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Ting Tin Yuet: okay, great. thank you so much for coming. Good morning, everyone. I'm sorry that I could not greet you in person, but my colleague, Dr. Jenny Chan, associate professor of the Augi, also from the Hong Kong Poly Tennis University, is now called sharing the session with me right here in person.

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Ting Tin Yuet: So the session our session is titled future missions, strategies, and contentious politics.

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Ting Tin Yuet: so we have 4 presenters today. The first 3 will be presenting in person. And we have one more presenter presenting online. So without further delay, we will just start with our first presentation by 150

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Ting Tin Yuet: Madeline Caroline from say it to University, and the topic of her presentation is citizen participation and online environment. After a crisis of democracy lessons from Iceland. So please.

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Excellent.

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So 20 min, I will give you the signal here in the last 2 min. Yeah. And do we share it? Or it's already shared it. Yeah, it looks great. It looks great.

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Okay, where did I click this one?

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Thank you so much. I'd like to thank the conveners of this panel for having me here today to share my research.

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I would also like to acknowledge that this research was sponsored by my university through a research incentive Fund grant, and it is a broader project of mine in which I have been looking at 2 countries.

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So Iceland, as an advanced democracy and juxtaposing it with Tunisia as a nascent democracy, and looking at how online environments can strengthen the democratic procedures. So today I'll be presenting only that part related to Iceland.

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let's think.

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okay. So in general, if you look at the role of the Internet in democratic processes. I assume it with many other researchers, to be a tool, a tool that can be used to strengthen, but also to dismantle democratic procedures. However, if you look at research that already exists, there is quite a number of researchers that establish that it could have positive effects in well-established democracies. So.

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looking from that perspective, Iceland has undergone a very deep crisis of democracy crisis of the country crisis of the economy in the years of 2,008, 2,011, when the country has actually gone bankrupt, due to the lack of lack of planning, and you know, a collusion of politicians, bankers, and so on.

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It has not been the end of the political upheavals in 2,016 there are protests related to the Panama papers, where, you know, wives or relatives of prominent politicians were actually found to have a account in Panama in 2,017. There was a Another type of a scandal related to a cover up in the government. So since 2,008, there has been a change in this.

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What we could assume was a very stable political system, like political parties, for instance, have not been changed, or have not been, you know, transformed for a number of years. So, starting with the financial crisis, a new type of a player came onto the air, and that is the pirate party. There were mass protests which were unseen on a political live in Iceland, and there has been also a renewed talk about the Constitution

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mit Ctl, and a constitutional change. So we can ask ourselves, what can we learn from this case? What could be the mechanisms that are effective when it comes to online promotion of a democratization? One.

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What are the sorts of challenges that we can see, and how in general online participation can strengthen the growth of this civil society.

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Now Iceland is a very particular case. It is an island country located to the north west of the United Kingdom. It is known for its volcanic activity. It has also a very small size, and the size of the population is roughly around 350,000 people. So we are talking about a rather small society.

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And it is ranked in a number of rankings very, very high like, for instance, here the Economist Democracy Index. It's rag number 2 in the world. It comes very high in other ranks in like gender equality. For instance, nonetheless, in this country that very deep crisis came in 2,008, and the reason

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why a researchers think what was responsible for it was the lack of proper oversight for decisions that politicians made

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laws in democratic processes, such as just the belief of the public that democracy is about voting. And it's it. You vote every 4 years, and that's it. You just retreat

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also other flows in the election of the Constitutional Assembly, and finally announcement of this election in 2,011, what also made made the the audience or or the citizens less engaged was the fact of the quick economic recovery. So the country went bankrupt. There was a lot of upheaval, but it managed to recover very, very fast.

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And people somehow thought, Ok, everything is back to normal. There is no need to really continue being active on the political level, even in 2,014, one of the Icelandic researchers called Icelanders a week public. So that's 3 years after the end of the financial crisis, one.

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only 33% of Icelanders participated in online forums. So even if we talk about this huge upheaval, the participation was not You know, country-wide, however, we see some further changes. A group called Yaya was established on Facebook in 2,013, and it managed to actually gather protesters against the Panama papers. Revelations.

