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Good afternoon, everybody. Well, it's lovely. It's the last session it's lovely to see still great attendance. So this is the second part of the

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session on food system shocks and food security vulnerabilities.

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some of you. I think we're here yesterday. We're continuing today with 8 presentations. what we invited for this session was concepts of papers and concepts of food security in all its forms

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across different scales, global national household and different perspectives and theoretical lenses, and what we got over the last 2 days and you will see it today is really a very wide spectrum on food shocks and food securities. So we'll have. As I said, 8 presentations today, we'll try to stick with the 8 min plus a quick question, and then hopefully at the end. We'll still find a little bit of time, as we did yesterday, to have discussions.

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So I think without much further ado, since we have so many presentations, we might as well jump into it. I want to start with acknowledging the country

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We are meeting here on a country called norm.

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It is the home of the Cooling Nation war and Jerry Moy. We are on people, and we acknowledge their sovereignty, and we pay our respects to their elders and

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ancestors. And now

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the first presentation is Oh, I don't have the first name here.

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one and a half to

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Navarra. Sorry sorry I don't have your first name.

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What is your first name? Please? Melissa. Yeah. So I will load that up for you. And then.

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 yeah, you should stay here, please.

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and then, please over it.

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I'll I'll find you and

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7 min, maybe you'll be a little. I have 10 min. Okay, yeah.

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okay, so good afternoon everyone and our study, entitled Household Food Systems are in lockdown for dairy. So Filipino mothers in for urban and suburban households, was conducted in 2,020 at the beginning of the Covid pandemic.

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and during that time the Philippines was implementing

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strictly lockdowns, and you know that Philippines is one of the countries that implemented the longest in the world. So while the middle class and the upper class didn't have to face insurmountable challenges during the laptop periods.

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The poor! Those living in the slums and in the resettlement sites now are rendered reliant solely on on their small savings, and also patchwork relief assistance. So this study explores

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the food system, characteristics of food system

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that is built around the diminishing savings of the families and the food assistance that come from their relatives, friends, and beyond.

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But first, what? This food system? Of course it includes ways in which households procure food, and when you say, procure food. It includes hunting, fishing, gathering, wild foods, Exchanging, borrowing food, and even buying, and of course, the crop cultivation.

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and it also involves processing and preparing food, allocating food to household members and consuming foods and and food system is shaped by the synergy of demographic, biophysical, environmental, social, cultural, economic and political drivers, as well as by innovation.

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technology and infrastructures.

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So our study attempted to find answers to these 4 research questions. First, what are the characteristics of a household food system under lockdown. How do these poor households negotiate the influence of aid within the context of the COVID-19 pandemic?

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How does the everyday lock down. Experience of the household food system influence a psychological and spiritual state of the women who are the principal food careers, and how can the Government improve the supply and delivery of food assistance during crisis.

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And since. the families encountered this very fleeting experience, not because of the global pandemic crisis, and also this restriction in physically accessing the respondents. Now we employed urgent anthropology and the diary methane, the solicited diary method and the study was conducted in 2 resettlement sites

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in the Philippines. One is based in urban setting, the picture that you can see on top right and the other one is based in suburban setting.

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We recruited 10 female diarists and 5 diaries per site.

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and we collected their diaries for over 15 days, and we did thematic analysis with the aid of Atlas the I.

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So

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what are our findings now for food systems in the 2 resettlement communities.

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their food systems over influenced by the pandemics uncertainties, and dictated by the aid for food procurement, the families in both sides would stretch their cash for the longest number of days possible. And and that would entail just using cash for those food items that cannot be found available in their donations. Like cooking oil and spices.

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They maximize the food donations that come in the form of Brice marinated chicken and canned goods

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and some vegetables, and they would only buy snacks for children, and this is very unfilipino, because Filipinos eat 5 times a day.

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but during the pandemic now it's just the children who would eat snacks, and usually the snacks would come from. Their neighbors, who are relatively wealthier than the female diaries, and

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between the 2 settings

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only women only some families in the suburban sites would borrow money for food.

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Those in the urban size never reported that they needed to borrow money for food.

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for food preparation. every day the food diaries with. Observe, Food preparation, goals for the suburban diaries, their food preparation goal every single day is to prepare dishes that are cheap and

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affordable.

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and for the urban setting families they would need to prepare dishes that are cheap and affordable.

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nutritious, and sometimes they need to integrate special occasions, just like birthdays of their children and their husband.

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So they depended on food donations, and what could be procured nearby in sandry shops and in wet markets, and

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they would give in to this special request from the family members, from their children.

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who would get tired of the relief dishes, you know, who would get tired of this noodles and canned goods, dishes, and vegetables. Now.

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Since it's locked down! The husbands and the older children would be available in assisting the female diaries in preparing food, and this women even. intimated that because of this, a collective activity, now it brought the family closer.

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But for all this, women every single day of preparing dishes is an emotional and mindful experience. They had to navigate the issues of maintaining food security every single day, and they also had to content with the need to provide nutritious food. No, with just the food donations available. And this food donations are usually cam goods not very rich in sodium. And of course

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 Struggling with them

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lack of appetite among children for vegetables, and also for these new dishes that they would rip up with the for donations

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for food. Consumption changes in the dietary pattern and food rationing are household strategies, and also that they can continue eating decent meals 3 times a day.

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and among the household members

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is the diaries and older females, who would eat less

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all together. The pandemic food system is a gender undertaking, and we can see that the women in the households, particularly these female tariffs.

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we at the helm of the food system during the lockdown period.

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and households were always grateful of the assistance they received. No, so they don't make distinctions of the sources of this donations. The the food items and the cash assistance, and they don't even make distinctions on on the amount. Not so irregardless. They're quite grateful of the assistance that they would receive during the lockdown period.

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The value of A for the households goes beyond its actual objective meeting.

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objective of meeting food security for the for the entire House of members. For them it equally contributes to

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maintaining a healthy psychological well-being and to the strengthening of their spirituality when facing overwhelming uncertainties and their inherent vulnerabilities. Now it said that the pandemic, with all this aid coming from everywhere, brought them closer to God now, and to have more faith in God

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and recommendations for the government and the food donors. First food and nutrition security assistance can be informed by a widely available empirical evidence and guided by primary care experts, they can design emergency interventions and strategies suitable to the families in critical circumstances.

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In a particular demographic, social, cultural, economic, and public health context. So this is my last slide, and

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maybe it's a you stay here. Okay, yeah. thank you very much. That's right. On time. I think we have time for

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one question. Perhaps if anybody has a burning question to ask, Melissa, please just grab that microphone out there.

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the one here on the stand, anybody.

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There's no question. There's no question. Well, in that case I'll ask one.

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It is. It is really very interesting to look at food security, you know, at such a specific level, like a woman running a household. Now, in future, if you wanted to advise the Government what to do to support women in running the households, what would the

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top priority thing for a government or a policy? B to address?

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Yeah, I,

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of course. First, like in my last recommendation. the poverty registry of the Philippines should be updated, and because the poverty registry should also take into consideration

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women headed households. Now, and also, if there are

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updating mothers, and also senior citizens and all those things. Now this can be helpful, not to women, because the women in

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and there's a crisis situation. They board the brunt? No, they are at the helm of mobilizing food system. Not during this this pandemic period, and also in in really related disasters. No, so poverty registry is is one. No, and of course, for them to get involved in

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in coming up with relevant program or food assistance during disasters.

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because it seems that during the pandemic the food assistance was not well informed by experts, not by nutritionists, by dietitian, and and of course the women from the communities

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who prepare the phone.

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Thank you very much, Melissa.

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So now we got

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Alana and Donald.

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for Don.

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you know.

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you want to be.

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So I just.

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I know. And time's ticking away. And I have. I have 4 min. You're because we're like doing a double act, which is great. It's lovely doing a team presentation, actually. And I'd like to thank Donald for

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the work we've done together so far on this project. We we hope that we would have some results to present. But we've been labouring over ethics clearance for several months. So we're going to talk to you today about a research design for this project

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before we do start. I do want to pay my respects to the traditional owners of not only Nam, but the traditional owners of the land on which we are doing this research, the Marowena people of Nipaluna. That's Hobart in the beautiful state of Lutraita Tasmania.

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and thank you to Carol and Rudy for hosting a great. the panel, and also to you all for being here at this late stage of the day.

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So we're looking at a campaign directed or directing people, I should say, to eat

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seasonally in Tasmania. So, really, briefly, we're going to give you an overview of the project. I'm going to talk a little bit about the context, which is Lutrita. And then Donald's going to talk about the specifics of our methodology in relation to the particular campaign with our partner, which is, eat well, Tasmania.

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so the aims of our project are stem from a desire for eat. Well, Tasmania, our project partner to really better understand how to target hard to reach populations when it comes to this messaging around seasonal eating.

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Now, seasonal eating in itself is a really interesting concept, and freighted with a lot of meaning. As we've discussed already over the last 2 days, there is a certain cachet associated with seasonal eating, and for many people it's only affordable.

