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Maybe we should get going. Maybe we should start. We have 6 presentations today. So it's going to be a busy day and if colleagues are willing to join us later, maybe they can.

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Welcome to the third day of this, you know, big Congress. We are now meeting at this panel called titled The Construction of Descent, Strategies and Collective Identities.

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I am Kahn A Garton from Firmingham State University, United States. We are going to have 6 presentations today as I said.

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2 will be remote and 4 of us are here today. And I won't take too much of our time.

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So that we can have some time to discuss. This is what I believe to be amazing presentations, great case studies that we will hear about.

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So without for, do just before the basic ground rules that I each presenter will have 15 min tubs.

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I will be giving reminders when we have 5 min left and then 2 min left and the last minute I'll be giving you 3 remind I'll be very annoying today.

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So don't hate me please. And for those friends who are joining us online I'll try to do the same as well maybe I will just interrupt you 5 to and one minutes.

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Before the end of your presentation. And at the end, hopefully we'll have about 15 to 20 min for questions and discussion.

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Right? Without further ado then I am going to be initing Sunni Park for his presentation if you would like to come.

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So, hopefully for work.

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Thank you for joining us today. We are a senior park and myself, Sarah Ann. We are presenting on a topic of these construction and myself, Sarah Ann.

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We are presenting on a topic and myself, Sarah Ann. We are presenting on a topic of these construction of urban commons movement in Stalin.

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We are focusing on the question how to conceive comments, cruising, differentiating society. Let's begin with this pictures which show us.

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Starting point of our study, Counties on Commons in Seoul. In 2016, a group of urban activists and scholars took over a section of the abandoned railway near downtown Railway near downtown and named it a section of the abandoned railway near downtown and named it G. Cummins.

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Their aim was to reclaim this place as a commas for all standing against market driving interest and said control and protest profit-oriented redevelopment.

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To the 5 year resistance G comments was enclosed in 2,020 and now slated for redevelopment by private developers.

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From this G-commerce case, we are talking about these things today as you see. We would like to highlight that G-comers is located in Seoul, the capital city and largest metropolis of South Korea.

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Saul is recognized as one of the global power city or outdoor level cities and however at the same time it is facing increasingly severe multi-dimensional inequalities, particularly in the areas we are estate and housing ownerships.

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Resorted from the profit oriented market-centered urban policies so-called Neo River or urban development.

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In Sal. There was an abandoned railway called Kong Nissan, which was about 6 kilometer long and under the ownership of government-run company.

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The majority of this railway area has been transformed into parkway while the station area you can see the so-called in the picture has undergone development to become luxury residentials or commercial jobs.

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Within these station areas one specific station area became controversial. Prior to development the government rented this area to a civic, cooperative or contemporary land use.

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When the agreement takes pyre, the government requested a civic co-operative to vacate this place and the Civic Cooperative to vacate this place and the activists to vacate this place and the activists and the activists and scholars to cover this place and they argue that this place and the activists and scholars to cover this place and they argue that it is unfair that state

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of land is intended for use for private companies rather than citizens and reclaim the commons for all citizens.

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This G commerce movement was adapting the concept of urban commons. In a climate there has been increasing a growing interest in urban comments and advocate of urbancomers content that this concept could serve as a basis for resistance against the enclosing force for enclosing force of state or in capital.

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An organ, urban common movement also has been reported and more and more activists and scholars have placed their hope in comments as means to chief Associate of Transformation for more democratic, more equitable or more ecological lives.

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In this context, we've been contemplating whether comments can offer some theoretical insights or practical values.

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For urban movement in addressing current urban problems. Here we will suggest a new, new approach to comments rather than conceiving comments as a combination of resources, communication and institution, we will view commons as claims that an that claims that an object should be open to multiple social systems operation and objects should be regarded as cooperation of multiple

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social systems so that no no single social system can exclusively control it. Through this new approach, we will analyze that.

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A controversial or conflicting issue or concept of comments that have been raised by G comments movement.

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I think it is essential for us to specify our theoretical premises to begin with will we consider society as a communication system as you see in the right side rather than a combination of humans and their relations.

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This perspective is rooted in looming social system theory, which enables us to question that can Commons can function as Can Commons can function as one of social systems like an economic system?

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If not, what could it be? Is it an interaction? Is it an organisations or normative value that adjusts or fix the program of social systems.

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So we have come to think that view that commons as a kind of normative value that just the program of social systems.

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So we can perceive commons as claims that containing values that an objects should be open to multiple social systems operations.

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Viewing comments like this this way seems to be suitable, suitable approach within the context of functionally differentiated contemporary society.

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Really we emphasize the differences between traditional and contemporary society. With functionality, the functional differentiation being the most crucial characteristic of contemporary society.

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Applying this perspective to our study as depicted in this figures we can distinguish the comments in traditional society as you see in the left side and comments in the contemporary society on the right side.

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Contrast to producers society it is more appropriate to see comments in the context of the situation where multiple social systems operate at the same time around an object.

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Now let's revisit the case of 3 commas. The G commerce movement criticized the government and arguing that they are attempting to extrude citizens and claiming that it undermines the vision of city for all.

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This concept of the commas appeared as a counter-value. To the development of state owned land with the corporations and oriented toward profit.

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At the same time, the common concept of the commons is raised to pursue a place for civic autonomy and self-government.

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While G. Commons movement squatting, the merchant that demolished that our demo is for redevelopment in the vicinity or temporarily relocated in this place, then the G commerce movement started to refer this place as a space for expelled people or the 20 sixth autonomous district of the soul because soul has 20

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5 district And they established rules for membership. Membership loans to become space users. And allow the member themselves to manage and operate the place.

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And now let's talk about how G-commerce could be can be understood when applying our approach.

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Firstly, when it comes to the issue of providing providing a place for all citizens or creating a city for all.

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This can be seen as a claim that the lens should not be exclusively controlled by economic system alone.

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However, at the same time, it is impossible. It seems impossible to operate the land solely based on autonomy or inclusion as that located by G comments movement.

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Indeed, we can see all the different social systems, organizations and interactions engage in these 3 comments and each of them observes and communicates on this G comments on their own interests based on their own interests and codes.

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Next when it comes to the issue of community autonomy or self government. We come to think that it is challenging to attempt to designate the individual.

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Who gather the G comments as community. This is because the individual present at DG Commons usually and always are connected to a diverse social systems and operate more closely in connection with a specific social system among multiple systems.

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So it seems impossible to attempt to find commonality among them while encompassing all different social systems.

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We'd like to show you this picture. Now, which can only perceived as either a dog or a rabbit.

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It cannot be seen as both simultaneously. Likewise, it is impossible to establish a community place or commonality that simultaneously encompasses all different social systems.

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Now let's the key takeaways and potential points of discussions from our presentation are as follows. In contemporary society that is function from our presentation are points of discussions from our presentation are as follows.

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In contemporary society that is functionally differentiated society we require and all as follows. In contemporary society that is functionally differentiated society, we require and all as follows.

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In contemporary society that is functionally differentiated society, we require that is functionally differentiated society, we require analytic tools that differ from those applicable in traditional society.

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For better understanding for better understanding the overlap of multiple social systems. So we've we've suggested a new approach to comments for understanding comments in contemporary societies.

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That is viewing commons as a value. To adjust or fix the social systems program. This value in means value of commons can be the claim for an object should be open to social systems.

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Operation it should be regarded as a cooperation of social systems. This implicate both common studies and movement, we think.

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For the common study, we can say that it is significant to disclose the unnoticed or suppressed system suppose social systems operation and for Commons movement or urban movement.

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We can say that it can play a role in exploring the rearrangement. Of completing or competing operations of social systems.

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So not to attempt to include all of them. Not to achieve the complete incorporation of all of them.

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The primary concern that could be addressed would be engaging in discussion or contemplation on how to prioritize the codes of specific social system at a given time.

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Next, we also think the tension between we and all with it is a bit long so I was skip this.

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And I think the cost, the important point to achieve the social commencement or comment study is the construction of a thin community.

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We emphasize a theme and a big community. The community is kind of a traditional community. Consisting of consistent people sharing similar or sane interests and cues.