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we have some other changes, such as the introduction of the participatory budgeting and the platform better rate, Kevin. So we have some. You know, I can say we have some things that maybe we thought would have gone further. But we see definitely changes

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me. I'm trying to move it. Okay. So my methodology for this project was

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and was carried out through a field work in Iceland in 2,021. It's qualitative and in-depth. And during my time in Iceland I managed to interview 7 prominent political activists that were related to a number of different

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initiatives within the country is one participant from the Constitutional Council, one member of the Rikiavik City Council, a member of the pirate party, a founder of the International Modern Media Institute, that sadly closed its doors, a founder of the Petrakovic platform and a deputy member of the Parliament. So I have gathered very rich material. Hopefully I managed to present it all.

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Otherwise, hopefully it will be published soon. So basically, looking through coding of that material, what comes across is the participatory processes, they differ, depending on the level. So what is the national, local and grassland levels? Obviously there are different types of participation and connecting the public through online. To these processes obviously differs, however, all of them stress the fact that there is a greater need for

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participation on all levels. So there's definitely a need for greater engagement of the Icelandic

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public. They also mentioned that whoever wants to deploy technology that actually, this process has to be really well thought out

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mit Ctl, and because if technology is deployed without really preparing for it. It will not yield any effects, or maybe it will yield negative effects. On the contrary, and in all of these processes they actually saw shortcomings. So they shared with me the challenges. Sorry, it's a little bit 150

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 difficult to move. So on the national level. The most important project that is stalled actually is the constitutional process. So Iceland has a constitution. Since 2,001 1,944, and that is more or less like a copy paste of the Danish constitution that has been put in place

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with the thought that in the future there will be a, you know, transformation and rewriting of this Constitution by Icelanders. So those who worked on this process they mentioned that they wanted to have the widest possible participation of Icelanders, so they actually feel that the Constitution was made for them, but also by them so inclusion of and and ownership of the of the people of Iceland.

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and for that purpose they use the Internet to create what is called the first crowd. Sordid crowdsourced constitution.

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So here, just reading from my interview, we we put the draft online every week.

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First there were only the names of the chapters. Then we started putting the articles, and people were like, Wait, wait! No! Why is this here? And they sent proposals. They even showed up if they wanted to tell us something, and a lot of staff came in this way through people commenting on Facebook on the draft. So here we see the

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comments being taken in and also the Constitutional Council tried to have their own media. So they actually came with the initiative to actually put stream their meeting so that people could actually

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look at them, live if they couldn't participate in person, and of course, update the audiences about what were the outcomes of it

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now, on the level of national politics. What my interview is mentioned was that there was really no oversight of politicians, and especially the problem was here the lack of real media freedom. So the politicians usual. I were actually sharing some of the ownership of the national newspapers that we obviously national newspapers would not be uncovering any types of issues related to them. So there was this type of a collusion. So here the Internet.

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the creation of 2 independent media, so student and Kiernin.

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So they are independent and small. They publish only online, obviously to cut the cost of of running the newspaper. However, also, one of the interviewee was was kind of concerned that there is no support at all. There is no financial support from for independence. Media, in Iceland! So also She was quite concerned that maybe those are going to close down in the future, due to the difficulty of running

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such platforms. And also still the problems were pending. So one of the interviews brought up.

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and the type of a scandal that was uncovered. So collusion between Icelandic ministers and ministers in Namibia was related to fishing, and basically

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going over some laws related to fishing at protection of fish. Specifically so, as she mentioned in Namibia, those ministers were actually made to quit in Iceland. The minister is still there, and this is the journalist that actually is undergoing the scrutiny, and of the minister

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who was involved.

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So now, when we look at the local governance after the financial crisis, there has been a lot of rebound Rev when it comes to the city services.

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So a new type of a city service online in Ray Kavik especially, is being deployed where citizens can access all the services online and they can try to help themselves as well, and that service also promotes transparency. So citizens actually can access the statistics office, and they can see all the financial sheets on how the money was spent. What was the budget? What actually happened with the money that the city council had?