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If you're in the income bracket to be able to shop at the farmers, markets, etc. There's a very wonderful range of markets in Tasmania, which is known as a food bowl to most people when looked looking from the outside. Of of course, as with most first impressions. Once you look under that the reality is very different.

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So eat well. Tasmania has a what's in season campaign. That is one of a set of different campaigns. They run. Another. One includes managing and mitigating against food waste. So our key questions for this particular campaign

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study. How are their current?

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media strategies working or not.

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And really, how can they improve their media outreach strategy to reach those target publics who perceive what we're calling real and actual barriers to seasonal eating. In other words, there may be some perceptions that seasonal produce is not available when in reality it is, on the other hand, there are some serious.

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actual barriers to seasonal leading, and certainly in Tasmania, at the moment where we're having a real cost of living crisis and A housing affordability crisis, which I I would say many of you can relate to

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across the world. So this paradox that I'm talking about is this high local food production, and the Tasmanian Government is very proud to tell us that it's 5.5 times that needed to feed a relatively small population in Australia's least Populist.

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popular, not Populist, popular and populated. Oh, my goodness, what what time is it? Populated

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popular! We could go on all night.

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so we've got the lowest population. Let's just say that, and we're also the poorest state in terms of revenue. And but we're very proud of this 5.5.

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You know times what we need to feed our population. And of course, some agriculture plays a really big role in our local, gross

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domestic product.

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Yet we have food insecurity levels higher than the national average

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one in 5 is a figure that the Government has presented previously. But research done by the Institute for social change at Tasmania University, where we work, has reported that up to one in 2 Tasmanians experienced food, secure insecurity during a survey period just

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mid-covid, really just at the tail end of Covid. And this included students and staff, and especially casual staff sessional staff, which says a lot again about life in the University sector.

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so we also exceed not proud about this, either the national average for a range of preventable diseases, many of which are related to how we eat.

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So at this point I'm going to hand over to Donald, who's going to talk about our partner in a bit more detail and about the campaign and about our methods.

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 Hi, everyone.

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you guys that way.

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Yeah. But we

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I'm not a a sociologist. I'm from media studies background. And this is Alana's been talking about has been as a

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as an analysis of a media campaign.

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but so often analyses of media campaigns

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really function on very blunt instruments. So I also do better work with public health. And we in our discussions with people, researchers, and public health. We

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we just began discussing a realist evaluation model.

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so we have program theory as an idea for examining a campaign. And then we wanted to have a more granular examination of this. So

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so we began to think about the use of realist evaluation and realist evaluation is a a concept and a framework and a theory that's used to test and refine program theories. so a realist evaluation assumes that any intervention will have uneven outcomes. So the focus is not about a pass fail

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model of measuring outcomes. But really it's to interrogate the question, what works for home and and what circumstances. So you can see why this is significant for public health, because, you know, if it's if it's something that

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is deemed that that as many citizens as possible will engage with, it's not just a question of you know, perception, or of, you know, a a attitudinal change that you know the actual material action that wants to be achieved. So So it's a really interesting model to use in media studies. It's it's a little bit

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untested. There are a few 2 or 3 papers that we've that we've found. But it's it's pretty novel to use in this context.

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 and the underlying philosophy is that non-material elements, such as culture and class, have real consequences in the way that social programs work. And you know, of course, that's that's not a particularly revolutionary idea. But I think it's it's interesting to test it in this. In this context, realist evaluation has for

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key concepts. it's or it's streets to to 4 key concepts. That's mechanisms, context outcomes and what they call the context mechanism, outcome, configuration. Okay? So so mechanisms are the underlying processes that generate outcomes. So this may be in the social world, but also in the real world.

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and for us the mechanisms include the campaign. But they also include the yeah, an emotional response, the emotional response. And that's why we're using focus groups to try and test the emotional response that people have to the messaging And I mentioned this this morning. And this morning session. We also have to be very aware of things like intervention, lead, inequality. We are, you know, an intervention such as eat wells. One Maybe.

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you know, used as a as, and it the motivation might be for a universal public good. But if you know, only one sector of the population, take up that good and another ignore it, then inequality will increase rather than it's intended outcome of of making, you know a of a more

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uniform and universal good. So that is, you know, that's part of why we're analyzing the mechanisms this way.

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so we have to look at where the messaging is available. And and we also.

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because so much of what eat well does is on social media that becomes quite problematic. So we need to actually examine how people and engaging in finding the social media information. Social media, of course, is, you know, it's ubiquity is wonderful, but it's ubiquity is wonderful for billions of other people to, and billions of other organizations. So actually finding that that information can be tricky?

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And this is the question also, you know, what are the barriers to reaching the intended audience, and a lot of mentioned that before, you know.

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Yeah, why, if we have a desired audience, so they might be people that aren't engaging with this material. As it is, you know why they're not engaging with it. I I won't mention the the various points that I won't go over those again, such as you know why people might not be there. Maybe material things, such as lack of access to food shops, etc. But also they may be the the perception that this is for the kind of the the high end of town.

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The context serves to as a second point, and that serves to identify the crucial questions required

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for the program to work and determines whether the mechanisms work within a program. So the context may be demographic, simple audience and background and and common language and all that sort of thing. And then, of course, the the outcomes are

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the outcomes, and, as I mentioned before, realist evaluation doesn't rely on a pass fail rationale to assess the value of the program, and instead, we consider a variety of outcomes, and we have to kind of examine.

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You know that they that we have to examine them on a particular scale. So if it, and maybe just recognition, maybe a a, a, a positive outcome. it may be You know, people actually, physically going to an event may be an outcome that is is good. It may be people changes, changing, purchasing habits which may be an outcome. So

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eat well our wonderful partners for us, but we've kind of hijacked them a little bit because we want to test our methodology. but we, we think in doing so we will give them something that will be far more instrumental and far more useful, and have a far more you know, have a have a far longer lasting value to them than just if we ran a very orthodox analysis of the media campaign.

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Ok, the clock was taking way too fast in. I wish I was that guy from the Eightys. He could speak really fast.

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It more slides.

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I didn't even know there was more slides.

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Right? You really?

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Okay.

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right? I'm sure the slides will be available for you to peruse at another day.

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Thank you.

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Thank you, Don and Alana. A very different view on the

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on food and food security. Is there any question? A quick question? Perhaps that could be that could be asked Leslie. There, if you right? Rapid microphone? Yeah, thank you.

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So much of sociology is.

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It's been critical of public health campaigns to

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get people to eat certain things and eat in certain ways. So I'm I'm curious how you might take up.

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critique, and

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and what? And it does that lead into? Why, you're looking at broader outcomes? yeah, because they would point to all the other reasons why people don't do what public health campaigns want to do. Or maybe that's right. I think you know, this is for you to make. But Don, if you mind using their microphone every day for people online.

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And I think this is why realist evaluation has become popular with in public health is because it

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it is a much more nuanced

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methodology in terms of taking into account all those social and cultural barriers. It's not you know it doesn't rely on dictates, and it doesn't rely on forms of knowledge that may be alienating. So you know, if if you have kind of a, I guess, an orthodox

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medical messaging which may.

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yeah, which might alienate people from, you know.

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migrant backgrounds or other other peoples that you know long seen as being problematic. So this is why public health have been using realist evaluation.

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you know. And I think the problems with take up others in public health are the same thing, that an organization like it well, are facing where they feel that they have

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something that is highly beneficial to society in general. They feel that the barriers

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predominantly

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 cultural rather than material. I mean, whether whether that's true or not we don't know yet, but that there's something that the suggestion is that if that is the case, then a more nuanced form of messaging will be.

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you know.

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lots of our context, and where you encounter the messages as well.

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So do you encounter the messages. This is what worries us about social media. If we're just relying on people to encounter a social media campaign. We're ignoring the fact that

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are influenced in that he didn't have it so much by family. He is

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events. You might be at an event in them kind of a message. What a support of all of those yeah. And things that influence your responsiveness

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and your actual

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violation

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to change a big idea.

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All right. Thank you very much, Alana and Don Stephen, I noted you had a you had a question. Maybe you hold on to that until later. And, Rebecca, please, it's all yours.

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I want to start the

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 Excuse me. thank you so much. Good evening, everyone. I'm a Melbourneian, so welcome to those who have come from afar, interstate or overseas. Welcome to my city. I, too, want to acknowledge that we're here on the lands of the orundry people, and I work and live on the lands of the Waderong people in regional victoria along the coast, in a city called Geelong.

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It's a really salient time to be talking about household food, insecurity in light, of the cost of living pressures in particular, that are playing out in our 2 countries that are involved in this collaboration.

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and those pressures are familiar all over the globe, and certainly houses on food insecurity is even more pronounced in low and middle income countries. However, I I work and live in Australia. And so this is my area of expertise. I'm a public health nutritionist. So also not a sociologist, but really wanted to be here to learn a lot from

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from the discipline of sociology. and certainly a lot of our methodologies and a lot of what I've heard tonight, and in yesterday's session as well is really familiar to to my work.

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So our group formed in 2,019 pre-pandemic, and we actually had quite a lot of latitude with our funding, which was incredible. And so we really came together with quite a broad aim, at least initial, initially.