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Likes concentrate vocals. So we think that in pursuing or construction I think community is more important in this contemporary society which is works on a single issue or agenda in the functionally different context and just open to encounters with other thin communities.

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Thank you for listening and we were glad to hear your comments or questions. Thank you.

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Thank you so much. Thank you so much, Simon. I apologize for not introducing you properly. And this was a very interesting representation about the Commons and I have tons of questions for you because that's something that I'm also personally interested in as well.

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Next we are going to have Ryoko, Kosigi for the presentation on the rise and fall of student activism in Tokyo in the late twentieth century.

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Let me get this ready for you. I may.

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Yes, I guess. Is it the right one?

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Yeah.

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Okay, good morning everyone. I'm Yoko Kosagi. From Sitan University in Japan.

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I have studied on the student movement in the nineteenth sixtys. Today I am going to talk about my new project in which I'm trying to explain why the Japanese didn't movement.

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Cobb Shran since the s. My research, my presentation is bringing at very preliminary news.

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This is the new project. So So this presentation is at brief preliminary one. So any comment or suggestion will be appreciated.

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So this is states outline. First, I'd like to talk about The history of the student movement in Japan.

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The student movement in Genao. Are the activists. Which is embedded in the modern higher education.

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System. So the Japanese student activists was born when the modern higher education system has also born. And consolidated between the end of the late nineteenth century and the early twentieth century.

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During the Second World War the government repression dismantled the student movement but soon after the defeat of war it was revived.

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Then between the late forties and the early seventies the student movement expanded greatly.

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And in those protests

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Sorry, expanded greatly and as a result it contributed to the uplift of Japanese social movement as a home.

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In the 19 sixties the Japanese society had a way of plotted like this. And in those protests, students always create a central role as an center of those protests as well as our main source or partition.

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Especially in 1,968 and 1,969. Campus protest he loved it.

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34% of the Japanese university had any kind of campus protest. And the number in place to increase to 41% in 1969.

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However, after the 19 sixties last very active Japanese activist started to shrink since the 1,900 seventys, campus protests have declined and today we witness very huge protest activities on the Japanese campus.

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So I'm interested in But fuck that can't explain. The lies and form of student movement in Japan.

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Let's move on to the previous studies which can explain a part of the lives and whole of the student movement.

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Takamasa ando discovered that poricing strategies developed after the 19 sixties responding to the upsurge of youth activism in the sixtys.

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The newly developed policing strategies successfully created an image of selfish and cooler extremists who engage young activists.

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Patricia's time have mentioned a part which media played. Media presentations of the sixtys used activists.

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Solidified. Negative collective memories of social activists. Which emphasizes senselessness and violence.

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As a result, the Japanese youth became hedge then to participate in social activism. However, the student movement is embedded in the higher education system as I mentioned.

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So the fall of the student movement might have something to do with Any change in the system. So today I'd like to focus on the higher education policy.

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Other groups of studies have described the relationship between the student movement and spatial factors which is very suggestive for my goal.

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Deans in jail found that the ecology of university campus facilitated students mobilization in 1,989 student movement in Beijing.

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So campus have many places where a lot of students come. I guess they usually pass by or stay. For example, Westerns and libraries.

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It's always pressured transmission of dissent. Dissident ideas and information among students. Concentration of multiple universities in one specific district of a city is also important.

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Because it facilitated inter-university competition when protest a lot. And this also appreciated students mobilization.

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Moreover, it has long been said that special factors are important for the emergence of social movement. For example, a haven't or freeze social spaces.

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Nutritional culture and group identity.

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So those previous carships have successfully explained the relationship between space and emotions of social movements. It suggests us that spaces especially changes in those spaces.

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Might contribute to demise or social movement as well.

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Honey to the relationship between students and spaces. Geographical studies said that expansion of high education system have led to studentification of urban spaces.

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In the case study of England, in the studentification of urban spaces, the ratio we shouldn't do the total preparation of Neighborhood.

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Get higher. Family housing were combusted. To hustle multiple occupation for students on property late roads.

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And so on and so forth.

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The studies of reunification have suggested that students need students need and develop particular spatial arrangements.

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Job. Chartarton argues that Judas want to be student. Are in student spaces. The student spaces is a built environment.

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Which are strongly associated with student life. For example, campuses or popular culture influence structures. Socializing with other students.

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In those spaces. Students learn our distinctive way of This distinctive, distinct student way of being.

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If in students spaces. Students learn the distinct way of being. Those space can be an important vehicle. Beach socialize with students.

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With socialized students with the campus activism culture as well. Combined with the relationship between spaces and emergence of social movement, it can be said that changes or student spaces might be able to explain the changes of student spaces might be able to explain the light and of student spaces might be able to explain the light and fall of the student movement in

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Japan. A Against the Dose Buckland, my hypothesis is that the state level psi regulating campus locations have impacted the lies of the Japanese campus activism through concentrating student population.

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Who have learnt campus-occupied culture in the student spaces. It also influenced the whole of student movements.

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So dispersing student population and dismounting the student spaces.

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Okay, let's look at the relationship between the state level campus regulation policy and rise and fall over student activism in the late 1960 jahn First of all, the Japanese poracy.

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Weigrating campus locations is complex. Or the area which consists of higher education. Urban planning and industrial development policies.

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Since Tokyo was the center of the student movement in Japan for this presentation, I like to focus on the policies which influenced campuses in Tokyo.

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The campus location policy of Japan has a long history of concentrating campuses in urban spaces in Japan especially in central Tokyo.

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The mid fifties to the seventies was the early stage of campus location policy. The policy consists of those Lows and at this early stage Savestantial impact was very weak in terms of carving the construction of new universities in Tokyo.

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Especially in the central Tokyo.

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Between the mid seventys and the early eightys, campus location courses started to regurate. Campus location structure.

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In universities were in college to move their campus form central Tokyo to Sabama areas and other more rural regions.

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The educational administration also developed new strategy for decentralizing campuses and implementing Adam Shan capacity standard.

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Them between The eighties and 2,002 the education administration loosened its campus's decentralizing policy while London administration and industrial administration continued their suburbanization measures for university locations.

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Inference about those calls of the campus regulation policy. Students concentrate in Tokyo between fifties and early seventys and the student population of Tokyo started shrink after the seventys.

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The leisure of Australian population in Tokyo to the whole genetic population which are from. Like this

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No, I'd like to focus on our attention to one specific area called Count Autonomous Area, which was seated for the student activism in Tokyo.

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The

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As a result of the campus education policy, students concentrated especially in the Tokyo metropolitan area, including Honda or Chinese area.

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Especially in the fiftys and sixtys, nearly 90% of the student population in Tokyo concentrated in central Tokyo.

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Call the Tokyo tennis race special wars.

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In the 1,960, S. Condao Chinese area helped those universities, including public funds and private ones.

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On all of those universities are known to have had known to have heard the active student movement in the's, especially the 2 most major campus protests of 1,968, one in the University of Tokyo and another in Newhorn University.

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Erupted in this area.

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More so called counterparty Aladdin struggle occurred in January, 1,969.

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In which students or multiple universities in the Canada organism area occupied the streets.

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Well, okay. So let's move on to the final part of my presentation. My tentative conclusion is that in the mid 20 century the Japanese state levelled policy, regulating campus locations prompted university to construct the campuses.

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In specific areas in cities such as Kandahu Jennis area in central Tokyo. As a result, the junior population tended to concentrate.

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In those areas and those areas were turned into student district. By beginning over the s. Until the 1960 s in those shooting areas students learned the students way of being.

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Including campus-based subcultures. This led to the eruption. Or student activates.

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In the specific area in Japanese cities in the 1,900 sixtys.

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To move this my research for the form here, I think I need to explore the process in which students or condolences area could learn.

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And transmit. It's a campus-based culture in the fiftys and sixtys. I also need to look at students interactions in meetings, sports, bookstores, publishing companies.

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Or bars. Also after 97 days the state labor policy regulating campus locations changed its course and it encouraged the universities to moved their campus to suburb.

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So to explain the fall of the student moving that the eighteenth century Japan, I need to look at how the campus relocation policy dismantled.

