, you know, operator, every drivers, and, and collaborative urbanism become become sort of a platform to talk to those people to to discuss you know the problems and to find solution together so that everyone can you know can take it and then and become part of this new platform of transportation.

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And after 2 years of negotiation, they managed to create a new platform of transportation. And after 2 years of negotiation, they managed to create a system called Integration. And after 2 years of negotiation, they managed to create a system called Integracy.

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And after 2 years of negotiation they managed to create a system called Integracy and this this integrated system basically is a new system in which operators are no longer providing surface directly to the to the people but actually they provided surfaces to the government.

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So the government buy in a pay them for the service they provide and then any any anyone in the city can use that surfaces with a small amount of subsidy from the government.

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You have 3 min.

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So this is basically something. Okay, okay 2 min. Yeah, so this becomes a very very effective because now private operators you know do not have to worry about how much money they have to make because it's already you know determined by the government it is based on the kilometers the distance that they that they travel not based on how

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many passengers that they can take. Right? And so it creates some sort of, you know, a certainties both to the, to the operators and, and to the passengers.

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And this encouraged more and more Jakarta citizens to shift from using private vehicles to public transportation. So what do we see here in the case of public transportation in Jakarta from the collaborative urbanism framework.

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We see that collaborations is methodologically different from participation because it's not only about planning but also executing the plans and it is made possible by democratic politics because as I said in early 2,000 there's a massive political change in Indonesia which affect how Jakarta was governed and it opens up a chance for cooperation and

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resources sharing between urban actors, including governments, private sectors, civil society groups, passengers, communities and etc.

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And in which in this process and mechanism we see that every actor contributes to achieving a common goal which is set by the government while everyone benefit from this collaboration.

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So what we see here basically is that the role of leadership no matters a lot because this will have been possible without the governor himself taking a leading role and negotiating with so many actors which can be in up to 100 people that they have to negotiate and to discuss the problem.

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So the role of leadership and to discuss the problem. So the role of leadership matters and leadership determines the success of collaboration matters and leadership determines the success of collaboration as we see in the Jakarta's leadership matters and leadership determines the success of collaboration as you will see in Jakarta's public transportation.

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But there's also shortcomings and this is something that have been highlighted with with scholars of collaborative governance, collaborative urbanism in which the lack of instances institutional setting for collaborations have affected the sort of longevity of these programs because when you know Anis Vaswan became governor.

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This process of collaboration was not actually a shape by collaboration was not actually a shape by like like a like a like a like like like like like like like like like legal, you know, framework.

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So this is something that may affect the quality and the outcome of this collaboration. So this is something that may affect the quality and the outcome of this collaboration.

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And the last one is that the change in leadership may threaten the

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Yes.

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I should press space for small. Yes. Yeah, sure. Before I start, II really try to cram my presentation into into the time, but if I step over, please excuse me.

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I would show up later that other talk more in the Q&A. Sorry. My name is Osi Hamdi.

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I'm coming from Humboldt University in Berlin and Kings College in London. I did my PhD field work in 2,019 and 2,020.

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2 roads have a year and a half of ethnographic data gathering, participation participant of the observation, deep and free floating interviews and living in a run-down post-industrial neighborhood of South Tehran Iran.

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This interval, however, happened to overlap with to Mohameda, a religiously initiated urban festival that happens every year and casts a large shadow over the city.

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This coincidence allows me to make more sense of how the deprived people of no liberal ghetto encounter urban festival and the disruption that follows.

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On Mark Days on the year, the city houses its usual flow to narrate a defining tale about itself.

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Evan festivals are a rare or a quick fixed solution to the city's image question to the city's image question.

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I mean, the city's image question. I mean, the festival builds environments question.

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I mean the festival builds environments around us registers new meanings and a festival built environments around us register new meanings and assume a unique character.

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Festivals play a significant role in what the city is cracked up to be. Be it a city of art.

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Praise, music or what have you.

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But festivals are hardly egalitarian. It is hard to detach Iraqi from them.

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For normally whoever possesses the capital and faculty to pull off a festival has the upper hand to occupy streets and by implication, delineate the city's identity.