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about sharing what works to address food insecurity across the globe, and particularly in high-income contexts. And we work predominantly in our home cities. So that's Omaha, Nebraska in in one red dot there, and in Melbourne, Australia, in the other, red dot.

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and our project had to adapt because of the pandemic. Also we were given that flexibility for the project to emerge somewhat iteratively. So it's 4 years of work. I'm just cramming into 8 min. But we started with a kind of critical review of ideology and outcomes for food, insecurity for families living in both of our countries

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by sharing across our research group key pieces of evidence key pieces of policy getting a sense of the programmatic landscape, and that helped to sort of shape the thematic areas that we worked in after that and also helped to define our population of interest, which was 0 to fives and pregnancy as a sort of under research and neglected area of public health, nutrition, policy, research and

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and programmatic focus as well. And Leslie spoke to that yesterday so nicely, too, so 0 to fives. It's such an important time to set children up for life, for behaviours, for their development. And so nutrition and food security is so vital. And yet it's completely overlooked, particularly in the Australian context. But we have literally no data on 0 to twos and their food security status.

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So what I wanted to sort of expand on in the time that I had was particularly these yellow areas of our study, where we did semi-structured interviews with 41 women living in both countries and and and both cities. Omaha and and Melbourne.

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and we also devised a new survey to look at this particular age. Bracket and food security status for families with children aged 0 to 5. I'm not going to talk about the survey results because we only collected the data late last year, and it's sitting on my desk to do for the second half of this year, but instead, I'll kind of expand on the conceptual basis of how we devised that survey.

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But firstly, I want to talk to you a little bit about those semi structured interviews and what we heard from participants during the lockdown. We recruited in hospitals, in food aid centers in community services with a really broad fly that said something like, you know, are you feeding your family on a low, low budget? We'd love to talk to you. And it was all people who identified as women who volunteered to be in our interviews.

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and they were semi structured. So we talked about all sorts of topics on the telephone or via Zoom. And for me, after getting that data in, I thought one of the first kind of really pertinent research questions was what was happening in particular to the covert pandemic and the lockdown measures that were going on in both of those cities were quite strict back in 2,020

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and I use the 6 dimensions of food security that Rudy helpfully flagged yesterday in his presentation as well, and took these kind of global concepts. And and I wanted to use them as an analytic framework to see, you know, do they make sense in an urbanised, high-income context.

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and what might they tell us about better responding to food, insecurity during crises? How can a suite of measures that are across the dimensions be devised. If there are potential dimensions that are being neglected, or areas where families are showing particular resilience and things that are working, and you'll notice in parentheses there. Sometimes I say Oz, sometimes I say us, and that's shorthand to basically say

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that these particular dynamics were more pronounced in the families in one of those 2 countries or or cities.

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but otherwise all of those dot points were were kind of universal in in both of the countries. So in terms of the access dimension. There were changes, in fact, there were more generous government safety nets than ever before in history, and all of our participants talked about benefiting from them, of the sample that we had. There were emergency and community food systems in that availability dimension. There were supply chain disruptions

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in terms of the utilisation. Dimension families were employing a whole host of coping strategies to ensure that they could feed themselves over the pandemic. Many reported having less energy and capacity to buy store and cook, and that they were altering their food practices over that time much like the study we just heard about from the Philippines as well. A lot of similarities there.

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and another kind of universal was that there was substantial economic duress, job and income loss and child caring. So in both of these cities children were no longer able to attend school, so they were doing home schooling, which had big implications for for these carers, even though we were in 0 to fives. They, these carers, had school age, children as well.

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and and childcare was also, you know, an issue at that time. So my next kind of phase for this qualitative interview is to update these qualitative interviews is hopefully do another pass at the analysis and make a contribution to a a special edition that several of us are working on which will be really, really lovely. And so Lastly, I wanted to close out and talk a little bit about that conceptual basis for devising a new survey instrument.

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because in in Australia we use a United States Department of Agriculture, Household Food Security module as as the most common instrument to measure household food security status

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and that's that's true. In many countries around the world. It's it's really wonderful in that. It's validated and regular in the Us. Context, it is far less regular in in Australia.

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but one of the critiques of this tool is that it really focuses on financial access, that that dimension alone, not the geographic or the physical access, let alone all of these other well understood dimensions of household food security. So our new comprehensive prototype.

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household food security tool takes into account these other dimensions of food security. It also takes into account. We hope, the constructs that are pertinent to this particular phase of life, it pregnancy. And when you have a young child in your household. There's particular dynamics that are at play that we felt were important to consider.

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and so we wanted more pieces of the puzzle. In short, you know, if you, if you don't measure it well, you can't respond to it well, and so our prototype is is rather large. It has 78 questions in it. If you're exploded to answer all of the questions. If you're not pregnant, for example, you don't get a series of questions, etc.

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But our brand new prototype tool has 78 questions. It took my participants late last year 25 to 30 min to self administer. So it is quite long. It's too long. I know it is, but it's a prototype.

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And you know, this is a complex problem as well, and it's an underdone problem. And yet it's really salient at the moment. So maybe there is more appetite to to fund and and do to do more in this space than previously, and so just quickly. Our our survey tool has 3 main kind of components. It looks at risk factors for food, insecurity for households.

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We just took up 4 of the 6 dimensions of of food security. Because these 4 are kind of really well worn, although I I do understand why they're advocating more and more for an additional 2 dimensions. and you know, because we're public health nutritionists, we're really interested in things like diet, quality and other kind of health outcomes and consequences for those who experience food insecurity.

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So we've published a range of papers on this topic, including some grey literature back to our funders, our community partners and a lovely student project from the particular cohort here in Melbourne that were recruited through the Royal Women's Hospital. They were our pregnant participants locally.

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So if you'd like to find out more, and in terms of next steps, we're keen to grow our collaboration. Thank you. And a New Zealand collaborator joined us late last year, which is wonderful. I flagged. I want to do further qualitative analysis, and our big survey needs validating further piloting and synthesising.

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Thank you so much.

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Thank you, Rebecca. That's just a wonderful work, especially in the context of a country that doesn't have a food security strategy. Does anybody have a quick question for Rebecca

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anger. If you want to grab the point

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alright. Thank you, Rebecca. Really great presentation. Fascinating with the do you? As well just want to ask a bit about the way you invite. the your informant, your respondents to to do the some structured interviews. I was wondering

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whether there are people that do have some problems with food and security, but that don't have enough courage to, you know, to to voluntarily come to you whether you miss

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some important you know

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no one's in a in in from your interface.

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Thanks for your question.

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I have been interviewing people who have experienced food insecurity for for most of my career, and would absolutely acknowledge that there are

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some that are too shy, or even

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I might be in in a community kitchen doing the dishes with someone. And I'm I'm hearing quite a lot of information that is highly relevant to my research aims and objectives.

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And then we go for our formal interview, you know, just just after that informal environment. And they, you know, when the when the tape recorders on and the and the time is going. They speak in a much more constrained way

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equally. Some people are like, thank you for this opportunity to talk about this. It's so important. Thank you for doing this work. So I I think you're right. And I I guess some of the strategies I try and use, you know, recruit where people are that, you know are likely to be experiencing this issue compensate people as as best as you possibly can.

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So we paid our participants $50 for less than a 30 min interview, and I would always pay them more if it went longer.

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and you know we're possible. You know, cultural. I've had interviewees that are domestic violence survivors, and I had a a male interviewer, and so there was always a support worker there. So anyway, you're not in. You probably know all these strategies, but there's some other ways that I can think of. No doubt others move some other ideas to.

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Thanks.

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Thank you very much.

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Minneapolis.

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All ready to go.

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The

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okay. So I'm happy to share with you these preliminary observations. Another story from the Philippines, a story that is unfolding as we speak

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in this conference. Okay, so the title is food self-sufficiency as social technical imaginaries.

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So let me begin by saying that the political economy approach has a strong influence in the sociology of agriculture and food. We use it extensively to understand how capitalist ideology interacts with complex, economic, political.

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ecological, and cultural factors in shaping the dominant agri-food systems

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that we have today. And this dominant agri-food system is characterized, as we know, by chemical-based agriculture and the production side and the industrial diets on the consumption side to intertwine processes that contribute significantly to major social ecological crisis at global scale.

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However, more recently the COVID-19 pandemic has triggered alternative practices when it comes to more inward-looking production policies, shorter and more direct

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producer to consumer supply chains.

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grassroots-driven forms of solidarities in food production, marketing, and consumption across the world. There seems to be a strong comeback of food, self-sufficiency, narrative

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as a component of food security in anticipating both

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environmental as well as economic shots. And interestingly, these post-pandemic narratives of food, self-sufficiency emerge alongside a wave of authoritarian and populist politics that transform many facets of our society, including our agri-food systems

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in the Philippines. The new president, Ferdinand Bonville, Marcus Jr. Has revived the calls for food self-sufficiency at the time when the country has experienced historic levels of high inflation due to food supply disruptions brought about by the pandemic high, all prizes

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and the series of typhoons at ravaged parts of the country, and we can also say, and some would say, that his use of the food, self sufficiency, narrative with highly contested claims of the Philippines. Glorious agrarian era during his father's presidency, has helped him win the election.