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Students district, the student's spaces and how the students lost their chances. To learn how to be activist as a result.

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That's a whole today. Thank you for listening.

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Hmm. Thank you, Yoko for your presentation. Now we are going to move to our third presentation and for that I think I'm going to stop sharing this.

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Yes, good morning. Yeah. Can you hear me? Yeah.

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Hungly, yes? Good morning. The stage is yours if you have a presentation to share you can

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Yes, yes.

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Please try and see if we have any issues.

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Okay.

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Alright, can you, or see my PowerPoint?

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Yes, yes we can. So you have 15 min.

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Okay, thank you.

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So good morning everyone in this presentation. I will be speaking about technical shifts in social movement. I will be exploring technical shit from the perspective of strategic interaction.

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And relating it to the case of the pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong.

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The empirical case that it is the Hong Kong Pro-democracy Movement.

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Hi examine technical shift in this case during the period from 1997 to 2,019. The whole period can be divided into 3 stages.

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With 2 major shift in tactics. The first shift is from legal mass demonstration and electoral politics.

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To occupation and civil disobedience. And then the second shift is to leaderless protest. Combining both violent and non-violence tactics.

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And the extraditional amendment to movement in 2,019. Wasn't an unexpected territory wide movement.

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Protesting the legislation of extra extradition below. With full democratization as one of the movement amounts.

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To some students of Hong Kong social movement. He may be quite surprising to observe drastic radicalization in tactics.

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Within just a decade.

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How do the existing theories explain tactical shift? The structural paradigm in social movements studies has demonstrated that objective opportunities largely shape technical options.

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A small case as more cases are studied. However, they explanatory power of the structural paradigm is gradually undermined by inconsistent findings.

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For example, We could observe technical safety in some cases without significant changes in political opportunities. Moreover, such an approach can explain technical shift only in broad strokes.

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Certainly. The structural paradigm was criticized for being deterministic and ignoring agency.

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To do with the. Weakness of the structural approach. A later version of political opportunities theory has highlighted the mediating role of perception of activist.

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This later version demonstrates that structural factors are always featured by cognitive lens. These thesis, these perception thesis, brings in a more balanced view of the role of structure and agency in technical shift.

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But the meeting, but the mediating role of perception is to an understudy. His paper will fill this gap by examining the relationship between strategic interactions among actors and their perception of opportunities.

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In this paper I ask How do interaction between movement factions with varying as assessment of opportunities have an impact on tactical shift.

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To trace the trajectory of tactical shift. I propose an analytical framework to analyze episodes of strategic interaction between movement factions.

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I unravel how strategic interactions have an impact on tactical choices. By focusing the analysis of, the analysis on factional debates over strategic dilemmas in an episode.

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So, my methods and data collection involves in that, interfere and archival research and but I'm not going to talk about those in details because of the time limit.

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I organize my findings, by the analysis of 3 episodes of strategic interactions in which factions within Hong Kong pro-democracy movement faced different strategic dilemma and debated over tactical decisions and choices.

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So these are the 3 episode that I am going to analyze.

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Yes, the first one, the first episode. What's the, in 2,010?

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Which is the second political reform. The pro-democracy movement has already revised the movement slogan twice.

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Because there was no significant progress in democratization in Hong Kong for more than 10 years after the hand over in 1997.

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Therefore, in around 2,009 a moderate faction and a radical fraction debated over whether the movement should proactively press for change.

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Or should wait for change from top down. This kind of debate is recurrent in different social movements indeed and in the literature it is called the debate over the today or tomorrow dilemma.

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In this table, it summarizes the respective position of the moderates and radical in these episodes.

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As the moderates were optimistic towards paging stance in implementing political reform. They opted for negotiate.

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Negotiation with China. Hey Jane, on the other hand, the radicals believe that pressure from below is needed to press for change.

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Therefore they organize a, de facto referendum and attempted to mobilize their supporters to vote.

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In order to show the support for full democratization in Hong Kong. However, the turner was low and this failed to have any impact on the authorities.

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The lots the losses were more than games for both factions in this episode. For the moderates, the outcome of the negotiation with Beijing was only a very, very modest political reform.

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To most of the Hong Kong people, this could not be regarded as progress. And the whole movement also learned from these episode.

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That he would be very unlikely to get a green light from Beijing to implement food democratization in Hong Kong.

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Both factions eventually lost tr in Beijing and started to plan for a large scale Occupy movement.

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As a result, the today or tomorrow dilemma became no more relevant. Both factions began to acknowledge that the only next step was to find it the best means to press for sooner change.

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The idea of Occupy Central was born under this context. So we now move on to episode 2.

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The original plan of Occupy Central was, premised on the notion of civil disobedience.

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However, the leaders of Occupy Central and student activists hold different views regarding the timing in exercising civil disobedience.

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On the one hand, the leaders of Occupy Central do not really wish to execute their plan of occupation.

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But only treated this tactic as bargaining chips. On the other hand, the student activist saw, saw occupation as a powerful method to, press for change.

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He shot the goal of the student activist was different and more ambitious than the goal of the leaders of Occupy Central.

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In other words, the movement was facing the dilemma of shifting goals.

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This table summarizes the respective positions of the Occupy Central leaders and the student activist in the Occupy Central Movement.

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Yes, the Occupy Central leaders without the occupation only as a last resort. Data appeared to be too hesitant in the eyes of the movement participants.

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On the contrary, the student activists were passionate and aggressive. They just gained more and more support from the movement adherents over the course of the preparation of the, of the occupation.

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Owing to the strategic interaction between the occupied central leaders and student activists for over a year. The Occupied movement movement with, which we saw in 2,014.

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Was transformed into the umbrella movement. Wednesday activists became the core leaders at the occupation songs.

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S the idea of occupation was actualized. The dilemma of shifting goes also became no longer relevant.

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Instead, the naughty or nice dilemma surfaced in the later phase of episode 2.

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In terms of action, those student leaders were advocates of civil disobedience and opposed any forms of violence.

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However, in light of the stormmate, many occupation participants. Wanted a tactical escalation so as to make a breakthrough.

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This table summarizes the respective position of student leaders and occupation participants. I'll do the student activist and some of the occupation participants attempted to escalate their actions at the later stage of the movement.

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Oh.

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However, the infighting between the student leaders and those who later become the localist i mean the the, the student activists and the participant, escaped the action at the latest state of the movement.

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But they, it result, in nothing. They achieved nothing by escalation.

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So the infighting between, it later becomes an infighting between student leaders and the, student and those the occupation participants and those occupation participants also later become the so-called localist and it also sold the seat of technical Right, radicalization in the subsequent stage.

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Sorry to interrupt you have 5 more minutes 5 min Yeah.

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Although the idea of radical action Right. Alright. Thank you. So the idea of radical action took shape in 2,014, but it was not until 2,016 that violent tactics become the center of debate within the movement.

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And so the Mongol unrest in 2,016 is the third episode that, of my analysis.

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On the Chinese New Year's Eve, in 2,016, a localist group wanted to protect the, pro, protect the illegal street vendors.

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From being arrest by the law enforcement. The events then turned into violent confrontation between the police and the localist supporters.

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The Mongol and Rash initiated discussion among the activists to ponder the question of whether Militant resistance is acceptable or not.

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So it is, the extension dilemma, which has been discussed in the, later chat.

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His table summarizes the respective position of those who oppose violence and those who support it. Violence was content not only by the moderate but also by the student activists.

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As the student activists claimed they could not accept militant resistance because his gains lead with sacrifices too much.

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On the other hand, the localists have located the use of force as a legitimate defense to state violence.

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Although the extension dilemma was not resolved in this episode, Violent confrontation protesters gradually became part of the technical repertoire in Hong Kong social movement.

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Hello most pro-democracy activists would never support militant tactics, tactics, the deliberation over technical choice initiated by the Mongol and rest has deepened their reflection over their own strategic plans.

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His shift in strategic preference allow the anti extradition movement in 2,019. To become a movement demonstrating a wide area of tactics, including both nonviolent and is disruptive.

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So, let me conclude my presentation. This study has shaped light on the interactive mechanism in technical shift.

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But approach provides more analytical leverage in explaining technical safety than the structure approach. From a structural perspective.