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Often urban governance is the reference. It tells the story of the city through festivals and if and if done without a persuasive dialogue with the public such as story becomes less and less inclusive.

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It is of course no secret that the democracy is much disliked in Iran. That is, urban governance does not bother to include the public in governing and of course the question of festivals.

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Office holders are the only legitimate source to tell what Tehran is about. And to them Tehran is the city of Islamic Shia character.

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And surely there is a cultural appetite for it too. It is not like the process happens in a void.

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No. Sheism has called sharp roots. And the state capitalizes on these cultural tendencies. She is and therefore is way more than just Islamic system of jurisprudence.

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It is a large and live phenomena. It's the muse, the source of legitimacy, the trademark with which the state identifies itself.

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Yet, there is resistance to this form of authoritarianism. False made with the stands being identified with a brand they do not they do not like but there is also a common misunderstanding of this resistance and the flaw in how it is talked about.

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Medal upper class withstand these states bravely. One as recent as last summer. They are however not the only class with ascending their power, but they are the only ones outsiders talk about.

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The Oriental scales desire the stories of the people yearning to be like us, Westerners.

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These stories of the oppressed fighting for democracy and justice and rights. These stories stick to teeth for they match the Orientalist narrative.

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Of developing countries. Here than the details of the down truth and are absent those who possess little capital to spread their side of the story.

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Moreover, talking about the battle of the battle of citizens of Tehran, wars like authoritarianism are used haphazardly without scholarly accuracy.

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Ourrent points out this confusion. She says no authoritarianism is linked to violence. If violence is used that means there is no authority because authority demands legitimate obedience and when the state uses force to have its way that instantly becomes despotism or tyranny.

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Therefore we need to be aware of who we are talking about when it comes to resisting authorities as no liberals encrypt into every aspects of our daily life it rationalizes new gethos with anybody who cannot keep up with living elsewhere is in the city is stuffed into.

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These urban areas are aigmatized and territorial stigma rationalizes authoritarianism. The idea of a Thanet authoritarianism might ring an unpleasant tone in our ear, but in fact it is accepted vastly.

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In another package in a more enticing framing that is called social order.

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Tehran is divided. The North being progressive and prosperous and the South being the hellh of the underclass and the south being the hellho of the underclass and social ill.

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He also here then the foreman disciplines the latter as fastinaris Fassin narrates in his marvelous book the purpose of urban governance becomes not to keep peace in the ghetto but to foist a certain social order unto them with the guests or people knowing their place and coming to terms with the lower status and do

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not resist it.

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That being the case, the ghetto people are in fact trapped in an open air prison with no practical prospect of escaping it while 3 major rights to the city are conditioned.

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First, the right to move, second the right to self-express and third the right to group and I'll explain each.

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The border around the ghetto is thick and pronounced. It is invisible. It is an invisible wall subjectively failed and understood by the devilors outside the border the ghetto people are out of the place.

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They feel that they do not belong social and official mechanisms announces the unwantedness loudly.

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But let us thus follow for the illusion that resistance of the ghetto can live on unbothered inside their neighborhood, not at all.

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The fear and fetishized idea of security find their way into the ghetto in the shape of a stop and frisk police race and omnipresence of the order making machine.

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Most people I talked to had experienced they they ruined by the police, arresting them for no particular reason but for looking suspicious.

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Subjective as the term is, they felt they are unable to move in the city, that it is better for them to shelter in their private stamping grounds.

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To those who own the city, a queer body that defies norms stand out in equality has always had something to profile manner the color of the color of the skin the readable aberration and the body as the text in which differences are inscribed.

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Most marginalized group go about their daily life as attentive not to stand out for illegalized difference.

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To fit in and pass for a so-called normal citizen. A downtrozen life has taught them to keep their heads down and leave below the radar and most of them have lived to do so.

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Yet to pass for normal is often easier said than done. Some forms of difference can be concealed yet embodied difference of hard to keep hidden you cannot hide your otherness if you don't have the material means to buy to buy yourself clothes.