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and this also included a campaign promise of cutting to half the price of a kilo rice if we won the election which it did And this policy stands for food. Self-sufficiency continues up to this day, receiving support even from farmers and consumer groups alive.

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In fact, he even refused to appoint a Secretary for Someone to head the Ministry of Agriculture And instead, he appointed himself so that he can see to it that his vision for a food self-sufficient Philippines, which he said, nobody has delivered

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among his predecessors except one, and he's referring to the late dictator will come into fruition.

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So in this preliminary work we think of our responsibility as sociologists to understand the nuances, and at times the contradictions within our established theories and our lived realities, while neoliberalism dominates economics and politics, how do we critically comprehend seemingly contradictory narratives of food, self-sufficiency.

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and the ways they intersect and coexist with neoliberal policies and practices. Yesterday somebody talked. I think it was Rudy mentioned, about hybrid neoliberal governance and what exactly does this food, self-sufficiency, narrative do in terms of consolidating or reconfiguring political power? Who benefits and who loses

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from this process along the way. So for this task we broaden our theoretical framing

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by bringing in perspectives from complex systems perspectives such as the neon meadows. Our leverage points framework as well as some notions of modularity and compartmentalization of various agri-food system components, values, and goals.

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We also find the concept of socio-technical imaginaries from the Sds, particularly useful in explaining how the politics of food self-sufficiency is intrinsically related

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to the changing, collective, societal attitudes about knowledge and technology and its place in shaping normative notions of alternative futures. In the Philippines there is a strong preference for food self-sufficiency culturally, and many Filipinos would still believe that the Philippines is an agricultural country, despite the fact that in economic terms it is not like it's more service-oriented industry oriented.

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So since President Marcus took the office only a year ago, at the time when we proposed this topic to Rc. 40, we don't have much. We didn't have much data to analyze what we have. Our news reports from the election campaign period and from his first few months in the office. But very recently, after almost a year in the Presidency, and as the head of the Department of Agriculture. He produced more concrete plans on how to pursue food. Self-efficiency, although they were not really like

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the official documents, were not made public available yet, but more on the news reports and official statements coming from the press.

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and we included these into our thematic analysis. Of course we reviewed the scientific literature and great government literature on previous State policies and food self-efficiency which I'll be talking about next.

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So

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the emerging narrative of food, self-sufficiency of Bumble. Marcos did not

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start with him. Or with this Administration. We need to understand this in light of the previews food, self-sufficiency narratives during the Green Revolution days. With the Philippines own iteration of it. The Maasagan in 99,

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and this, as we know, is a technological revolution that paved the way for the Global Development Project

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as well as the liberalisation or the neoliberal turn of agriculture in the late eighties up to the nineties with agricultural R&D as a key component of global trade. So so practically, the Philippines has abandoned, largely abandoned, that the dream of of self-sufficiency, except for rice.

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white corn. Okay?

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So in 2,007 and 2,008 food crisis, that particular crisis became an impetus for 2 Presidents to actually revive food, self-sufficiency policies and set clear targets. But but ultimately they failed.

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and in 2,019, with Duterte, with the territory. So, after decades of pursuing

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of the food, self-sufficiency, dream neoliberal notions of food security, triumph with the liberalization of the rice sector as the Philippine Government passed the rice clarification law that that put low tariffs on rise and remove quantitative restrictions.

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So

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Marcus Jr. Ascended in the Presidency when the country was actually facing a staggering headline. Inflation and food inflation rates Many Philippine farmers and consumers were very dissatisfied last year with the Rice clarification law and its impact, and the Philippines is already one of the top importing countries of second to to China.

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and there was low and erratic growth of Philippine agriculture and fisheries as compared to the service and industry sectors.

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And there is this common And shared understanding during the the campaign period that rural poverty is really a national concern.

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So the food self-sufficiency narrative was used as an election campaign mouthpiece, and it resonated with a lot of rural voters. And, as he said, Bongo Marcus said, during the campaign period, we should minimize our importation, and he wouldn't mind if he suspend the right certification law which he's actually now reviewing. So Because I don't have much time. So perhaps let me just

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highlight that there are conflicting narratives while he's saying that he's pursuing food, self-efficiency. But He also ramping up. Free trade and open trade agreements. So just recently the Philippines has signed up for the regional, comprehensive economic partnership that runs contrary to the self-sufficiency narrative. And and even low tariffs for rise will be removed as well.

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So some concluding talks. food, self-efficiency and narrative is being used as a tool to legitimize political power among the massive voters who subscribe to technological optimism and the moral values, underpinning food, self-sufficiency in the present markets, juniors, conflicting narratives and actions suggest either pragmatism or conviction to fulfill 2

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campaign promises in the long run the failure to address the structural causes of agricultural systems. Vulnerabilities may only result in the deepening of neoliberalism. In the agri-food sector.

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Multiple pathways to food self-sufficiency must be anchored on diverse social, technical imaginaries of diverse agrarian cultures in the Philippines and life worlds. Taking into account the cascading of risk drivers across scales, and we have a lot of inspirations and epistemological alternative with cosmological starting points to look at.

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And lastly, just to end this presentation with this question, how do we facilitate dialogue on these diverse conceptions of food, self-sufficiency that can broaden out institutionalized narratives and actions on food, self-sufficiency and food security, with emphasis on our normative notions of access, equity, social justice, and ecological sustainability that is so fast.

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I'm so sorry it doesn't feel like 10 min.

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All right. Thank you. Yeah, we've got a special clock here. It's a fast-forward type club, it is. thank you. It is. thank you. It's really good that when talking about food systems and all that, to get back into good political economy. Does anybody have a

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quick question for the minister here, please?

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Besides, rice and white corn. Is there any other like traditional cuisine.

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populism

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or nationalism? Elements to the self-sufficiency narrative under the new administration?

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Okay?

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one highly contested. And I would say, A cultural one as well. is Copenhagen.

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but it's it's

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it's expert-oriented. So the politics there is quite different.

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because you have a lot of coconut farmers in the Philippines, and they're really the the the forests. Among the the sub. Groups within the agricultural sector

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and the Marcus Administration and and Marcos, as a political plan, has a very, you know, contested political connection, historical connection to coconuts, and so fast forward to this administration. Then you have this President

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who would actually implement, like a law that would return cotton code, return to the coconut farmers some money that was actually stolen from the coconut farmers during the time of his father.

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And the there was the one who passed that law, but it was another Marcos who would implement this law.

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So anyway, I don't have some time. So, but we can talk about that later. Yeah, thank you very much. Minnie, Fred, and this the kilo of rice. Now is it half the price before bang bong came in within the no, so So so they created these government outlets where you can buy. But but but these are varied in terms of reach, like, it's very limited. Yeah.

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thank you very much.

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Marvin and Anna. I think it's just Marvin here. See? Yes.

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great, apparently this, the third paper on the Philippines. So when a Fred, when Fred Melissa, and I did not conspire to have 3 papers in this panel, but I actually just met when it Fred yesterday. And Hi to Melissa, I actually have not met you. Yeah. So it's a good opportunity to during of each other's work.

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All right. So this is a paper that I'm co-authoring with Anna Karita, Anna Bassalo, who's from the University of the Philippines in Las Vegas.

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all right, and many thanks to Carol and Rudy for organizing this panel.

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All right.

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So small neighborhood retailers proliferate around the world, especially in the global South. although they are, have many things in common. They are called in many ways spazas in South Africa, the and the aberotis in Mexico, wareum in Indonesia and sarisari stores in the Philippines.

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These are home-based businesses or micro-enter prices typically managed by family members.

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We serve a lot of social and economic functions in communities.

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one of which is providing poor households a convenient and reliable access to food the other one is spreading gossip, apparently right.

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studies on small neighborhood retailers have primarily focused on the urban context, while very few have examined its food security implications.

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even fewer. Our studies that look at the intersections between small neighborhood retailers and environmental crisis, such as climate change.

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we assert that it is important to study small neighborhood retailers in the context of crisis.

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Given the rising intensity and frequency of perturbations that impact vulnerable rural populations.

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our goal is to contribute to the literature by interrogating the food security implications of small neighborhood retailers in the context of environmental crisis and local local and a grand political economy and even broader aggression. Political economy.

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So our paper specifically examines the intersection of crisis debt and food security in our interrogation of small neighborhood retailers.

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Focusing on the case of rural sari-sari stores in the Philippines.

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we argue that an attention to the political ecology of crisis and the local agrarian political economy complicates our understanding of the food security functions of small neighborhood retailers specific to rural Philippines. We argue that Sarisari's stores have a paradoxical role in the food security of rural precariates vulnerable to environmental crisis.

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Our research is based on fuel work that was conducted in the province of copies situated in the western Vesayan region of the Philippine Archipelago.

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We carried out semi-structured interviews with more than 180 farmers in fisher folk. 44 of which are also Sari's store owners.

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We also conducted participant observation in sari-sari stores, in the entire duration of our field research, which essentially involve a lot of eating in these Zeros.