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Yeah.

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The changes in political opportunity of course go hand in hand with technical radicalization. However, his perspective does not provide us with any details with how active strategize on the ground.

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Instead, through the analysis of the free episode of strategic interaction, over the past decade. My approach not only uncovers the interpretive variability of how political opportunities are understood.

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But it also unravels how strategic interactions concatenate into macro level outcomes.

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Alright, so that's the end of my presentation. Thank you and welcome. For questions.

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At the end. Thank you.

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Thank you so much, Hank. So, okay.

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The presenters so far have been so kind enough to adhere to those 15 min limit that I have been trying to impose on you and I appreciate that.

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Our next presentation is also going to be online. It's going to be Bohann, Baka from Sweden.

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So let me.

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Share the screen right now. Yes, Bofan, are you there?

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Yes, yes, I'm here.

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So I stopped sharing and then maybe you was Green.

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Oh, okay. Yeah, perfect. Just give me a second. Okay, can you can you see?

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Beautiful, yes. So you have 15 min as well. Thank you.

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Okay, okay, thank you so much. Good morning everyone and thank you for having me on this panel.

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So I'm gonna just a second. I'm gonna just, I can't seem to it doesn't matter.

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Okay, something's okay. Anyhow, so I'm gonna present you a work in progress.

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I'm at the moment kind of cleaning data and doing some preliminary analysis. And just to give you a sense of this.

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And this is a period in the eve of Yugoslav collapse and I'm analyzing a period called the anti bureaucratic revolution and the d bureaucratization process.

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Basically the idea was that it was a wave of mess uprisings during the period of 1988 and 1990 when the workers rose up against the what they called alienated elites in their offices.

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Or the bureaucracy. Now what really kind of was interesting for me was that I was surprised at how little literature is devoted to this event.

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So mostly non-solarly literature yet this event is are constantly a part of public discussions and significant part of collective memory as the event were kind of Montenegro contemporary history starts.

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So just to get you a sense of this our our one of the key figures in anti bureaucratic revolution was ousted this year from his office.

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So more than 3 decades in power. Now what was interesting is that most of these accounts showed people completely without agency being easily manipulated by the emerging nationalist elites.

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So for me as a sociologist this was a bit kind of problematic and I really wanted to see what was going on.

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So in terms of background, the narrative is that, The emerging nationalist elite basically within several weeks manipulated masses to rise and protest.

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But as you can see here, the from the beginning to the almost end of the eighties the strikes were on the rise across the the duration.

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And, in Montenegro, it basically went from 0 to 54 within with less than a decade.

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Another thing was that, in the summer of 1988, what I was able to find was that there were several kind of cultural events where certain right wing elites, emerged to pretty much give her a at no nationalist frames that were gonna be later used in the event.

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And, in terms of Meteorology, I use, critical discourse analysis to analyze the lead discour in selected magazines, publish memoirs and everything and I then use protest event analysis to map enumerate and analyze the and mass uprising.

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So I'm still kind of working on this table. This is table how I'm like working on the variables and data it still needs a lot of cleaning and work.

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But what I was able to find that was that anti bureaucratic revolution contrary to kind of popular belief and it's as it is remembered it wasn't a continuous event it was basically comprised of 3 acts on different stages, different actors, different dynamics and pretty much different audience.

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But the the key kind of takeaways from this event was that during the act one that people or not at this point still considered as socialist demos rather than kind of nationalist ethnos.

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Emerged on the stage and pretty much exposed the weakness of the regime which wasn't able at this point to stop it's a desire to to gather and it held 6 mass protest and considering the fact that Montenegro is a country half a million people these were like almost more than 10% people of population were on the streets.

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The second deck was challenging of the certain government policies and it pretty much at this point it it created cracks within the elite.

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So between the Act 2 and the Act 3. The revolution, the antibiotic revolution shifted from streets, to, institutions when it started the counter elite you mostly younger members of the party wanted to capitalize on this discontent that was emerging in Montenegro and by the end by the beginning of

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January this is when the The Communist Num and Cotura was outsted and replaced basically through a kind of this light coupon within the park.

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And this is where basically and after that event they were in power for more than 3 decades.

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Now, I'm here gonna mostly focus on the period that is completely, kind of unknown at this point and it's, there is kind of this mythical value about it and the idea is that this is the period where lazy workers were basically this kind of automaton carriers of

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nationalism. And I was able to identifying daily newspaper. 352 events. These are how they are, categorized at this moment.

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And I'm gonna go like through. And most of these just to give you certain, kind of topics and frames I was able to find and it goes pretty much against 2 things regarding Montenegro against the meet of lazy workers and regarding the literature of kind of revolutions of 1,900 and

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89 and the early state and the collapse of socialism or early stages of post-socialism that civil society was during the after the revolution was pretty docile.

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Quite the contrary, it was very vibrant and or really like really diverse trajectories of descent.

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ZO, in terms of strikes and labor disruptions, they were mostly class based in socioeconomic.

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One interesting thing was that it was the workers who consider themselves to be the carriers of the, the bureaucratization process.

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And they consider themselves responsible in terms of carrying out and monitoring in terms of carrying out and monitoring the dismantling of the old meaning in terms of carrying out and monitoring the dismantling of the old meaning negative ways of thinking and doing things and yet they were also kind of vocal critics of the new

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party leadership, especially when they were not adhering to the values of the bureaucratization in terms of.

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Reforms kind of getting you was love socialism back to its self management or self-government roots of workers self management.

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There were of course differences between a blue worker, a group. Color strikes and white collar strikes. I won't go here into details but the key thing was that in all the strikes that I was able to identify workers so themselves as agents of change.

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But it was interesting that now they saw the antibiotic revolution as is the way of kind of determining the fate of their enterprises.

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And the way that they were doing this and the way. The new party leadership gained legitimacy was that it was very responsive to their demands.

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If they wanted to meet in the factories. They were eagerly come there and discuss. Discuss any issue they had with them.

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So there was this kind of convergence at this point that was transforming into this kind of populist project that were within almost a year become kind of going to Ethan National is frenzy but at this point like the both sides met new elites and mass and workers kind of celebrated their willingness to rebel.

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And they also provided the legitimacy to a new leadership which they saw as the expression. Of their rebellion that was just a month ago or a few months ago in the streets and now could be carried out through institutions and to policy and desire change.

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Boy, and blockades were interesting because usually it was small scale kind of short term and low key. Most of the time it ended to be at the level of a neighborhood neighborhood level.

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And, it's really showed at this point the, the the willingness and the desire to people to point to anything they considered.

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To be neglected by the system or simply invisible in that system. To self organize and point to these injustices and try to correct them.

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Of course, there were the differences between boycotts and blockades were for example terms of whenever they were kind of local and spontaneous whenever they were small-scale, usually they were progressive.

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But any kind of boycott that were nationwide were later by the end of 1,989 were later by the end of 1,989 organized by the state, which And then at that point was feeding into the collapse of you was Lavin pretty much at that point to the Serb at the

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nationalist politics.

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Protest letters and petitions were interesting in a sense that they really started showing the emergence of new kind of grassroots civil society because people were really willing and eager to participate in the emerging public sphere and here it was really interesting how they were able to.

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To say to create pluralism from below. Of course, this petition was shifting from the left to the right of the ideological spectrum.

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Sorry to interrupt and you have 5 min

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But here Okay, thank you. I'll try to finish but see here are just some of the key topics that I was able to identify where people were.

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Which again for me was really interesting because whenever I hear discussion about this period it's always about kind of people just promoting get my nationalist ideas which empirically is just not the case.

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And, at that point, civil society was opening up and it's really like protest letters and petitions gave a voice to those who were previously silenced and they would often go hand-to-hand with protests that were happening in the street in the forms of demonstrations rallies and other forms.

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So these, for example, that was one of the protests of the unemployed because at that point people's course simply unemployed started to self-organize it to point to nepotism and corruption in the employment practices.

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It was also one of the the points of the kind of the bureaucratization process this kind of old ways of doing things.

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There were emergence of urban movements, peasant protests, and even family protests who were simply like you had more than 10 cases of family just occupying a local authorities offices are simply started to squat the the apartment they consider belong to them rather than the the ones that were gained through nepotistic practices.