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And another type is the creation of an extension of neighbourhood councils, where all the citizens that are registered in a specific district that actually become part of it.

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they can come up with their own initiatives, and they can vote. And recently the age was lowered to 16 years. So the youth can actually be engaged in their neighborhood and participate in spending of the budget into what they believe is is necessary.

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and it is also facilitated. through an online platform like and butter Iceland, And again, people can actually put up an idea, other people can vote. And what's really important is that there is feedback provided at the end. So, even if an initiative is, you know, provided by a citizen, many people support it, but it's impossible and practical in practical to do it.

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The city counselor told me, it's very important to actually get back to the people to say, Okay, maybe we can

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make it in a different way. Or maybe there is a load that prevents us from doing this way. Maybe you can do it another way. But again, an interesting story. There was a

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there was a project that was voted in for by citizens to build a giant statue of Kenny West. So also, people are trying to, you know, see the boundaries of what they can do. And of course that statue was never erected.

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Okay, I'm just doing okay. I think

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think I have a difficulty moving that at all.

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What's moves?

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Okay? I think maybe you think it's better.

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Okay? So on the grassroots levels. So obviously creating protest movement through that social media called Yaya. So that runs. That's a platform that runs on Facebook, but also the use of other online platforms, such as change.org that is used by

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some of the activists, for instance, to prevent deportations of migrants, but also here, as it is mentioned, a petition in order to restart the constitutional process as well, and

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that petition particularly became really viral in this society, due to an event which was a graffiti artist who who made a very large graffiti in front of the ministry, asking, Where is the Constitution? And it was immediately taken down.

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So that was one event that went viral. It was discussed on social media, but also a comedian at the end of the New Year. That's an Icelandic tradition to have a comedy show that sums up all the developments in Iceland, so he made a sketch about it, in which he pretended to be a citizen, calling the municipality, and asking, Look, there is some obscenity written on the

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on the wall in the centre. Reykjavik and the municipalities say, it's okay. People express themselves. Let's leave it. And then he asked, oh, there's also it's written, whereas the new Constitution and the action was immediate in that sketch that the municipality, of course, came to take it down, and it became really viral. It was shared on social media, and ultimately the petition received much more

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signatures that were needed in order to at least push that process. Now only look at the grassroots initiative. So what citizens can do is not, is the country where Facebook actually holds more dominance than other platforms. But Twitter is becoming more popular among the youth. So Some of the interview is told me that they actually use Twitter in order to take a photo screenshot, send it to the municipality or to the council and say, Okay, there is something not working or something is wrong, and the city representatives actually look at it, and they respond

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when it comes to Facebook, and the establishment of the better Rikiavik platform, which is, which is huge nowadays. And they mentioned that at the beginning they actually use Facebook in order to reach Icelanders. So they paid for advertising in order to make Icelanders really know about this idea, and that was the most effective way rather than using newspapers that know these are not no longer that much red.

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And also The Constitutional council Interestingly mentioned that they had their own platform in which they live streamed, and you know I put the drafts and so on, but they still resorted to using Facebook for the comments because they gave more credibility to the process. So on Facebook, you can see that it's a real person, right? It's someone I mean. you can, more or less. But it gave more of a legitimacy to the process to see that there are real people hopefully behind comments.

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So when we think about technological approach, all of the interviews mentioned that these are such complex processes that they actually went to a learning care why, the while deploying the technology that they didn't think it would be debt complex to actually connect these different components.

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And the simpler you make it, the easier. So rather than having, you know, 20 apps, and you have to download each one separate, and you have to learn how to use it. The best would be as the counselor in the in the city council told me to have one app, so they're trying to streamline everything now for one service rather than having different apps and different services where people basically have a difficulty finding their way. So that's one.

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Another thing which is really important is to keep in mind that it is just participation online. But there are no outcomes.