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dubbed as the seafood capital of the Philippines copies, is an important geographic case, as it is rich in agriculture and marine coastal resources, although this has not translated to better life and well-being among capizanos.

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incidence of poverty continues to increase, and perception of withinsecurity remain high.

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Furthermore, capizanias are perennially affected by typhoons and floods, the recent one wants being more intense and catastrophic.

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In the last 10 years alone the province was hit by 2 super typhoons, which left lasting impacts on the lives of Capisanos, the the the most Famous one was the one that hit in 2,014 typhoon Mealanda which many of you have heard.

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one of the strongest stifles that have ever hit the Philippines.

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So our our observations and conversations with Sarah's store owners and patrons reveal 2 reinforcing feedback loops. The first is the persistence of satisfy stores. In low-income communities.

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Store owners who are also farmers in fisher folk draw from multiple motivations, ranging from supplement, supplementing incomes.

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to obtaining cash for daily expenses in ensuring daily access to food. When crisis hits. Ceresi's stores are specially affected, such as when typhoons dam historic structures, and food stocks.

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and when a catastrophe hits the store stocks can serve as a food relief to the family of the Sari-store owners themselves.

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This motivates irresistory store owners to stop more comestibles that can keep long and endure crisis events like typhoons and floods, for example, canned goods and instant noodles typically stop better than a sack of rice.

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In this sense the Sari-sari store stock can address the needs of the owner's households in times of acute with security, food, insecurity.

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as the household managing Thesari stores recover from the crisis. they then find ways to re-establish their salary stores.

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Often they avail of available microcredit from state and non-state organizations, thus incurring loans that they need to manage with other household expenses.

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Repayments can take a long time, as one store owner said, it took them years to repay their loans, to rebuild their Sari Sari's stores. Despite the difficulties of setting up and re-establishing Sari's stores. However.

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owners persist, due to the perceived benefits of having a ready stock that their own families can draw from in times of crisis. So it's like putting up Sarah Sars to sell, but they're also somewhat kind of using the same stocks as a reserve, right as a relief in times of crisis which is quite fascinating.

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So, as the household managing the salaries stores, recover from the crisis, they then find ways to re-establish their salary stores. Oh, sorry!

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So meanwhile the precarious patrons become more and more dependent on Sari Sari's stores. In times of crisis, when subsistence farmers and fishers experience crop failure or dismal fish catch the first go to support our Sari sirey stores.

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This is because Sari's stores allows patrons to avail of food on credit, which they then repay often beyond the time that was promised. Right. So if for you to get food, then you know you can avail the food, but you have to get it on credit.

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The fisher folk depend more on Sari-seri's stores, food stocks than farmers. As the former may not have sufficient land to grow subsistence crops. As a result. While farmers may be able to get vegetables, rice, and tubers from their backyards and farms, fishers often depend on what sarissary stores can offer them.

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The credit system of the sarasari stores, then provide immediate response to acute food insecurity among precariats as they find ways to recover from the crisis and restart their livelihoods, farmers and fishers then available, microcredit to regain, regain livelihood assets which in turn contribute to debt, servicing, and may affect their ability to have consistent access to good nutritious food in the future.

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So, combining these 2 reinforcing feedback loops shows that persistence and proliferation of Sari Sierra stores and low-income rural communities indeed, contribute to addressing the food, acute food and security of both Sari's store owners and patrons, especially after a crisis event when there is a high risk of a keep hunger.

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while the availability of microcredit has contributed to the increase of households establishing Sarici's stores. Not all farmers and fishers have the capacity or choose to put up sarissary stores. However, what become evident in our field research is that the combined effects of the 2 feedback loops also contribute to increased risk of chronic food and security.

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So this is my last slide.

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Sarasari's store owners are motivated to concentrate. Stocks to keep long. And in our resilient to typhoons and floods, which in most cases are packaged and processed foods like canned goods and instant ingles.

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And because Sari's stores are increasingly being stopped by packaged and processed foods, rural precariats who are dependent on the food as credit system of Sari's stores, then end up consuming these low nutrition food stuff in times of crisis.

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And since provinces like Tappis typically encounter environmental crisis, such as stifling and floods, there is the risk that rural precariates consuming low nutrition food stuff in the longer term.

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Hence sarcari stores, in the context of intensifying and more frequent crisis in an already precarious or grand situation, present a case of a paradoxical for security. So that's it.

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Thank you so much.

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Thank you very much. Marvin and Anna. Does anybody have a question

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for Marvin? Elizabeth?

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Thank you.

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It was really interesting. I was just wondering. It's come up in different presentations. If there's a gender dimension to your research as you real focusing on these stores?

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and and if it's not sorry there is yes, and we we we we do intend to write about it as well. Most of the sari's stores are run by women.

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 And and some of them it. And so this is where a bit of that I guess resistance come in. So they know, or at least not necessary resistance, but awareness, that while we are stocking

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no nutrition food, but they're doing so because it stops well that they know it is insufficient. So some of them do really find ways to supplement. It's a noodles

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like going to a neighbor's house, and if the name. Perhaps it will ring a plan right? So they will just pick a few more Inga leaves from that plan and then add it to that. It's that who goes in the hope that it will make it more nutritious right?

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But so so interestingly there is, and most of the women are aware of that. But I think it's that when you get entangled in this web of of depth

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credit and that then it becomes sweet.

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Thank you.

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Irene.

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I

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good evening, everyone. My name is Irene. I think we are moving from the Philippines to Zambia now

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mit Ctl, and okay. So I'm looking at food and nutrition laws in urban agri-food chains, where we want to leverage the lessons learned from the efficiency's project to address food loss in Lusaka Zambia. This project was carried out in 2 countries, that is, Zambia and Malawi. But I'm presenting the findings from the Zambian 150

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part of the project and

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the key founders of this project are the Australian Center for International Agriculture Research as well as the International Development Research Center, together with the Zambian and Malarian counterparts.

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So we see that food and nutrition loss is among the shocks that continue to affect food systems worldwide, and the losses occur from

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from farm to fork like production to to retail. And according to the foul.

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approximately, 14% of food is lost globally between harvest and the retail market, and in sub-saharan Africa. This is roughly about 37%.

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So what is the aim of the African city's food project? the aim was to identify and characterize the nature and scale of food and nutrition laws in urban agricultural chains, in Lusaka and Muzuo cities, as well as to define the drivers and implications of this food loss. So we are also analyzing productivity, losses and solutions to the food losses from the farm to the market.

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The methodology of this project was very collaborative in nature from drafting of the research questions to implementation.

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Different stakeholders and partners came on board, especially those in the agriculture food systems, the key stakeholders. We had. institutions like Iapri. This is the Institute of Agriculture, policy, research, initiative, the foul. He was international self help, Africa

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and all sorts of partners, because we felt that there is no research without the key actors in these urban food value chains. So we are also going beyond problem analysis to see what can we put in place to ensure that we deal with the problem of food loss in urban food value chains.

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our findings, the major drivers of food loss along the food value chains.

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We had 5 major drivers of food loss.

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This was weather and climate, and Saturday, like the others I've mentioned, weather is something that

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mit Ctl, and we can in something inevitable in in the food value chain. So issues of climate change were really among the great drivers for our food, harvesting and handling methods 150

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at the local level we see that lack of technology also was an impediment and was a major driver to food loss whereby

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the slow pace of harvesting and all those issues. We also had limited food, preservation

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As well as gender inequality and limited infrastructure in terms of storage facilities at the at the farm all the way to the market code, storage, and other storage facilities, and especially for the vegetables. Most vegetables would be left out in the open in the sun, and usually for leafy vegetables, you find that they easily

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shrink, and they lose the the nutrition is lost in that way. So these were the major drivers.

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and we see that

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food loss along the Food Valley chain was highest at the point of harvesting to loading, and you see, tomato there, leafy vegetables, meat, and milk. These were among the things that we we were looking at. So it was really high at harvesting stage.

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 we also had trials that we implemented to address the food losses.

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and these trials were done with mainly dairy farmers at Palavanaugh Dairy Farm. We also had trials with vegetable farmers at Cassisi. A farm, and also trials with key stakeholders in the open air markets, because Lusaka is home to one of the biggest open air markets called Soweto.

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and that's that was where we we were doing the trials. And here in the open air markets. That's where we had challenges with gender issues in the markets. When you listen to the detailed narratives, you see that gender is a key issue in the open air markets. I'll just give some few examples where some women were expressing concern that

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some members of the Market Council would want you to be in a relationship with them for them to allocate your market space. To.

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Yeah, like, maybe give you a good market space for you to do your trading. We also had the problem of food agents

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mit Ctl. And Where there was manipulation and extortion of prices like the middlemen who would get produce from the farmers, and then, when they take it to the market, they increase the price, or they also offer to sell on your behalf, and then, based on the sales, they get more profit. So those were some of the dynamics that were going on in the open air markets. So 150

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mit. Ctl. And that's what happened in the Office Cities Project. It's a two-year project which is ongoing, and we are winding up. It started in 2,021. We are actually towards the end of the project. So lessons learned what we learned from the drivers and the trials that we implemented on average, after one

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engaging with the vegetable farmers and teaching them on how to handle the vegetables and different ways of managing their businesses, we saw that vegetable sales. After the intervention it increased from 43% to about 55%, and also the average milk sold the farmer

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increase from 89 liters to 94 liters

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After issues of storage and other interventions we put in place. So we also saw that there was an adoption of low cost value addition practices like sun drying of vegetables. Mostly these were just dumped. If if you see that the vegetable has shrunk and it's not looking pleasant to the eye for selling. Mostly they will just go to waste and be thrown behind the market, the tomatoes, rotten tomatoes.