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But however, this is where the workers actually start to to promote techno nationalism and I guess like these were the headline grabbing protest rather than than strikes is that when they were started to being used by There are certain elements of the new.

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Elites is basically to promote Sloane and Milosevic politics and especially then the crisis the first crisis with Kosovo and I get of course against the federal government and that point.

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And in September, 1989 is actually when I was able to identify the first time that Aetna National is kind of overtones are are taking over the the public space.

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Industrial workers, especially in the large socialist enterprises, became basically the baton of new leadership and then that is the moment that they started kind of carrying the Ethan nationalist sentiment that later broke up Yugoslavia.

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But. I'm gonna go here to because of the time. So.

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One of the interesting things is that I was able to find was that, civil society contrary to all the literature that points to the much of Eastern Europe was pretty much strong.

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People were willing to mobilize and to organize. Workers were agents of democratization in the beginning.

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However, they after co-opted by the elites, the the internationalist elites that's when they became the the kind of carriers of Feta nationalism so it was a gradual protest process that took more than a year than rather the workers articulating at the nationalism.

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And just a second. Okay. So just here are some kind of mates that are circling. Mostly in the Yugoslav public sphere and to some extent scholarly literature which there isn't much band, certain empirical realities.

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Basically that was the mobilized and passive civil society. It was quite vibrant and very much lively the dominance of ethanol political protest activities.

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No empirically speaking it was dominated by socioeconomic hardship and everyday life issues.

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Predominantly top down orchestration of protest predominantly bottom up in the first year and then kind of more.

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Going towards stop down, mostly with large scale protests. And the elite orchestrated and control everything.

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Basically after during the long process of 2 years the elite capitalized on discontent. In the growing up and political polarization.

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And I'll stop here. Thank you.

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Thank you so much.

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We are going to move to our fifth presentation by Amita Gerzo, please.

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Yes.

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This is gonna be you I guess can I read my presentation? Is it this? Hello, good morning everyone.

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Okay, my presentation is He is a preliminary presentation of a result of research. When I wrote this research in the a 2021 we have many uncertainty about what will happen with social movement in the constitutional process.

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So, and now many, many things. They have a change in Chile because political win. Right wing political parties are controlling the new constitutional assembly.

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You know? And so. And now I am misjudging what will happen with So social movement, especially if they want to change their political strategies.

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I see. Okay, this picture is the neoliberalis and model bore and dyed.

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In Chile. This is the slogan of one important protest even in in in 2,019.

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And she is Alisa Long, the first Bresident of the Constitutional Convention in in in in the first constitutional assembly.

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She, represent the principle or the political demands of indigenous people in Chile, a recognizing constitutional rights and institutional representation.

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Okay. Now many political societies in Chile we are discussing what happened with with the political process.

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We are doing an electoral restaurant evaluation, the process of electoral disaffection and their boot entrance of a 4.2 millions of a 4.2 million unknown border to the electoral role.

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Cause and long term political consequence of the deliberate laboratory that significance the Constitutional Assembly. How do social movements evaluate a failure and ratifying their political strategies?

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Okay, what phenomenon had we observed? A fragment, a scenario of district, but also of hope in the change to come.

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Individuals who want to belong to the imagined Protestant community or who had an emotional bone with the mobilization, pluton and social territorial movements that had been growing for decades and were expressed in the assembly, group defined by their party institutional act or districts.

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The fragileness of independent candidates, bersos the party's demand in the face of the crisis.

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My central question are what actors and social and political organization types can emerge from the social mobilization transformation due to the constitution constitutional process.

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What are the main collective projects that are in dispute within this scenario of institutional change and what types of political participation will emerge from the discussion of the distributors project.

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Okay, my balance historical balance. Of the Chilan Kai's protest. The first idea, protests, optimization, subjecting Mala's politician is the thesis of the Katya Rahu.

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And how to deal with the phenomenon, extra priorities and conflicts. And now II want to know how the So movements.

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Can elaborate their feeling of the protests. Work emotional magnet and politician moral emotion.

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This is the discussion, but the central discussion, but now we are and starting with with a field of work.

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Ok, balancing the movement after the defeat, we want this expression is from one representer one and see one as his name is Gaspar Dominguez.

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We wanted it all and come away with nothing. I I'm made a 10 interviewed with with other experts before the September referendum and now a movement representative linking to the coordination of social movements and 15 case.

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Rock to run at the Constitutional Reference in Hong Kong even more so after the feed as of December of last year the movement had no jet made a common political diagnosis of the defeat nor had they collectively discussed their future political strategies, there was not conscientious of the on the matter of political participation in the institutional

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arena. Interview with feminists from Madayanas where Don Prior to the Shila agreement which established the new constitutional structure conditions.

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We are the my principle question is we were the representatives of the movement that participate in the constitutional They were.

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They were 2 types of representatives, activist groups that operate on voluntary basics we told functional separation and that had no organizational support.

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They were a small collective of organised groups such as Taritorial Assembles or a Small Local Organization.

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An individual subject that follows social cows but did not respond to an organic one. They use the electoral platform to position themselves.

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The case of non neutral independent independent independent independent as no neutralists, they can seek party seats of your own political party.

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The conventional so however the constitutional convention is this was an interesting experiment of political deliberation because the convention forms allowed them to get to know each other, identify common agendas and bowl islands.

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Many of them were instrumental and only possible due to the deliberation dynamics. That look placed in the Constitutional Assembly.

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They learned about the logic of institutional negotiation and appreciate the difference between the Movement's own assembly and appreciate the difference between the movements on assembly tradition and the parties and negotiation logic.

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The movement collected a full sonator's parliamentary binge in a quite proko project.

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You give me, I gave you. So, and in the first styles of the field works, and the representator of social movement speak about oneation inside of the side.

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And The important they spoke about the importance of influencing institutional policy create contradiction. Activities, recruitment and training leaders, alliance with institutional actors.

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The movement had different deliberate experience.

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Serminist and indigenous people were wanting to make a strategic airlines Copying an institutionalized space, difficulty in creating a routine organization.

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The constitutional test is the Mormon's political program, activists and attitude prevents coordination from now.

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In the second phase is the people do the unit purple move for where widow parties because when the conventional assembled ended last year many representative of social movements and was in Hispanic El Pueblo, Nedo, Advances in Pthuse, but now they are they think that they need to create political organisation.

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The movements seem to have dissolved the tension between territorial work strategies and institutional political participation.

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However, they are afraid to integrate intellectual race because they risk loss in social legitimacy. The Social Mother milk coordinator is the process of creating a political party because they have realised they need to have an electoral alternative.

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They believe they can compete in local regional elections. Regarding the political Australia devaluation social movements representative understand that every scenario is important to make policy and create change in society.

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However, the island's coordination cannot be promote a single issue. They need organisation that allowed them to unify cross-cutting issues.

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Let feel social movements must connect with people's material needs and not just promote it identity demands in the same they need to strengthen the waste in which they organize themselves and their network.

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With representatives from different movements, they also need islands with institutional sector, however they want to present themselves.

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Yes. An alternative to centre led coalition that currently governs Chile. Okay, preliminary conclusions despite the failure of the constitutional process, the political fair open in the 2,019 and 2,021 cycle had us not close it is still to the reconfiguration process.

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Nevertheless, the possibility for political action that the social movement representatives have today are more restricted. Done in the initial phase of the violent constitutional process.

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The central demand of feminists, indigenous peoples and in the Romans movements were not won in the public debate but the representative do not have the power to encrypt them in legislation.

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Do the process module actually feed on given the condition of conservative restoration that's what bit improves in Chile for the time being the field of political dispute will be resolved in this institutional arena.

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It is to be. That the different movements will seek representation in these areas if the selling especially at the local and regional levels the fight for parliament parliament will depend or whether they manage to establish themselves as a party or not.

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Grasnot's brass roots work is different period in different charities, the formation and recruitment process of new activists require this table network and organizational superdad for now.

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These 3 governments do not have, they must boil them. There's never an organisation or superhero by occupant position of interest and power in different areas.