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Or if you are covered with tattoos that are associated with gangs. Or if you have a myth mouse after years of using drugs and if you have any other mark that is readable of your look.

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You cannot, especially when one as the locality factor. What might be glossed over in other parts of the city as fashion choice in the gates or ignites negative social judgment precisely because they are in the ghetto.

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Yet our folks have little room to be themselves and assume itself closer to who they really are.

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I came across a group of homeless drug users as you can see in the picture gathering in a brown field.

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They contested this space in this manner. They gathered because being in public space in a large group normalizes them being out and about.

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It turns the space into a location of tolerance.

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But this way of appropriating public space can evoke reaction. It signals a different different order than what is established and oh what a daring prospect that is, the police eventually raided this site, arrested those who were not sober enough to flee and after that fenced the area so that no one can gather there.

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Before long I knew that grouping is a chance. Yes, of folks. Cannot enjoy.

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But what happens when an urban festival disrupts this order? I already talked about festivals being the means to draw stark identity lines.

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No I want to point out Mohara as the most prominent prominence of them all. Moharam comm commemorates the martyrdom of Hussain, the prophet Muhammad's grandson, and it is commemorated for countless decades mainly by Shia Muslims.

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And as the urban governors took a massive interest in promulgating this festival, what should be a one day event is inflated for the investment come its way.

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It turns into 50 days and an inflation of rituals really. Moharam therefore becomes an eventful period in which the city is turned upside down.

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But though this festival is employed as means of control by a powerful elite social group, it is a transient divergence from normalcy that creates new possibilities for local resistant.

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For such events may very well have different meanings for different social groups. Mohara morning is enveloped by religious vocabulary and is often orchestrated by clergyman.

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However, It is astonishing. How the ghetto voice grabbed this language that does not belong to them and they are not its author or fluent in it and use it to say the most unique of things that only they can say.

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They put these brief failures into use and explode the disruption of disruption to reclaim streets and do things quite in contrast to what is intended and planned for this ritual.

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They can now reclaim the right to move selfish express and group.

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RJ, a 34 year old petty dealer delivers alcoholic beverage with his car.

460
01:28:48.000 --> 01:29:11.000
To him the mundane act of driving becomes taxing which had led him to prison once an accident revealed they started the the legalized goods he stuff in his car yet Mohammed becomes ironically a chance for him to sell more sanctions good the police slackens their grief so believers could go alternate about more freely and RJ had way fewer

461
01:29:11.000 --> 01:29:21.000
concerns. He had he had days of the National Bank holiday and numerous clients waiting to feel up their time time drinking.

462
01:29:21.000 --> 01:29:26.000
Rj's flourishing business is a reminder of festival, festival spaces, simultaneous, oppressive and liberating capacity.

463
01:29:26.000 --> 01:29:40.000
Yet this trade was not the only one facing a boom in Mahara. Rose, a veteran sex worker in her late twentys described the months as the spring of business.

464
01:29:40.000 --> 01:29:48.000
Often rose with a friend and aunty pimp walk the grand balls or elevates for the boisterous bazaar was a proper bedrock to become a sexy space.

465
01:29:48.000 --> 01:29:56.000
It's inherent crowdedness swallows her conduct. So through inviting behavior, she could find her customers and lead them to the brothel.

466
01:29:56.000 --> 01:30:07.000
This is a condition naturalized by Muhammad in all parts of the city. As fascinated, buddy, participation in festival space hides everything.

467
01:30:07.000 --> 01:30:16.000
Rose does the same she does in Bazaar but this time more free and across the city.

468
01:30:16.000 --> 01:30:17.000
Butter has

469
01:30:17.000 --> 01:30:20.000
There is 3 min left. Is that okay?

470
01:30:20.000 --> 01:30:34.000
Yeah, sure. Yeah, yeah, I try. But perhaps the most palpable form of undressed movement is fascinated by the ritual that cause people to move across intra-Ab and hidden borders in the form of a hay at, which means a religious community.