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vegetables, and everything. But now the farmers were implementing sun drying as a technique, because

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mit Ctl and certain technologies are not really robust in in, in in certain places, so people are lending to sundry and other preservation methods. also improving market governance. We see that women still participate in the markets. Men are still dominant. They are the ones who take the revenue. They are the ones in charge of many things governance in the open air market. So we see that 150

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improving market governance and gender equality at market level really requires robust bylaws and continued sensitization. Imagine, for instance, for the

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food agents

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we call them caponeas. These ones would be very physical, violent. They are looking for livelihoods, and something to take home at the end of the day. So if they are not really pushy

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mit

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change the norms and beliefs and perceptions that people in open air markets have, especially, maybe, towards women, cause. There was an example that women cannot carry a heavy box of tomato. So you see the men boo dozing them and saying, Bring that here you cannot carry. I'll carry for you and take it to the way you're selling from, but at a higher price. So for us to change the norms, values perceptions 150

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about men and women in open air markets. We need continued sensitization in the open air markets. So future considerations and directions.

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we need to scale up capacity building and technological solutions to address our food laws, and we also need to shift minds and policies to address bias on productivity and invest in increasing productivity across the chains from the farm to the market. We need to decongest the open-air markets and improve services.

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We see that our open air markets are really congested because People thrive on on retail. Most families in Zambia are low income. Not many are in the middle class, so market open air markets are a bit congested, and we need to improve the services and also provide food shelter at farm level. Most farms don't have the shelter when they harvest without proper shelter and storage before they're even loaded to the market. There's a lot of losses at farm level.

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also improve market governance and gender equality across the chains

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as well as and in transportation, the the loading stage, especially in transportation. You find that not many women are behind the wheel, and they cannot drive throughout the night from the farm, like, if you want to take the produce early to the market, they'll say, for security concerns. The woman cannot be behind the we only the men. So you see that gender equality across the chains is really cardinal. Also make climate information accessible to farmers

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as well as Yeah, the future questions is that what infrastructure and chain governance innovations can increase productivity and resilience in food systems across the urban food value chains? So

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we are asking that question, and we need to answer it for us to implement things that will be long, lasting, and beneficial for for those that are involved in the agri-food value chains.

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This is where my presentation ends. Thank you very much.

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Thank you very much, Irene. That was. it's absolutely awesome. I've never thought of that. They're doing all the food waste research that the enormous amounts of food, waste, and loss can be also framed as a shock. As a form of shock. I thought I was really interesting. Does anybody have a question there for a rain and food loss in Lusaka?

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I'm going, you know, where the microphone is by now.

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Thank you. I just wondering whether you mentioned about the urban value chain was wondering at the farm level. Do they have

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different channels of distributing or selling food, that they will make them

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more resilient to

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to this kind of, you know, to to the fragility of the Fuji, but also helping them, reducing food loss, you know, by adjusting to selling to different, you know, different channels. They'll be able to

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shift from one if it's seen as being, you know, in officially, we just move it to

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I. The players are consuming themselves just to

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thank you very much for your

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yes, of course, at firm level. Farmers always find a way to survive, and they have different channels for those that are not part of the operatives.

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They don't have a cooperative in their area.

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They will cook their food, use a bicycle and take to the nearest market.

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Others will know the market, especially for the fish farms. They will always go to their farm and get their fish from the dam. And so you see that they will try to use different methods, putting it on an Ops. Cards, and whatever method, but most of it also will be consumed at the farm. So yes, they'll try to look for ways of making sure their food reaches the market.

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We need to take 2 or 3 days, but they're doing that using a high school of hiring transportation which is expensive.

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Thank you.

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Thank you very much.

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I don't have a

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nice to meet you in a

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it to recognize you because of your picture in the email.

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Good evening and welcome to this talk about food insecurity among you

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university students in Ottawa and New Zealand.

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I'm in the home stretch of completing my doctorate. So this is like a small section of my findings that I just want to share with this

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global audience

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a bit of a bad story as to why I got motivated to do this research on food insecurity.

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I am originally from Nigeria, so in my first year of living in New Zealand, one evening I was walking down Queen Streets. Queen Street is

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a very busy street in the heart of Auckland, Cbd.

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And I found some homeless people being given free food

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by some

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charitable organization. So that was very intriguing to me, because for someone like me, coming from a developing country, my taught spiral was that food issues or hunger is a developing country problem.

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Then, me being in a developed country. And I'm finding that there is this issue of food insecurity, that like stock. My interest and I went into the literature, and I started reading about food insecurity, and I found that most developed countries have it as a big issue

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and the same thing for New Zealand. So I was like, Oh, this is interesting. And then, when I for that looked into the literature, I saw that this was reported more among university students in other developed countries like New Zealand, and then I tried to find, what do we have reported for students in New Zealand. But I couldn't find

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very, very minimal literature about that. So I was like.

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if this is happening in other countries, it's probably happening in New Zealand, but it's only reported as such. That was why I focused on students.

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That's the backstory.

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Now, what do we know about food insecurity.

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According to the World health organization, hunger plates, 821 million people in the world.

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nearly one in 3 people in the world did not have access to adequate food in 2,020,

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and in New Zealand we produce food for over 40 million people. Yet we do have problems with food insecurity. Almost 40% of adults and 90% of children in Ottawa

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do not have enough food.

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The questions on the slide are 8 questions.

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and those ready questions are used to assess food and security. In my study it was developed by the food and Agricultural organization of the United Nations.

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My purpose of putting that in is because

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some of us, when we talk about food and security people be like, oh, it's not my problem. I don't think I'm a victim to that, but I just want us to take a few minutes or seconds to do self assessments like, look at those questions. Answer them. You don't need to tell me the response. Answer them for yourself. If you answer yes to any of those at 1 point in time. You've done food insecure without even knowing.

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I'll take in.

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Now, what do we know about food insecurity?

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According to F Ao, it is defining as food security is defined as when all people at all times have physical, social, and economic access to sufficient safe

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and nutritious food which meets their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life. The combust of that is food insecurity. Well, I also need to emphasize that this

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food security and food insecurity has levels. So if you're full secure. It could be highly or marginally food secure. And if your food in security could be low or very low.

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how did I get my data. I conducted an online survey, and thereafter I had some interviews. But because of time, constraint, I'll just give the findings from my qualitative data and a few from my quantitative.

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What did I find? As you can see.

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full insecurity for New Zealand students

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is way way higher than what other countries have reported.

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and we are.

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I mean, this figure is staggering, considering

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the ratio to household in New Zealand

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for my study participants. The drivers of food insecurity were mainly financial hardship housing costs, poor culinary skills, insufficient allowance. Poor time management cost of meals on campus. But the most impacting ones were housing costs and financial hardship

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because Auckland is quite expensive, and it's more expensive than other cities

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based on the comparison of living cost and housing costs. And this impact students the most, because when

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expenses, when other expenses

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come up that we are not in their budget. The first space where they caught budget from is their feeding allowance. because nobody wants to be homeless, so they will make efforts to ensure that their rent are paid. But then people are not eating, and nobody knows about this.

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There were diverse impacts

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on the students. But I picked out this one specifically the one where one of the participants was saying that

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this food insecurity is just another thing that I feel I should conceal I feel slightly ashamed about. I don't want to be dramatic and say it's awful.

449
01:26:51.980 --> 01:27:06.060
Budgeting is a part of life, and most New Zealand does hard to get used to that, since Covid hits and economic instability is more common. But it doesn't make me feel grace. This is just one of

450
01:27:06.360 --> 01:27:22.959
the many responses I get in terms of how impacts they are well, being their academic performance, and even their social lifestyle, or a lot of them, complain that they have to like, give up socialization because they can't afford to go and have drinks and not have money to eat.

451
01:27:23.140 --> 01:27:24.040
Yeah.

452
01:27:25.530 --> 01:27:55.339
And some of the coping strategies reported was that they would skill meals. Some some would even like suppress hunger, skip meals. Some will stay home because they cannot afford transportation to come into campus. Some will compromise on their food choices only buying foods that are on sale or specials, and then Some don't eat food that are nutritious enough. They just eat calorie dense food to stay fuller for longer.

453
01:27:58.640 --> 01:28:10.160
so going forward. My recommendation to our university is that they have to acknowledge that on campus food, insecurity is an existing problem, and stop treating it like

454
01:28:10.470 --> 01:28:13.889
we know it there, but no action is being taken about it.

455
01:28:14.100 --> 01:28:24.769
Take responsibility for addressing the fullness of the students. Also take responsibility for listening to how vulnerable students want these needs addressed.