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Both an institutional and political level as well. At a social level of the Dream government families in the is the one that has the greatest influence in different arenas.

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The environmental movement is in in local and regional power is based in areas of country. Okay, thank you for listening.

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My apologies for my conversation.

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Okay.

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All right, we are coming to the end of our journey this morning visiting so many different countries, so many different cases in the world and we are ending it in Colombia.

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The last presentation is going to be by Dr. Kamina Tamara Gomes. If you will.

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Yeah.

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Well, good morning everyone. Just still here, that's good. I will buy you a coffee after surviving all these presentations for so early.

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So I really appreciate that you are here and thank you very much to coming for. This morning session. So my name is Camilo Tammy Jomis as my colleague Ken has introduced me.

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I am a senior lecturer at the University of Hottersfield in the UK and I'm going to take you to Colombia.

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I'm going to take you to analyze a case that had been analyzing for a couple of years.

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And it is regarding the last wave of protest in my country. And I'm going to try to understand that wave of protesters linking with 3 concepts, the concepts of body of resistance, a space of solidarity and social disobedience.

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So this morning I'm going to split this presentation in 2 moments. The first moment I'm going to give you a little bit of context because I of course I know that nobody knows.

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What is happening in Colombia at the moment. So I will use a song descriptive information about what is happening.

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And in the second part, I'm going to show you some results of these research that have been doing since 2,021 as part of my scholarship regarding social movements.

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So Colombia, a little bit, history is not just about Shakira and it's just about drugs and it's just about Shakira and it's just about drugs and it's not just about Shakira and it's just about drugs and it's not just about Rageton.

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It's about social mobilizations as well and we are overcoming armed conflict that was for 6 decades and in September the 2,016 the FARC garages and the common government made an agreement main and a peace agreement trying to end the armed conflict that Colombia suffered for 6 decades.

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And this is really interesting because as you can see in the slide, the columnar conflict was the result of the economic conflict was was huge, was was a devastating conflict and we have at the end almost more than 9 million internal displaced people as a result of the conflict more than 2,000 enforced disappearance 40,000

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kidnappings happened during the conflict and 60,402 extra budget executions and so on so So basically according to the last statistics, 3 people in 10 has been a direct big team of the Oklahoma conflict.

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So it's a huge thing. But the question is, after 2,021, a sorry, 2,016, some scholars argued that colonies having a period of transition, right?

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So we are trying to overcome their conflict and trying to to start a new a new country after the war.

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So in 2,021 something happened in Colombia and was a huge uprising. These protists are starting as demonstrations against a proposition of tax reform in Colombia before the pandemic.

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At the time was President Ducie who was a representative of the extreme right in Colombia and he tried to propose this tax reform as a way to improve the finances of Columbia and trying to balance the books in the country.

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And of course trying to mitigate what happened after the pandemic. So after the pandemic the Colombian economy was in not really good shape so he tried to do this tax reform as a way.

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To reconstruct if you want the economies and the finances of the country. But the people was not really happy with that tax reform and they started to mobilize.

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And at the beginning, this mobilization, as you can see, was all around the country and was at the first moment against tax reform.

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But that was the excuse from people to come to the streets and start to demonstrate against different kind of issues.

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And especially that for individuals for different kind of classes, like for low classes, middle classes, high classes, but it was like the first time in the Colombian history that different kind of socialist traits had come to the streets to demonstrate.

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And was like the catalyzer of a huge movement. Of discontent across the country and at the first time of the process almost for 4 days a People went to the streets and started to do demands and start to at the same time a claiming for a better future for Colombia.

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So it was like an excuse was a tax reform that was the catalyzer to a star demonstrating for a more radical social change in Columbia.

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After the the first word of demonstration on 4 days a start to become really nasty and the police start to react in a really really bad way in Colombia for the demonstrators.

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So as I say before, it was the first demonstrations that brutal areas of Colombia and urban areas of colonies tend to become more active in the previous year as a movements and demonstrations were contested by the police and the police brutality in Columbia was horrendous.

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According to Human Rights Watch to Anonymous International, 68 people died during the 4 months of demonstrations.

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And they were responsible for a lot of atrocities that I wanted to say to you almost at the moment, 419 people still disappear by the police.

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So the police forces disappear 419 people during the 4 months of demonstrations is 16 cases reported and documented like human wash of how the police kill demonstrators in Columbia and they use different kind of no little and little weapons against demonstrators and the police were involved in cases of rape, sexual assault, but just is one of one

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of the most horrible for me examples of police brutality in the Americas. So that was of course not really nice.

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But one of the main characteristics of that demonstrations was there was the first moment that Guru and Urban and rule of people come together and especially in young people and this is really important because Colombia is having a moment of transition.

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So seeing how young people in the streets start to demonstrates against what happened in combat was really important and they started to configure a different kind of social actions that I'm going to express yourself.

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So this is the context, right? So we are in Colombia. What we have to do with some colleagues from different parts of Latin America and in England.

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We start to analyze the social protest. We started to analyze the social movements and we tried to understood that actions in 2 different dynamics.

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First, we try to recollect and understand the materialities of that social action. The second I mentioned was the normativities of that social action and trying to understood if we can approach the social movements in Colombian as a new actions and expressions of social disobedience.

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I'm going to explain this a little bit more. So for the materialities of the protest, we address 3 main categories.

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Places, spaces and bodies. I'm going to focus on that for this presentation. But the main theoretical approach is to try to see how the categories of collective action, resistance and solidarity is creating a new normative framework to analyze what is happening in Colombia after the peace agreement and after the last wars of

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mobilization. So we're trying to create a new kind of framework to analyze social movements, social processes in a more comprehensive and holistic way.

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So let me just show some preliminary results. The first part was analyzing places of resistance. For us, our research team was trying to see how was the reconfiguration of a speciality and location during the protest in Columbia.

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We found different examples that I'm going to show you and the first one was the reconfigurations of places as places or for read redundant of resistance and in a city in Colombia called Kali they create a place called Port Puerto Ristentia for Assistant Port as a place to resist

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against police brutality and against state violence, but more importantly to come together to create a place where they can feel safe to express political actions.

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The usual name for that place, where to Regina, that Regina is the name of Colombian sausages.

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So you go to Colombian sausages. So if you go to Colombia and you're hungry, you can say, oh, please give me our regina and we'll be a kind of not really healthy sausage, but anyway.

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So it's related with poor classes in Colombia so they create this place they change the name of Portra Regina like sausage port to port over assistance and that was the place where different young people in Cali and one of the more poorest areas of Columbia start to create these places for resistance.

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But it was not just in Kelly, it was in the capital of Colombia as well. Was in Bogota where I come from and but they don't focus the places of resistance in poor areas.

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They focused a place of assistance in the public transport system and they create in different parts of the port of the public transport system these places of resistance and as you can see in that picture that's a picture of some like a place that you can go to take the bus in the public transport in Colombia called Transmilennu.

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not really my experience. We can talk about mobility of Bogota and our day, but they become a place of resistance against what happened with the police.

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And once again, a place to create new specialities to create social and collective action. And the group of people are going to show a little bit what the young generation who went to the streets to demonstrate against the common government and they create a collective called the first line.

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It's like the first line of action. I'm going to focus on that action in a second.

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But the main point at the main place of resistance, oh my goodness, for this young generation was this portal.

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For for question of times I'm just going to go very quickly so you can see what monuments was of course another important places of resistance.

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They reconfigure the memory and the symbols of their resistance and they create a new narrative about what happened in Columbia.

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So I'm just going to show you this example. And of course the graffiti and the symbolic and a communicative aspect of these demonstrations.

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But there was not just places, there was of course in the public system they create different kind of names trying to create the memory of the past of the people that have died in Colombia, so they changed the name of some stops, the bus stops for for example, a 7.4 7.4 millions of Koreans have died.

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So it's a way to recreate a counter narrative of memory in the public space. But once again is this concept of resistance.

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Graffiti, I can share these examples with you in more moment, but this is how all these combinations in the public space become a places of resistance.

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The government is a psychopath in other places of the country, but this is how displace become a place of assistance.

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I will sorry if I don't have time to show you all this. In other spaces was the open road to Columbia and how they opened roads and they create some roadblocks across Columbia once again to create placeover system.