471
01:30:34.000 --> 01:30:54.000
It becomes a prey that allows for to march these trees from the locality to other constituents more at a young step probably and many others like him who are physically displaced from most sides of most sites and happenings of the city surplus in the streets of several blocks as Muhammad leaves the habituated

472
01:30:54.000 --> 01:31:05.000
suspiciousness. For now. Furthermore, the time is bent to fit the festival. Tehran often has an animated nightlife that is of course regulated against them.

473
01:31:05.000 --> 01:31:19.000
The presence of the downer then yet again Maharan changes that. More than his friends can erect and makehift structure as the site of the hay at and that place becomes a haven within this month as they stay there through the night.

474
01:31:19.000 --> 01:31:30.000
Smoking Shisha, drinking tea and setting the terms of their being out and about a radical space remaking indeed.

475
01:31:30.000 --> 01:31:41.000
Another bloke in his thirties likes to wear black tissues but it is not a luxury he can freely enjoy for very black tissues but it is not a luxury he can freely enjoy for very black tissues, but it is not a luxury he can freely enjoy for very black inside the ghetto is under suit as

476
01:31:41.000 --> 01:31:49.000
signs of gang affirmation. But Muhammad is a themed festival. It is about lamenting and many verb black, which makes class boundaries opaque.

477
01:31:49.000 --> 01:31:53.000
And he loves Maharan because he can very like and grow his beer. The same goes for Anna.

478
01:31:53.000 --> 01:32:14.000
A young sex worker who thinks a black satin brown aggrandizes her beauty and gives her a captivation that might be frowned upon at other times of this of the year even though it meant as a sign of bereavement The black dress catches the eyes and brings her more customers.

479
01:32:14.000 --> 01:32:24.000
Then there is the ceremony of men beating themselves undressed to demonstrate their grief. Here bodies are exposed. Emanated from the cage of the dress.

480
01:32:24.000 --> 01:32:38.000
Which means something for those who had to hide their skin because they carry discrediting marks. Tattoos and scars left behind from these street bars are flunted here free.

481
01:32:38.000 --> 01:32:57.000
In mountains that lead to Moharam the local Jim's long parlor is overcrowded with men puffing up the trunks bodies are freed of social concern there is a window to be more authentic.

482
01:32:57.000 --> 01:33:11.000
Ultimately, there is a chance to group. I have talked about the hey at the hay at stent in which the youth gathered, they whose gathering was less welcome in the city can come together in a legitimized group.

483
01:33:11.000 --> 01:33:13.000
As they as they form

484
01:33:13.000 --> 01:33:22.000
If you don't stop then they will not, nobody will receive comments then from one.

485
01:33:22.000 --> 01:33:23.000
Okay, good.

486
01:33:23.000 --> 01:33:29.000
I only have, I only have a conclusion, almost over. As they form a parameter gathering in Hey at 10 there's always there always might be a fight with the people of neighboring Block.

487
01:33:29.000 --> 01:33:48.000
Charing a teenager carries his blade with some but pompousness. This blades reminds Karen of Mohamed for it was one in a fight this month carrying brakes about that fight and how he won that blade not just for the matcho heroism he exhibited but for the sweet memory of he and lads moving

488
01:33:48.000 --> 01:34:00.000
about in a group putting up an intimidating facade and tasting an unprotected camaraderie that cannot that cannot sample except a miss the festival.

489
01:34:00.000 --> 01:34:06.000
In conclusion, despite all intentions the inherent disorder imbued in any event festival of that magnitude gives it a hybrid character.

490
01:34:06.000 --> 01:34:25.000
These are cracks within the within the event there are cracks within the event to withstand authority this observation gives a curious mind a hint to dig deeper into and rethink the social ramification of urban festival.

491
01:34:25.000 --> 01:34:31.000
The fluidity it breeds, the resilience it encourages. The remaking of a space it enables.

492
01:34:31.000 --> 01:34:42.000
The right to the city it recognizes the empowerment of the down to road and it facilitates and options it with its inherent contradictory qualities provides.

493
01:34:42.000 --> 01:34:49.000
Thank you.

494
01:34:49.000 --> 01:34:57.000
Okay, so we have very few minutes left. Is it?