456
01:28:24.800 --> 01:28:31.850
and then take responsibility to make sure that identifying needs are effectively as sustainably addressed.

457
01:28:31.940 --> 01:28:44.430
and then adopt and implement local solutions for elevating food insecurity on campus. I have practical solutions, but that's not part of the things I am talking about now.

458
01:28:44.920 --> 01:28:52.150
Yes, at the time of my data collection. That was what the campus food pantry looked like.

459
01:28:52.740 --> 01:28:54.650
So you can imagine

460
01:28:54.850 --> 01:29:06.390
what good this can do to a population of over 40,040,000 people on campus like this is barely nothing compared to what other institutions are doing.

461
01:29:09.300 --> 01:29:11.679
Yes, and that's me. Thank you.

462
01:29:17.970 --> 01:29:30.099
Thank you very much. Antonia. Does anybody have a question and have.in place? what's another one? Dom, would you like to use the microphone place so we can have it online as well. Thank you.

463
01:29:30.170 --> 01:29:36.790
Did you talk to both domestic and international students? And if so, was there a difference there?

464
01:29:36.910 --> 01:29:40.800
The international students were mostly impacted.

465
01:29:40.820 --> 01:29:46.159
because at the time when I was collecting my data also collected during the Covid lockdown.

466
01:29:46.200 --> 01:30:02.989
you know, for it, for local students. Some had the option to go back home. So they stayed with family. But the international student was talks especially for those living within the university accommodation, so there were so many resources that were out of reach at the time for them, like.

467
01:30:03.190 --> 01:30:07.110
because for available, the restrictions on transportation.

468
01:30:07.400 --> 01:30:20.219
it was more challenging for international students. Well, I didn't include that in my talk, but I just mentioned that it's very similar to our university. It's very similar situation, but it's very trouble.

469
01:30:20.250 --> 01:30:22.949
Yeah, and very close, I mean, yes.

470
01:30:23.910 --> 01:30:30.450
4 questions. I had that question, too, but I had another one to go out, and I'll ask the other one to.

471
01:30:30.940 --> 01:30:48.530
I'm curious about thinking about other shocks that students might experience. So there was one in the. And they were all. And international students were often like maybe trapped. They were at my campus and didn't get home, and parents didn't have

472
01:30:48.830 --> 01:31:02.420
money to support in the way that they used to. But the other shock. So we've done some research on student UN security. I've done some quantitative and positive analysis of this.

473
01:31:02.630 --> 01:31:17.029
And they talked about income shots that were specific to students in the way student financing comes their way. So loans that show up one or 2 times a year, and the need to sort of

474
01:31:17.420 --> 01:31:33.459
budget that money over a long period of time, unexpected cost in the winter, that they weren't aware of around heating and those kinds of things so that they might. So did you find that they talked about those

475
01:31:33.730 --> 01:31:50.839
student-specific income shocks? Yeah, good question. And thanks for mentioning that, you know, like I mentioned for lack of time. There was so many components that I didn't include. But yes, that was Part of the problems reported, because most of them actually, during the lockdown.

476
01:31:51.210 --> 01:31:57.150
The living situation was factory, for some had houses with modes.

477
01:31:57.310 --> 01:31:58.300
and

478
01:31:58.450 --> 01:32:27.700
because they lost income, a lot of them are like part time students. But during the lockdown they couldn't go to work, and that meant that there has been a reduction in their in their income. And that's impacted significantly because People would rather not do stuff that I importance. For example, one of the participants wouldn't go to the hospital because they didn't want to pay for whatever would be found, their ad that stayed home sick.

479
01:32:28.140 --> 01:32:32.719
These are just part of the ways that people were impacted at the time.

480
01:32:35.730 --> 01:32:37.939
All right, Antonia, thank you very much.

481
01:32:42.700 --> 01:32:55.439
So now the have at once to do a final. The presentation. This is a pre-recorded one from Amruta, Pampa, from Cornell. I'll see how I can start this. There's no play button. So just so click on this. And

482
01:32:55.460 --> 01:32:57.110
oh, nothing is happening.

483
01:32:58.750 --> 01:33:02.220
Just see. we record it

484
01:33:04.260 --> 01:33:13.660
here. It doesn't. M. There's an Mp. For.

485
01:33:13.810 --> 01:33:22.430
And the previous presentations. I, one of those masters, is in social policy. And now she's pursuing methods more in line with development economics.

486
01:33:25.190 --> 01:33:31.680
Is this the one, the M. P, 4. Yeah, it's the Mp, 4 that you have to play.

487
01:33:33.190 --> 01:33:50.610
Hi, you're online. Yeah. And the global development at county university. And today, I'm going to talk about the pathways towards sustainable food security of forest proximate communities based on a case study that I conducted in the State of Odessa in India.

488
01:33:51.440 --> 01:34:12.760
First of all, why study the food security of forest proximate communities? The reason is simple. Globally, 1.6 billion rural people live in close proximity to forest, and most of them are dependent on forest for some part of their livelihood. There's making forests important for the livelihood and food security of millions of people

489
01:34:13.140 --> 01:34:37.709
and forests are also central to discussions on what is commonly called anthropocene. Triple challenge. Forests are rich in natural resources and biodiversity, and act as carbon sings, and hence they are central to discussions on Anthropocene's triple challenge of having limited resources by facing biodiversity laws and climate change.

490
01:34:39.370 --> 01:34:53.259
In this context, where forests are important to both local food security of forest, proximate communities as well as in addressing global challenges of the Anthropocene, I ask the question.

491
01:34:53.350 --> 01:35:04.989
how can the food security of forest proximate communities be strengthened without increasing the precedure on local environment in a way that affects sustainability.

492
01:35:05.200 --> 01:35:24.170
But that's a very broad question. And because we have just 10 min to be, the focus is only on 2 phenomena in that is happening in forested landscape which is relevant to today's sessions topic of food security vulnerabilities. Okay? The first phenomena that I focus on is

493
01:35:24.170 --> 01:35:48.109
that there is an increase in migration that is happening from forested landscapes in search of work work, while for us, where the main source of livelihood for forest, proximate communities in the past. That is no longer the case in that context, I ask, does migration and remittances from migrant workers lead to better food, security of forest, proximate communities?

494
01:35:48.730 --> 01:36:08.540
And then the second phenomenon is that while for is where once one of the main sources of food in remote forested areas, there is now a decline in direct dependence of people on for us for food due to various factors. And then the question I need to ask is

495
01:36:08.550 --> 01:36:23.429
our forest still relevant to the food security of forest proximate communities. And if so, how so? The results for these 2 questions I present by through the study that I conducted in

496
01:36:23.740 --> 01:36:34.979
Kalahandi districts of District of Odyssey, in Eastern India, in the block of Toamo. Rampur Puddica is what you see in red in the map.

497
01:36:35.030 --> 01:36:58.669
and it's a fully rural. a densely forested area with I poverty. I am talking about the block of Toamola, where I conducted research, and in Turbul Ramport. The market connectivity is very low, and majority of the population are tribal, or are the buses who are traditionally dependent on forest resources.

498
01:36:59.240 --> 01:37:18.810
and just like what is happening in many other forest regions of the world. There is a recent trend of labor migration of young men from these forested regions that is leading to a rising income, and these are these! This has implications on

499
01:37:19.010 --> 01:37:30.650
the pathways through which local people access food. So how did I collect data? From this I conducted more than one year of week work in Toamo, Rampur.

500
01:37:30.970 --> 01:37:53.020
and Because the food security vulnerabilities in rural contexts are highly seasonal. My team conducted 3 seasons of household and food market surveys. There were different other methodologies, also that I'd be employed, but the results I present today are mainly from the 3 seasons of surveys.

501
01:37:53.810 --> 01:38:04.769
And how did I measure food security? used various metrics for measuring food security, but the one that I present today is the dietary diversity score for women.

502
01:38:04.820 --> 01:38:22.649
so diversity score is the number of food groups consumed by a woman, and I measured it for the last 7 days. The food groups based on Fpo guidelines are classified into 10 food groups, and therefore the dietary diversity's code can range from 0 to 10.

503
01:38:23.710 --> 01:38:37.359
now, moving on to the results for the first question. This, the first question was, Does migration and remitances from migrant workers lead to better food, security of forest, proximate communities?

504
01:38:38.230 --> 01:38:53.450
To begin with, let me talk about the characteristics of migration in the sample, 26% of the households in the sample had a migrant in the 3 months prior to the survey, and all these migrants were men, mostly young men.

505
01:38:53.470 --> 01:39:04.129
and 70% of the migration was not seasonal in nature, which means that they were not coming during the agricultural season to help with agriculture.

506
01:39:04.350 --> 01:39:13.559
and most of the migration was happening to Southern Indian States where people work as informal laborers in restaurants, construction sites, and quarries

507
01:39:14.570 --> 01:39:30.699
moving on to the results of on relationship between migration and food security. There is no significant difference between the mean dietary diversity of women and households with migrants and without migrants.