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The second category is spaces of solidarity. So the place, the geographical pace was one part, but the second part were the spaces where people create action of solidarity to create new ways of collective action and create some social cohesion inside the social movement and is how was there a configuration of social dynamics during the

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processes? The indigenous populations in Colombia create a place of solidarity called Minga that is more like a places of reunion where people particularly indigenous for indigenous background in Columbia can do different social actions and collective actions against in this case for the government and the processes.

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The community kitchens were some spaces of solidarity because the 35% of Colombian population are poor, they don't have a decent meal sometimes.

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And so this is places of solidarity was a way to share food and so this spaces of solidarity was a way to share food and create of course different reflections about what happened to share food and create of course different reflections about what happened in Columbus, different reflections about what happened in Columbia at the time.

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And finally, the bodies of resistance about what are happening in Columbia at the time. And finally, the bodies of resistance. So we have places, spaces and bodies.

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And this is interesting because they can share with something what happened in Chile and I want to share with you what happened before.

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But this is how this young generation created a group called the first line and they used their body as a way to express and as a way to create quality passions and create of course different ways of protests and fight against the police.

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And the body started to become a symbol of this mobilization in Columbia. The policies start to target in the eyes of demonstrators copying the same strategy at the Chilean police to during the demonstrations there but of course as I say as I say a bullet on the eye is the price of producing in Colombia and in Chile

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and in Latin America. But the anthropologically it's very interesting to see how this particular display of violence from the police is started in the eye.

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As a symbol, I don't know, we can talk about this later. And how of course the people that the police disappear.

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So the bodies become of course a symbol and a trace and a corporeality of what happened in Colombia.

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3 final conclusions so I can and promise you I'm finished 2 min. Yes. So I'm going to show you 3 preliminary conclusions of this journey.

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The first one is we in the resource team believe that the intersection between the symbolic reconfiguration of public spaces.

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As I tried to show with you, streets, squares. Public roads during the protest. And the impact of police violence on demonstrators bodies is showing for us new dimensions, new dimensions of social disobedience where the body can become a place of resistance.

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And the pooling space as site of civic solidarity. So we're trying to understood how these 2 concepts, places of solar systems and sites of serious solidarity Alistair emerging in Columbia in the post-conflict context.

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This is one intersection that we're keen to keep exploring. The second one is how this act of social disobedience, like you say, all these places of resistance, size of memory and so on.

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Are new expression of citizenship for the country. And this is so important for us because we believe that these mobilizations are expressions of new types of citizenship that is not just highlighting the political dimension of citizenship, something that can help me to express data, the political dimension, and they are creating different expressions with multiple social actors

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and having a voice in the public sphere in Colombia that they are my conflict didn't allow it in the past.

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So it's how new social movements can be expressed. And finally, you can see the as of the path to a new forms of collective action after the war.

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So maybe it's a new contract for the country. And finally, social disobedience is a method to contest violence power and all forms of social order.

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We start to believe in that these social processes are trying to reconfigure social orders in Colombia.

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Well, so many scholars are with that the actual government Petro is an expression of this kind of intention to create a new social order in Colombia, more for the left.

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But we believe that 3 main categories can be interesting to analyze the future of Columbia. Recognition, solidarity and social cohesion and how these movements and by analyzing these processes we cannot start understanding the configuration and the shape of new social contracts for the country.

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How social movements, how collective actions can start shaping new social countries for the country and once again we are in a period of transition in Colombia.

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So it's interesting analyzing what is happening now to see what the future can see in Colombia and how the collective actions of all these people are shaping a new future for my country.

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Thank you for listening me and if you want a coffee, let me know. And Thank you.

467
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Thank you. Thank you so much, Camila and all our colleagues. I would like to invite you now to presenters who are in the room right now to kindly come to the table so that we can have a couple of questions.

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We will have about

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About 1415 min before they kick us out of the room but that doesn't mean that we have to end the conversation we can always continue as coming or suggested over a cup of coffee outside this room but once again I would like to invite my colleagues to the table and I'm going to allow our friends who are joining us online to Be here as well.

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Thank you. I'll ask those friends who are colleagues who are going to ask their questions to be as concise and short as possible.

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We will take one question at a time. So that our presenters can have a chance to answer and it's important to use the microphone so that our online colleagues can hear us as well.

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Question. Yes.

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Yeah.

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So, One. Is it working out? Yes. Hello.

475
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Thank you for a spectacular panel. I'm so excited about all of your talks and it was really really inspiring so I want to launch a provocation for all of you which is how because it seems to me like you all kind of are trying to tell tell stories about events from different times in the past.

476
01:36:04.000 --> 01:36:20.000
So how can we better tell these stories outside academia? Because you've presented methods and you know you've showed us ways of working but it seems to me like all of these stories are very very relevant in the public sphere.

477
01:36:20.000 --> 01:36:29.000
So how do we get these out there?

478
01:36:29.000 --> 01:36:39.000
Maybe we will get the answers first as maybe concise as possible and then move on to the next question.

479
01:36:39.000 --> 01:36:42.000
Yeah.

480
01:36:42.000 --> 01:36:58.000
I can save you one. Thank you for your question. It's because it's something that for me is so important, especially because this research has been doing with a collective group of people in Colombia right So, just 2 answer your question.

481
01:36:58.000 --> 01:37:15.000
For for us is how we can construct different memorization in the previous sphere with actors and with social movements like how we can create content narratives of memory with the people that we are in the streets and how we can create debates in the previous year.

482
01:37:15.000 --> 01:37:21.000
So basically it's how we can help to create different ways to show to Columbians in this case what is happening to different ways that can engage.

483
01:37:21.000 --> 01:37:33.000
Graphities, murals, comics, radio, transmediate strategies, communicative strategies, but it's not just artists and academics just analyzing the thing.

484
01:37:33.000 --> 01:37:54.000
It's how we can create call laboratory and collectively new narratives of memory. Because for the context of Columbia, my colleagues are going to be Now memory is a contest field right and we need to create more nonofficial memories more non-official narratives about what will happen in the past in Colombia and

485
01:37:54.000 --> 01:38:08.000
this is with the collectives. So just to answer the question is a communicative project right so it's not just to create and write fancy papers that just my mom in my case are going to read because nobody's going to read that stuff or books or whatever.

486
01:38:08.000 --> 01:38:15.000
It's how you can create a communicative medium to express and make that narratives in the previous year. So that's that's crucial.

487
01:38:15.000 --> 01:38:32.000
It's a communicative project. Yes, I agree with you. Yes. I think that researchers need to to create network with social movements, I think.

488
01:38:32.000 --> 01:39:02.000
Because we we need to to have an public discourse about our conflict, you know, because we need to maybe make pressure to the government, on our government because now in Chile for example the discourse about popular reverent now is a clap state that cls collapsed by the right-wing political parties, you know.

489
01:39:06.000 --> 01:39:21.000
I think that researcher, a researcher have an Hey, our responsibility, social responsibility, I think.

490
01:39:21.000 --> 01:39:40.000
Okay. Thank you for caution. So Japan had had paid activities in society. But today we don't.

491
01:39:40.000 --> 01:40:10.000
Witness the many many protest events. So there have been a big change. Between the past and the client situation so I tried to highlight so people say People try to explain the change of Japanese society and Some said that Yeah, 16 student activists.

492
01:40:11.000 --> 01:40:27.000
Became so violent then Japanese people started to I'll be his date. To be active or the a representation of social activists.

493
01:40:27.000 --> 01:40:41.000
In Japan, are not so positive about social media and I believe the states policy have influence the demise, decline of separate city society.

494
01:40:41.000 --> 01:40:50.000
So I went to highlight the tension and antagonist. Between states porsi and grassroots people.

495
01:40:50.000 --> 01:40:58.000
Thank you. Yeah.

496
01:40:58.000 --> 01:41:12.000
Thank you for custody and I think it's really difficult to answer. I understand your question is about the relation between the academics and .

497
01:41:12.000 --> 01:41:30.000
But, under, our presentations, show you that There is different system so Actually, the academic systems and movement is we with distinguish between each other.