495
01:34:57.000 --> 01:35:03.000
One prepared comments to all the presentations. So.

496
01:35:03.000 --> 01:35:05.000
Yes, please go ahead.

497
01:35:05.000 --> 01:35:07.000
Thank you very much. I will be very brief. I have to apologize because I think it's impossible to fully comment on everything.

498
01:35:07.000 --> 01:35:22.000
I have to apologize because I think it's impossible to fully comment on everything. There's a lot to discuss.

499
01:35:22.000 --> 01:35:37.000
But following the ideas that spoke about the what's new or where should we looking for innovation in terms of the topic of the panel.

500
01:35:37.000 --> 01:35:53.000
So starting with, a standard. I thought it was really interesting to distinguish between the Kind of like the way in which the, er, historic centers, in Mexico City.

501
01:35:53.000 --> 01:36:01.000
Has brought together a progressive public officials with the advocates and found ways to, er, build trust.

502
01:36:01.000 --> 01:36:14.000
I was particularly interested in sort of the mechanisms or the tactic, the tactic associated with the citizens school training program.

503
01:36:14.000 --> 01:36:25.000
As yes as skills building program but more than anything a mechanism to boost trust I thought it was really interesting to discuss these 2.

504
01:36:25.000 --> 01:36:33.000
A faces within a pragmatic urban regime. And the mechanisms in which they can actually come together.

505
01:36:33.000 --> 01:36:44.000
In our tools presentation. I thought that from a methodological point of view, the idea of creating this, a mechanism to.

506
01:36:44.000 --> 01:37:03.000
I to assess or identify. Or compare at least at the beginning, in different cities and in for where there was, a or how the distribution of, a different type of, indicators related to each other.

507
01:37:03.000 --> 01:37:15.000
Seems like a really interesting, Seems like a, a really interesting, stepping stone to and blend in some of the, a really interesting, stepping stone to and blend in some of the, a really interesting, seppings going to and blend in some of the, a

508
01:37:15.000 --> 01:37:20.000
mutual and mutually, or like hybrid garner, mutual in but also hybrid governance regimes specifically as they related to the illegality.

509
01:37:20.000 --> 01:37:33.000
It made me think about how what are the the research mechanisms or the entry points to understand a Legacy Entrepreneurship in places where, the illegal becomes legal.

510
01:37:33.000 --> 01:37:59.000
I'm thinking about cities that have, legalized cannabis and how we think about the urban governance in in terms of a citizens who maintain a some type of leadership.

511
01:37:59.000 --> 01:38:16.000
But now operate in a legal framework nonetheless they maintain sort of a completely or a separate sort of like a territory that they protect and govern even though or even after.

512
01:38:16.000 --> 01:38:29.000
They'd say the, whatever trade is, I also think that this creates a different type of spatial like a public place.

513
01:38:29.000 --> 01:38:47.000
Where that continues to be police and but in by sort of like both a formal official government and also these sort of like both in formal official governed and and also these sort of like both in formal official governed and and also these sort of emerging or pile of regimes.

514
01:38:47.000 --> 01:38:59.000
In terms of, neon, soon on participation. I was thinking about the idea of a just transition.

515
01:38:59.000 --> 01:39:10.000
And what is the type of citizenship? That is required or that emerges for from the idea of a participatory budgeting toward identifying or addressing.

516
01:39:10.000 --> 01:39:38.000
Climate adaptation priorities. Specifically as the case study of murder the this migrant flow income community where that the notes or that speaks about environmental justice or social justice constraints, community where that the notes or that speaks about environmental justice or social justice constraints, is being continues to be planned for.

517
01:39:38.000 --> 01:39:47.000
And where does, in other words, where does participatory budgeting? He sort of remains these.

518
01:39:47.000 --> 01:39:57.000
Prefabricated discussion to address issues. Without really a having the and the voice of the front line sort of like leading the conversation.

519
01:39:57.000 --> 01:40:21.000
And sort of is or when or can we actually talk about true environmental justice without it? Is the is the sort of social movement do we need as the social movement voice otherwise.