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It's not going to work. People are going to stop commenting. And in Iceland there was an initiative very similar to Scotland. That was the Shadow Parliament, but in Scotland is actually linked to political process in Iceland it was just people being able to discuss. And there was really no you know, going between parliamentaries and the audiences so ultimately as the establisher said, we lost the platform.

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Yeah, the platform basically stop being functional. So you have to really think about what will be the outcome. And how are you going to connect the online to a certain process. If it's just participation for participation, it's just going to wane away.

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Another thing is that if you think about online, it can give people access to a lot of negativity. So with the platform, like Beta Reykjavik, the establisher told me that they run it first.

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and someone put an idea. What it created is a huge backlash, such as people attacking that person on a personal level, shaming like writing. You are this and this and this, like, you know, offenses. So they had to revamp the whole platform in a way that is not possible to respond directly to the person who put the idea. What you can do is to actually argue for or against the idea. You can say this idea is good because or this

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idea is bad, because so this is very interesting that actually, you have to make it in a way which is impersonal so that it doesn't lead to attacks. Another issue. Another issue in Iceland is the issue of funding. It's a country that is considered wealthy, but actually lacks nonprofit sector funding. So the issues are also, how are we going to fund this initiative?

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another thing would be that whoever tries to build an initiative should also create a network. So if it's one person or people running something, they can easily get burnt out, and the whole initiative collapses like this Media Institute, for instance. So the issue was funding. But also

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the network was quite weak and the use of the right language. So one of the interviewees explained it when she was going to rural constitutions. He's talking about the Constitution. And people are like.

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we don't care about the Constitution, what it's going to give us. So you have to actually use the right language also online and in person, in order to have people being engaged

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and some of the obstacles. So actually, the obstacle would be the small size of Iceland. So people are very tightly connected still through, you know, clan system. So it's very easy for one person to corrupt the whole system. The fact that Iceland has gone so far, but in a very short span of time. So the political culture is still, you know, linked in this glance system, and also the fact that

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you know, the climate doesn't really foster. Maybe long-term planning and the issues such as you know, legal issues, nepotism, interest groups, and also lack of etiquette to prevent abuse online. So just to conclude quickly, those who want to establish such initiatives should think about creating really a widespread network rather than working by themselves on the small groups.

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The systems must be friendly and easy to use for people. Online platforms could be used very, very well to spread transparency by agencies. So I think this is a good way that people gain trust.

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Platforms should be tested before deployment. The participation should have tangible outcomes. and it can be really good to keep some.

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 some plans, you know, basically alive, such as here. It's an offline and all online initiatives at the same time. So online, remembering that the Constitution is still pending, but also putting gravities around the city of Ry Kavik. So thank you so much. I almost rocked up within 20 min.

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Ting Tin Yuet: Great. So thank you so very much, Madelina. So the next we will have Masado Tani Gucci from Keo University, and the title of the presentation is changing the way we think about change.

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Yes. So

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to it.

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we can just try to maximize the screen. Give you 2 min. Okay, 20

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title.

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But thank you very much for your time today. Now let's dive into my presentation the way we think about change.

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Yeah. Okay.

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please allow me to introduce myself. My name is Masato Taniguchi, a Phd. Student focusing on the social movement in Japan, a particular protest ignited by the Fukushima nuclear accident into Southern China.

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One of the main protesters held in front of the Prime Minister's office and the national Diet

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and I have been conducting feedback on that protest. In 2,012 to 100,000 people occupied the area.

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and In 2,015100,000 people occupied the area again. I explained. Detail! After. And this report is based on the question I have been thinking about through this feed work.

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The image on this slightly gives you an idea of the atmosphere at the protest.

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At first, once it looks like a like typical protest, but when I participate in the

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protest. For the first time in 2,015 I was puzzled.

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The gathering crowd was not only shouting and and lightning candles and conducting panel sessions and someone chanting the booty sprayers.

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And I wondered, is this the social movement, and what are they trying to achieve? And what kind of a change can this movement bring about?

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So today's potential presentation horror, this that right? Firstly, we consider the relationship between the social change and the social movement?

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And next we introduce the at the network survey, which offers a unique perspective on change.