498
01:41:30.000 --> 01:41:42.000
So a dynamic system operate on truths or not and this kind of value or interest they operate in this value.

499
01:41:42.000 --> 01:42:00.000
But movement is focusing on one or single or few value at that they tell or they can They talk about the about the system and against the system to change some problem.

500
01:42:00.000 --> 01:42:19.000
So how how we can communicate each other is your question. I think, yes, most of all is difficult to communicate because they have different interest and different value and they communicate on different ways.

501
01:42:19.000 --> 01:42:46.000
We can find some. I jumped, part. Because we because the as I said that studies can include I mean this close this close some systems operation and The movement can reform the studies and they can, based on their studies and then they can argue.

502
01:42:46.000 --> 01:43:04.000
Or they can make some communication more loudly based on that studies. But I think it is a little bit difficult to find some direct communication.

503
01:43:04.000 --> 01:43:11.000
I'll feel that. Based on our premises. Thank you. Thank you.

504
01:43:11.000 --> 01:43:18.000
Bohan or Han, do you have anything to add to the question? Or would you like to answer the question?

505
01:43:18.000 --> 01:43:26.000
Yeah, I mean, thank you for the question for me. It was quite the opposite because I was Starting event that's been that's quite present in the public discourse.

506
01:43:26.000 --> 01:43:54.000
So it's mostly discussed outside of academia. So my goal was just to to deal with the collective memory that has, that's not founded in empirical reality because my problem was from the kind of let's say activist endpoint is that there is this whole narrative about anti bureaucratic

507
01:43:54.000 --> 01:44:09.000
revolution that was for 30 years is like if people organize to demonstrate protest against the authoritarian government or authoritarian policies, it always results in ethnic nationalism wars and whatnot, whatever followed in the nineties in former Yugoslavia.

508
01:44:09.000 --> 01:44:26.000
And my my work showed that actually the the grassroots component was very progressive. You know, like they wanted to better the socialism.

509
01:44:26.000 --> 01:44:51.000
They wanted to return it to you was so socialist self management ideals. However, it was after that it was the emerging political elites especially like at no nationalist elites that capitalized on this discontent and gradually started shifting it towards the ethnic other at 1 point it was Albanians then

510
01:44:51.000 --> 01:45:11.000
Slovenian, Scrooge, Bosniaks, etc. Etc. So my deal was just to kind of since the this event that was the defining event in history that was symbolically kind of polluted in completely misinterpreted to try to understand it directly and to actually to have something and say you know

511
01:45:11.000 --> 01:45:17.000
like well this is not what happened like we remember it wrongly.

512
01:45:17.000 --> 01:45:22.000
Thank you.

513
01:45:22.000 --> 01:45:31.000
Okay, hello. I think, thanks for the question. I think it's a very good question, but also a very hard question.

514
01:45:31.000 --> 01:46:01.000
For social movement researchers we always face dilemma of whether We should engage more in the social movement and the public discourse and discussion or stay neutral and and looking at social movement from a set person perspective and in my situation in the context of Hong Kong I used to engage a lot in

515
01:46:02.000 --> 01:46:12.000
the public discussion in mass media and so but it's not really possible now because of the changing the political environment.

516
01:46:12.000 --> 01:46:24.000
So it's a little bit hard for me to comment on how we can engage more as his scholars to into public discussion.

517
01:46:24.000 --> 01:46:32.000
But, I think as a sociologist. We can always do research on political participation.

518
01:46:32.000 --> 01:46:46.000
And to look at the social movement from different theoretical perspectives. This kind of, engagement is, important.

519
01:46:46.000 --> 01:46:54.000
So, it's a hard question because we We always have to find a find line between.

520
01:46:54.000 --> 01:47:02.000
Active engagement and become and being neutral. So thanks for the question.

521
01:47:02.000 --> 01:47:10.000
And thank you for the answer. I think we are going to get one more question. Was someone that you want to ask about?

522
01:47:10.000 --> 01:47:40.000
Thank you. About the overwhelming similarities of the 2 cases and they not only from the from the perspective of social movements in relation to the tactics that they use and the dimensions I think you put it very well places, spaces and bodies of resistance that I think Chimita was not so focused in the social outbreak in

523
01:47:48.000 --> 01:48:16.000
Chile but it happened more or less the same but also regarding the tactics of of oppression from the police because we, I think we, are also We analyzed a lot about the social tactics that social movements has but we do not take enough time maybe to understand the tactics that police and the state has to

524
01:48:16.000 --> 01:48:31.000
oppress and You mentioned very briefly, Camilo, some tactics of oppression that were used in Chile as well and I think Yeah, maybe you can do a short reflection on those.

525
01:48:31.000 --> 01:48:46.000
Processes of protest and oppression and the way the tactics travel not only for the social movements but also for the oppressionists.

526
01:48:46.000 --> 01:49:01.000
Thank you. Thank you very much. We are officially out of time, but if you could maybe just in 2 min, if you could answer, try to answer the questions.

527
01:49:01.000 --> 01:49:14.000
Thank you Marianna for for your question. Is because it's something that really interesting to explore and it's about the focus on corporate punishment in the cases of Colombia and Chile.

528
01:49:14.000 --> 01:49:25.000
How the police is deploying a different strategy to see the body as a place of punishment. And for me it is It's interesting to start reflecting why these tactics can be related with 2 particular dynamics.

529
01:49:25.000 --> 01:49:50.000
One, the dynamic of regimes, authoritarian regimes, societies that are overcoming and conflicts that in the case of Chile like the dictatorship that happened in the past like a how authoritarian bright wing like a more complex context.

530
01:49:50.000 --> 01:50:12.000
This corporate pollution can be expressions of that particular system context as well. But I think the relationship between these kind of corporate punishment that the body as a center of the corporate punishment and how the tactics of the state to create for me ways of memorialize that actions like because when when they tell it in their eye and topologically it's so

531
01:50:12.000 --> 01:50:23.000
fascinating because it's like a saying it's like a mark. It's a way to to to basically stigmatize the protesters for life.

532
01:50:23.000 --> 01:50:45.000
This is the expression of the body in the in the way. So this is so interesting. So first of all, this anthropological reflections about corporate punishment and of course at return regimes and secondly how once again This case is in Columbia and Chile are showing colonial colonial expressions of punishment as well because as you

533
01:50:45.000 --> 01:50:59.000
know Colombia the Colombian forces and the Chilean forces have been trained but different international states like United States, Europe or whatever, in ways to manage produce.

534
01:50:59.000 --> 01:51:07.000
So it's an ideological dimension of that particular corporate punishment that we need to explore because that don't happen in a way.

535
01:51:07.000 --> 01:51:12.000
So it's trying to reflect new ways of punishment or we can talk about in the coffee like that.

536
01:51:12.000 --> 01:51:18.000
So thank you again. But this is a case of coming to be so similar. Thanks for your question.

537
01:51:18.000 --> 01:51:31.000
Are you cheating on you? Yes, well, we I need to answer your in English. Well, my Bryant was, I am not a student of protest.

538
01:51:31.000 --> 01:51:57.000
I am a studying what we will happen with the social movement after. The constitutional processes. So, In fact, a Colombian case and chimantes are very similar because they haven't happened.

539
01:51:57.000 --> 01:52:27.000
And II think that the same year or not, yes, it's, it's, because Well, er, er, Chiman society, has a great depth with with their human rights problem, you know, because the repression in 2,019 in You one stance and and come be open.

540
01:52:31.000 --> 01:52:45.000
One sense that Repeat the trauma of the of the of the society. So now we are commemorating 50 years.

541
01:52:45.000 --> 01:53:07.000
Of the, er, er, er, the, the dictatorship, you know, in 1,973 is the start of our dictatorship Now I think that a human society and

542
01:53:07.000 --> 01:53:30.000
It is steel and Count, er, er, to, count about an social agreement about violence, political violence about our story of political violence.

543
01:53:30.000 --> 01:53:41.000
Apologise to the next panel that are here. I want to thank you all of you for coming here today and I want to thank you all of you for coming here today and I want to apologise to all of you for coming here today and I want to apologize to my esteemed colleague for being so pushy and I want to apologize to