520
01:40:21.000 --> 01:40:29.000
A participatory budgeting sort of seems to sort of not be complete that complete transformation in that regard.

521
01:40:29.000 --> 01:40:54.000
I was also thinking about this idea that risk gives, or can provide a political identity and in the case of, the climate adaptation strategies, I was also thinking about whether or not the application, maybe co-opting sort of its transformative potential.

522
01:40:54.000 --> 01:41:00.000
If, for example, it is, discussed in terms of the new markets that the adaptation economy has created.

523
01:41:00.000 --> 01:41:23.000
Cities like New York, for example, have big on a opening spaces for public dialog. That are really just seeking to create and set in motion in private incentives for a developers to address the need but does nothing in places where there isn't a market.

524
01:41:23.000 --> 01:41:32.000
For reducing emissions or in specific in terms of adaptation mitigating or than he had in the fact or postal inundation.

525
01:41:32.000 --> 01:42:02.000
In terms of Elena and Franka's presentation. I was really interested in the the relationship between or the distinction made in terms of how a sanctuary seekers are a perceived or understood as innocent victims and but not you know rights bearing individuals and that spoke to me or in my mind was a coupled with what Diane was

526
01:42:03.000 --> 01:42:15.000
referring earlier in terms of sort of like the connection between the local and identify or build this and political identity in terms of sort of like the translation or the movement of the body with within countries.

527
01:42:15.000 --> 01:42:25.000
But then establishes or redefines itself in terms of, a local or hyper local citizenship.

528
01:42:25.000 --> 01:42:39.000
The, and specifically I was thinking about sort of emerging a discussions surrounding caring and caring, the care infrastructure.

529
01:42:39.000 --> 01:42:49.000
In terms of again repositioning the body in a conversation where mutual then like the not just solidarity but it actually material.

530
01:42:49.000 --> 01:43:05.000
A transformation, for example, associated with, the half, by creating, for role housing for a caretakers is I think sort of like a speaking to the same sort of like type of potential transformation.

531
01:43:05.000 --> 01:43:19.000
I also just, in relation to one of your previous the presentations in the previous panel, when we were talking about, a bike lanes.

532
01:43:19.000 --> 01:43:49.000
I was, I was also thinking how the type of jobs that a sanctuary seekers, are receiving and sort of like the notions of safety that are being sort of like discussed in in cities like in places like New York for example when it's a delivery companies and the sort of like demands that are imposed

533
01:43:49.000 --> 01:44:08.000
on delivery workers. They create all sorts of different transit patterns. And trans transgress sort of like notions of safety in in bike lanes, really sort of like redefines safety and and and how we should understand that.

534
01:44:08.000 --> 01:44:26.000
Seems to me like an interesting relationship between the 2. So, I was really interested in, sort of the idea of, governing, I was really interested in, sort of the idea of, governing, in the practice of experimentation.

535
01:44:26.000 --> 01:44:51.000
And how you can have a state that is minimizing uncertainty. And allowing sort of this trial of error when providing certain a safety and establishing sort of a collaborative practices with, a specific, a local providers.

536
01:44:51.000 --> 01:45:13.000
I'm talking about the the way in which, by hiring and, securing, in the service allocation for some transportation workers, there was an actual sort of like this concept of collaboration really came to life and and I was interested in how the that may be kind of an interesting.

537
01:45:13.000 --> 01:45:43.000
Opportunity to. To think about how to actually. Trigger resource sharing my my question here maybe came what went back here to the private sector in terms of, you know, whether that's something that how can we actually establish that same type of relationship without or activating a private sector that is committed to real transformation.

538
01:45:47.000 --> 01:46:02.000
In Hosin's presentation I was really interested in the This almost like the precarious politics of submergence.

539
01:46:02.000 --> 01:46:18.000
The idea of, a really being able to embody the difference, but but be doing so in in such a sort of like a strategic.

540
01:46:18.000 --> 01:46:32.000
Almost strategy of invisibility making your result visible in in you know public space where You wouldn't but being able to do that and reclaim some of those a right to move.