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And next Then, applying these ideas to my favorite walk, I'm finally really flex on these issues of discussions, and it presents all my conclusions. Let's begin with the relationship between social change and the social movement.

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I propose to name past taxi on social change, liberation and reform.

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and a concept abroad by Los Angeles, also seen as a somewhat simplistic by today's standards.

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It's remain fundamental in understanding the relationship between social change and the social movement, I think.

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depending on the perspective of social change, and that it the and the importance of social movement can change

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if one's lens leans towards the evolutionary perspective. Social movements are main agent or subject of the comprehensive societal transformation.

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Their aim is to over all the over, all the social structures.

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and the key question here become of which actors can lead social change.

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And this aspect is appearing for us, because it's enabled us to look at society in its entirely

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in contrast when adapting a reform needs to perspective, the primary goal of a social movement is a legalization of specific political objectives, such as overturning a government decision or gaining recognition for new light. It might also be that

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change the our perception. The critical Christians here are what kind of organization, what tactics are

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particularly effective

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in what's political context is movements more likely to succeed.

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This aspect is appealing because of it's very plateau

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for the movement.

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okay. and the

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they are given the about framework. Let's abuse some of the leading salaries of social movement

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liberation, I perspective Marxist and the new social movements, and the the Leifonist perspective, a list of mobilization or framing Surrey. And

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so both perspective from a basic and important story. But they are not without problems.

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I may be oversimplifying both perspectives. I would like to point out a few programs. The liberationary perspective often presents society and its structure in very abstract terms.

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While it is possible to so discuss the basic principle of society that the question about how to change society becomes more difficult or abstract.

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and leading to this constantly enforcement of the existence of structures we can not grasp. or why we understand the importance of structure or liberation, but its feasibility limits our Satanic.

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Often you have been lied to pessimism, or also, and from the from this perspective

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one may question whether the law of the movement can be reduced to the achievements of particular goals alone. and that also desired by those who participate in the movement. The achievement of these goals depend to a large extent on the nature of the program and the project opportunities available.

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Huh? then can we evaluate social movement that have, like empirical difficulties

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in achieving their political goals?

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I'm not questioning the validity of these perspectives.

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but of these the the the series themselves, however, as a fed worker. prying this theory in order to understanding the movement at hand, is is very difficult, because it involves explaining social movements from an outside perspective.

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What what's feed work excels that is describing movement from internal perspective?

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So, how can we describe these changing routes about by like local social movements. Let us consider the question next.

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First of all, I propose the essence of the Nt. Actor network, Surrey and burner to change our perspectives. For example, the both humans and the humans equally possessed in C and like

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the politics labels along the creation of corrective or associations and the list. Such is the process of trucking the access that constitutes the networks. So the very natural changes or perspectives.

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So let's visualize the the ontology of

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both annotes.

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So traditional sociology maintained the dualism between society and the individuals.

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Where society is seen as external to individual.

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An idea is typed from Dr. K. And the contraband C. And it is onrology that could be described as a actor network.

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Munich, and more is he called? To the

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society. A comprises act as a meaning we connected. It's adapter, intrinsic perspective of society as represented by like Gabriela.

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So how does this entity on technology, a sift of understanding, of change. mainly change is more about so forming a new corrected, some opening existing societies.

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So now society became a entity like generative entity created by a sandbrush of factors.

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so that change is like more about forming new corrective than alternating existence. Society, and that changes continuous process requiring not only the establishment, this relationship, but they are ongoing maintenance as well.

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So next, let's listen. D and DNA's basic definition of social movements.

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a basic definition and social movements are defined as a network of informal interaction between the plurality of individual groups and the organization engaging in a political or cultural conflicts on the basis of shared collective identities.

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So the Wikipedia Lynch, the definition like this. oh, sorry I missed my mistake.

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And now.

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for example, the the Elena of a conflict is not predetermined and share the corrective identity is not the basis, but a result.

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So more importantly, what constitutes a social movement isn't solely determined by Lisa as but also actors themselves.

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Let's tradition to the specific context of my this such area by using the ants ontology.