508
01:39:30.810 --> 01:39:41.710
Similarly, I don't find any significant correlation between the amount of remittances that a household received, and the dietary diversity of women.

509
01:39:41.870 --> 01:39:52.160
So, in conclusion, there is no evidence supporting the argument that migration or remittances from migrants can improve the food security of

510
01:39:52.170 --> 01:40:03.530
household members in rural areas. At least, that's not the case in turmoil ramp. Then why is it that relatives are not contributing to better dietary diversity?

511
01:40:04.080 --> 01:40:25.889
There are various factors at the household level. What we see is that there is there are competing demands for the money received as remittance. People have to pay They use their emitences to be paid debt by phones, motorbikes, etc. And hence buying more variety of healthier food is not a priority.

512
01:40:25.970 --> 01:40:43.869
and then there are also systemic factors. Even if people had a decide to buy better food, it requires the presence of a well-functioning food market, but that is a stable supply of diverse, healthy food products. But that's not the case in the To. A more rampole

513
01:40:43.880 --> 01:41:02.729
in turmoil. What we mainly have are weekly port markets, and there are very bad roads and limited public transportation which affects the ability of vendors to procure non-local food, and also it affects the ability of local people to access these food markets.

514
01:41:02.880 --> 01:41:15.120
and as a result of the remoteness of the region and lack of transportation and infrastructure, we see low food group diversity in the markets across all seasons.

515
01:41:15.430 --> 01:41:31.520
and being outdoor markets. The number of vendors decline when the weather is unfavorable, and Tommy Rampur is a region that receives high amount of rainfall, and during these rainy days the markets become highly non-functional.

516
01:41:33.180 --> 01:41:46.400
Also, when we think about labor migration as a strategy. During times of whole system shocks at such such as that experience during COVID-19. It is not a favorable set strategy.

517
01:41:46.480 --> 01:42:03.449
So in my sample, 92% of the migrants lost their jobs at least temporarily during the pandemic. So Those are the results about the relevance of migration to for food, security, of forest, proximate communities.

518
01:42:04.010 --> 01:42:19.580
That brings me to the second question, a forest still relevant to the food security of forest, proximate communities. And the simple answer is, Yes, it is. Moreover, there is no evidence of forest-produced collection being lower in households with a migrant.

519
01:42:19.770 --> 01:42:26.130
Prevalence of bodies produce Collection is similar in both types of households.

520
01:42:31.460 --> 01:42:44.750
And what are the parkways through which Forrest contribute to food security for us access a direct source of firewood, 90 percentage of the house who will rely on for us as a source of fireworld

521
01:42:44.970 --> 01:43:07.490
and forests also act as a source of non-fire, would produce mainly food items, and People collect a null. Fire, firewood, forest produce across all seasons, and it is highest during the months preceding rainy season, where 95% of the people collect forest produce.

522
01:43:07.639 --> 01:43:40.230
When you look at the relationship between forests produce collection and dietary diversity, the fighting is very important in both rainy and winter seasons. What I see is that direct diversity score is more than one unit higher for those who collected forest produce, and in summer also there is a positive relationship. But the correlation is not significant, statistically significant. So across all seasons, what we see is that forests are important for dietary diversity.

523
01:43:40.430 --> 01:43:54.239
and for us also act as a source of income. But that pathway is not very utilized in to a whole ramp, or even in rainy season, when the 95% of the people collect forests produce only 18%, sell.

524
01:43:54.260 --> 01:44:10.969
forest reduce, and the reasons are different. People say that they don't have enough to sell. And another reason is that there is no market connectivity. People are mostly reliant on individual buyers who come to the village. They have very low bargaining power.

525
01:44:11.250 --> 01:44:28.719
and there is also a lack of clarity and water products. People are allowed to sell. There is a fear of Boris department officials, especially in the case of commodities like mahua flower, which is used to grow liquor. People think that they are not allowed to sell it, which is really not the case

526
01:44:28.850 --> 01:44:57.490
in this context. What I argue, based on the participatory work I did with people in Tamil Rampore. Is that this lack of having enough? For us produce, and the lack of clarity on the selling rights is at least partially a result of not formally recognizing people's community forest rights. What am I talking about? So India has a legislation to recognize

527
01:44:57.510 --> 01:45:13.080
the scheduled tribes and other traditional for as well as right over community forest resources. And under this act community for us writes in through the right to collect and sell minor forest produce that they have traditionally collected.

528
01:45:13.150 --> 01:45:36.950
and also the right to protect region rate and manage community forest resources. But in Kubernetes only 8 out of the 2 75 villages have their claims for community forest rights approved, although almost all of them are eligible for these rights, and even in those eighth religious people, are not really aware about the nature of the rights.

529
01:45:37.030 --> 01:45:47.819
But if community forest rights are implemented it not or can not only formalize selling rates, it can also lead to better forest management.

530
01:45:47.900 --> 01:46:01.739
There are case studies from across the global south that suggest that local people, especially indigenous people, have a better incentive to sustainably manage forest resources than the forest bureaucracy.

531
01:46:02.490 --> 01:46:22.599
So, in conclusion, my main argument here is that community forest rights can act as a way to strengthen the agency of local people and the sustainability of local food systems. Recently there has been a call to recognize agency and sustainability as to additional pillars of food security.

532
01:46:22.600 --> 01:46:48.380
And I think that granting of community forest rights is crucial in this regard because community forest rights, recognizes local people's agency, especially of indigenous communities who have been managing forest resources for decades, and it empowers them to manage forest resources sustainably in a manner that supports the food security of their future generations.

533
01:46:48.610 --> 01:46:56.970
So that is it. Thank you. If you have any questions or suggestions, please write to me. This is my email address, I mean.

534
01:47:05.470 --> 01:47:07.130
well, there was 8 now.

535
01:47:07.190 --> 01:47:26.569
Unfortunately, we are now. I really right on time, but I think Well, of course, anybody who wishes to leave is free to leave. But maybe there are some questions somebody wants to raise. Some of the panelists are still around all of them? I think so. I think

536
01:47:26.600 --> 01:47:31.730
maybe we still have a few minutes for some questions which are close to anybody's heart.

537
01:47:33.590 --> 01:47:35.079
please? Yes.

538
01:47:35.520 --> 01:47:36.640
yeah.

539
01:47:37.000 --> 01:47:42.650
Oh, yeah. okay. Hi, there! Can you hear me?

540
01:47:51.930 --> 01:48:00.410
 concerning a forest collection? Is there also have been a shift in the value of the

541
01:48:00.420 --> 01:48:07.400
cuisine or social value of foods that are made from forest products.

542
01:48:07.510 --> 01:48:09.879
either up or down.

543
01:48:11.660 --> 01:48:25.920
Amrutha Jose Pampackal: Yes. So from the qualitative data that I have by talking to people. What we know is that among the youth, especially, the perception about forest food has changed.

544
01:48:25.920 --> 01:48:45.639
Amrutha Jose Pampackal: It is something that, so that in many parts it's considered as something low value and something primitive. So that way the value has deteriorated. If it or or are you? Was the question about the economic value, or how the how they perceive for this food

545
01:48:45.700 --> 01:49:13.049
Amrutha Jose Pampackal: on the perceived value, like social value of forest food. Yeah, the social value of forest. Would you see a difference in the age based difference in people's attitude towards forest food. And there are some initiatives by local Ngos and local people together to to to ensure that the youth are aware of the nutritional value of the forest food

546
01:49:13.050 --> 01:49:16.120
Amrutha Jose Pampackal: and it

547
01:49:21.420 --> 01:49:30.820
oh, thank you, I'm Ruta, for here for your response. Thank you very much.  anybody else.

548
01:49:30.860 --> 01:49:35.860
any of the 8 presentations anything that comes to mind.

549
01:49:36.410 --> 01:49:38.599
That's a very just fun for the

550
01:49:39.290 --> 01:49:42.770
there's a microphone for you.

551
01:49:45.260 --> 01:49:50.240
My first place.

552
01:49:51.140 --> 01:49:52.559
thank you.

553
01:49:53.870 --> 01:50:16.970
Urgent anthropology was a previously used to cover the experience of people. in in crisis situations, but they has already expanded to into disaster situation. So The goal is to get their feeding experience right at that moment and come up with an intervention, a measure

554
01:50:18.350 --> 01:50:20.969
it's like relevant to her.

555
01:50:21.270 --> 01:50:23.129
I was just

556
01:50:25.690 --> 01:50:26.540
with

557
01:50:30.930 --> 01:50:32.370
more more.

558
01:50:36.230 --> 01:50:37.100
Well.

559
01:50:38.270 --> 01:50:47.530
in that case, thank you very much for hanging in there. This was a tough one. This was really a fast forward 8 sets.

560
01:50:47.790 --> 01:51:06.410
 but it it was. It was lovely. It was lovely to see all this wonderful work. I mean it it. It shows how how broad this topic can be, and anyhow, everybody will still be at the conference. I think you will find each other and some questions, maybe maybe maybe maybe right afterwards. I thank you very much for

561
01:51:06.520 --> 01:51:15.410
turning up for your energy all the way to the end and enjoy the rest of the conference. Thank you very much.