541
01:46:32.000 --> 01:46:41.000
And so forth by almost sort of like maintaining that level of anonymity was really interesting to me.

542
01:46:41.000 --> 01:46:52.000
I think that, The Moreham Festival certainly has a sort of like, really or provokes, a lot of additional conversation.

543
01:46:52.000 --> 01:47:01.000
That probably we won't be able to engage here. But anyway, these are just some very preliminary comments.

544
01:47:01.000 --> 01:47:08.000
That I hope you find useful and then hopefully we can, use as this conversation moves forward. Thank you very much.

545
01:47:08.000 --> 01:47:13.000
Okay, thank you.

546
01:47:13.000 --> 01:47:26.000
I'm afraid you are now time for discussion, but I wonder if Diane has a comment or her words.

547
01:47:26.000 --> 01:47:27.000
It's muted.

548
01:47:27.000 --> 01:47:33.000
Oh, so yeah, let me turn it over. Sorry. Yeah, I was going to turn it over to Non, to have some final comments.

549
01:47:33.000 --> 01:47:39.000
I just want to say that first of all, one come you know, amazing comments. I wish that everybody who was in the room could have been in the prior panel and vice versa.

550
01:47:39.000 --> 01:48:00.000
Some of you stayed like loud and etc. Money, Victoria, sorry we couldn't hear from you, but I do think that there were a lot of common threads despite the fact that these 2 panels kind of came from took citizenship from below and from above.

551
01:48:00.000 --> 01:48:05.000
That there isn't you know maybe next year we'll do a the like reverse the order or something, but there is a lot of commonality.

552
01:48:05.000 --> 01:48:27.000
Across the papers when especially seeing for the lens of what one was saying in his comments. So II just want to thank everybody for their presentations and turn it over to Nonk for the final words.

553
01:48:27.000 --> 01:48:50.000
No, I think I have nothing to add Diane. I think we, heard a very broad and very, Well, actually a very invigorating, different forms of citizenship from different countries in different forms, local, global and in all sorts of ways performed.

554
01:48:50.000 --> 01:49:05.000
So I think we can, you and I, we can in, together we can. Bring our thoughts together and send everybody an email with our final thoughts on this after the panel because we are totally running out of time here.

555
01:49:05.000 --> 01:49:11.000
Yeah, and maybe just say that, yeah, and we're running enough time. But again, the way that you talked.

556
01:49:11.000 --> 01:49:25.000
Finally about the Hussein's comment about the body and care and there are ways that we can, and I and also with you one can think a little bit more about a framing of what we saw as these threats and share it with everybody.

557
01:49:25.000 --> 01:49:26.000
Yeah.

558
01:49:26.000 --> 01:49:45.000
In from both of the panels distributed in all papers and if you have any more thoughts on that maybe we can start somewhat of a conversation because I think that ultimately What is clear is the world is changing dramatically rapidly.

559
01:49:45.000 --> 01:49:56.000
And we have great skills and we have great theoretical frameworks, all of us and methodological frameworks, but we need to apply them to understand.

560
01:49:56.000 --> 01:50:17.000
As Obama was saying, the liquid modernity of our times and how rapidly things are changing in order to kind of keep up with them and anticipate where we're gonna be heading in the future and what are going to be the most productive and equitable forms of citizens that allow us to survive in precarity.

561
01:50:17.000 --> 01:50:23.000
In the context of conditions of inequality and power that have always been there, but they're gonna be shifting a little bit.

562
01:50:23.000 --> 01:50:28.000
So I just want to invite everybody who participated in the panels and who came to the talk to help us.

563
01:50:28.000 --> 01:50:42.000
Discuss and reflect and imagine new features of citizenship.

564
01:50:42.000 --> 01:50:51.000
Okay, thank you very much. So yeah, thank you very well everybody for coming to this session and contributing to the discussion.

565
01:50:51.000 --> 01:50:59.000
And please join me for thanking the volunteers.

566
01:50:59.000 --> 01:51:04.000
Okay, so this is the end of the session and we have to clear the room. Thank you very much.

567
01:51:04.000 --> 01:51:05.000
Hi everybody.