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So, firstly, I want to revisit the this background males. Such a yeah. In 2,011 hook shim! A new Korea disaster happened. And the way so the libertarization of anti-nuclear movement or social movement in Japan.

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and a movement at around 2,012, a movement occupies the area in front of the Prime Minister's office and

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office every Friday.

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and then the protest on various issues held in front of the Prime Minister's office and the National Diet.

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and in 2,015. We have seen again the big social movement in front of the this area.

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and then by your sport and nausea is civic activism in Japan, and they unify existing political opposition parties. Now, after COVID-19, the movements still continued, hubs to continued also on a small scale.

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the feature of this movement. it's it's like this, the no strong social movement organization barriers organize that, and then the better contribute to their unique expertise. For example, the like lightning candles, something like that people get along the single issue causes and the multiple protests concerning various issue or cut to the same price

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Different protests may easier connect to us plates on the periodic temporary occupation. Lacomo occurrence. A temporary protest place is constructed by diverse actors like that.

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mentioning protest, prices and importance, activity, and the new protesters from from the encounters at the press.

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Praise a protest race.

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So let's try to model what I've discussed so far for 3. Yeah. Key actor in this movement was the Fukushima Daiichi. nuclear power plant accident

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this disaster at this level, the Dyslap, the daily life people were threatened by the invisible slats of lavation, leading many to purchase Dyega, Tanta, a Geigan counter to measure lavation levels and the lenders, the invisible threats are tonsable

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also the perception of nuclear power at safe green energy was shut out. Our people had to radically by their daily lives and wild abuse.

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This anxiety is spread by the social networking sites! Twitter! In particular, Sab does platform for people to learn about the situation nationwide.

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and properize the the demonstrations. Information

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Consequently, many people discover them participating in demonstration. They have never be who are considered because the the behind 2,011, the social movement is a layer case in Japan, so so, transitioning them into protesting actors

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as some fun, shouting uncomfortable, or dislike the traditional method of

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demonstration. These individual cons are connected through means of expression.

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For example, those reluctant to shout held Candles aloft. In this way bias group formed united by the means of expression.

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these groups lose, reconnected, eventually gaining the main protest to praise in front of the Prime minister's office and the national diet. the primary protest. Prices become structured and the organized like a festival or with a with the main area for speeches or family area. It's cetera.

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The area were divided by connection among the actors, such as physical distance, music, stage, and the loose.

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so on. And this area is also contested space with the police. A key challenge is protecting the protest area and the designing a space to legisl the course in tariffs.

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That's some mayor side of work transformed into a protest praise.

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The Protest place does become a simple protest through mass media and the Sns coverage

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this symbolic protest price attracted more people. creating a significant Like glavity.

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Moreover, a potential protest. Organizers land protest, format

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rendering the protest part of the Portugal lipatteries.

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Today protesting fonts of the Prime Minister's office and the Diet. So as a political means to main means to express our will and the presence

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and that attracts mass media and the partition's attention

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in Japan, where the demonstrations were not the normal, they have been widely accepted as some means of political communication, and translated into the essential strategy.

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lastly, let's examine the impacts of these protests. In conclusion, this movement has failed to change society tense society. It hasn't transformed the social structures, nor achieved its political goal of eliminating a nuclear power.

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However, the movement has changed away, the way connections are formed and the create a new collective. By employing the lens of Nt. We can concretely describe what a local social movement has achieved.

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This may seem like they treble, but they are significant. So no. And this

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so conclusion 2. Debut. We first examined the relationship between social change and the social movement.

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The reason introduced the energy into the discussion of social movement. Why, they are pride it to my case.

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One implication discussion that it could introduce a new language of change, Nza. Liberation and reform, but, so to speak, the assemblage.

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the creation of new relation state. By this assembly the existing actors, and introducing new actors to the networks. This is a new perspective of change that the N it introduced provides.

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So what's the benefits of this perspective? it's broader our capacity to examine social movement achievement. It also allows us to detail the specific moments of social movement formation.

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including the mobilization of

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maintenance for networks and the expanding of movements

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by introducing any. We can also describe the know-how of of movement from border, and the more concretely it's a participation in actor network through the research.

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So thank you. My attending my

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presentation and the

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Ting Tin Yuet: thank you so much for your presentation. Next we will have Alex and Tom, but Martin's from fire. We need to test Berlin, and the title of the presentation is Dynamics of Social Imagination and Political Strategies, special and Gender Descendants or descendants. Politics in contemporary Argentina and Colombia. Please.

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Excellent.

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I' to.

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Okay.

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yeah. If I did this

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good morning, everyone thanks everyone for being here, both online and here in person. Melbourne. Thanks also for the Rc. For having accepted this paper. I'm a Phd. Student

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at the high-invest at billing under the supervision of the Professor, Cyril Costa Bay. I'm currently in my second year of my Ph. D. I'm originally from Brazil. And what I'm going to show to you today is this ongoing research during my Phd. In which I investigate contemporary political strategies from queer entrance social movements in Argentina and Colombia, and the ways that they have been disputeing their futures in this region of the world.

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 my presentation is divided in 2 parts. First of all, I will give you a brief overview of my doctoral research, and how what I'm presenting today is located in a broad research and then go towards the specific aim to discuss in social imagination, political strategy, in a specific strategy of fighting for reparation for trans people in Argentina, in Colombia.

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So I would like to start by as us, in the way that I am approaching those social movements in a way to think that social movements as social actors that are actively producing futures.

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not only as far as imaginaries are concerned, in which their practice and the critique that they pose to contemporary society and contemporary status quo can be seen as a form of negation and tension with the contemporary organization of social life, contemporary values, contemporary redistribution of social

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resources, but also in the way that they have her figurative practice, the way that the practice that they have in the here and now points toward what could be, what are the possibilities, what are the disputes in the yet to come.

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and all of that is deeply involved in temporal dimensions that

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are also on the way that they are talking about the past of those societies, the price of the societies, and the future of the society in which they are in inserted. In the case of the reparations, I will try to explain how that take place in this investigation. I try to understand true dynamics towards the future, that those strategies and imaginations enact. One of them is authorizations.

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as a way to think about those ideas, those images, those fix the ways, fix the elements of where to go, where those social movements, once you arrive, which images of what would be when they are successful in some demand or in some social transformation.

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and these go hand in hand and sometimes in tension with another dimension of their relation to the future. They are the future abilities. And I'm taking this in a dialogue with the Sosala Argentinian sociologist, Essek Gato, and which her abilities would be

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in this sense not a point of arriving, but a bunch of departures. So which values which principles for the actions that those social movements stand for and inform the prices that they will take. I'm also thinking the relationship not only of those social movements, but of the dialogue that we, as social scientists, establish with them in actively producing the social imagination about those social

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struggles. And specifically here in my case about Korea and and social movements. there are some horizons of expectations that when I say that I study LGBT social movements that I study Korean trends social movements. There are already some expectations that have been condensed by the last decades of those social movements.

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Public discourses, and also by what has been produced in sociology, in philosophy and anthropology, about what those struggles are about that are at the same way the condition of possibility for the intelligibility of what those social struggles are dealing with, but also limit and put the frame of how are we thinking that?

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What is it about? What do they want many very hegemonic ways to think about, that is to say, that those are identitarian politics, that they are fighting for identity, or they are fighting for recognition in the public sphere.

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while other frames have been hegemonically taken aside from thinking queer entrance politics, for example, redistribution, or a broad social transformation and part of the point that I want to also make here is to try to rethink the way that, what what those the queer entrance politics are aiming for in this specific case that I'm investigating Argentina in Colombia. So if there.

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Part of the struggle is for recognition and identity as part of what has been taken to the streets, also redistribution of social resources, with distribution to the access to different social policies, and also to the capacity to aspire for different futures and have the resources for that is also at stake. What has been taken to the 100,

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they straight into the different strategies that they have taken

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And there's also another implication in all of that of thinking. If the future, that they

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what do they want, and why are they implications for the future if the future has already arrived in some scenarios. So what I'm investigating in contemporary Argentine in Colombia are context in which the traditional ways in traditional claims of what those social movements would want. So civil civil marriage change their identity law. They have already been accomplished. And what do they keep fighting for? What are the contemporary agendas beyond that?

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And with that future and that accomplishment of those goals?

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 Arrived! Or is that just the way that we are framing this.

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I propose here a differentiation and attention. That's important for the way that I'm doing this research. And I'm departing from my master in mesothesis, investigations on no liberalization of LGBT movement in Brazil.

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and especially those different strategies that I am investigating. There are strategies to fight violence and contemporary violence, and they make here a differentiation between hegemonic social imaginaries and authorisations that goes to arsenal, liberal, and cars a way to deal in violence that we put as the main aims and the main futures, an integration and normalisation of the social subjects and the communities that are

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presented and are on the move in those queer and transsocial movements, and are focused on

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individuals to make the critic of the violence, and are making a bet on

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cars or a state on policing as a strategy to deal with just some bad ipos on society, or even when there is a social imagination that's going beyond that many of the policies that have been implemented, and what have been the strategy taken to the State goes in this direction of dealing with violence and of the problem of social change in this way of individualizing these. those horizons!

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At the same time we have disputes inside of those social movements in the country that I've analyzed, and but in any other social movements, in any other national contest that are counter-hedgeonic social imaginaries and futurizations that goes against. And it goes, tries to go beyond neoliberal and cultural futures, so they will refuse the strategies to

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bet on Marcois in Marc Casserole. Our diversification of those repressive institutions in a way to fight violence, and we will propose

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other practice and other imaginaries of protection, of safety, of community, of democracy, of citizenship, and all of that. And in the same way we will have a configurative practices that have been terrorized in Greek theory, as pryutopias are in social theory as concrete Utopias in the ways that they point to this, not yet here.

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but that they are central for them. My research question of this project is how and to what extent do the political strategies of contemporary crew and trans movements produce? Futurities, produce different vinculations to the future

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that negate both the entangled temporal of violence against those communities, and then the same time, the no liberal constructions of future, so in which ways, in their fight against violence, they are also negated in this hegemonic way to to frame the problem of violence, and to frame which are the possible futures and the possible solutions to the contemporary problems.

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As object of research, I take the constellations of Korean trends, political strategies and discourses in Colombian Argentina in different cities. Here. And in my dissertation I follow different paths and the fluxes of ideas and the strategies

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regarding repairing strategies, abolishing strategies, carrying among good activist strategies and transformative and more declarative Utopian strategies inside of those social movements here, what I would be focusing in the second part of the presentation is on the first part, the repairing one, and as far as methodology is concerned, I do a qualitative

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document analysis of both written and visual documents of those social movements. Also, I have made in-depth interview with activists

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and a participant of observation in Buenos Aires. And yet you, compared to the observation in Bogota and Badenkia.

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in public protests on the streets by Korean trans movement, so moving to the reparation, politics, and the way that they are dealing with the future and the imaginary towards the future.

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my focus in this research for this specific chapter. This is a specific part of my investigation. And how does this political strategy produce social imaginations of the future, and to which extent does it challenge no liberal futurities?

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Specifically also on the national contest in the way that those horizons and those of politics have been disputed in Argentina and Colombia.

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 This is just a brief overview of the temporalities, the temporal frame of what I'm analyzing, and when the idea of a reparation. has emerged for core entrance movements in those 2 societies

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something that that's not here, but for a contest about Latin America. In Argentina we had a very.

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very brutal military dictators. We have many military dictators, but the last one was from 76 to 83, and in 2,013 there was a

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a reparation law for political prisoners, and it was one year after there was the approval of a gender recognition law. There was the most avant-garde law regarding a self-determination of gender identity throughout the world, and access to health care through this recognition.

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and also access to other public policies and other redistribution of a redistributive politics of the policies of the State.

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 But since then, since they got this law, and this was 2 years after the approval of civil marriage for

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same-sex partners in Argentina, there became then it became the a focus on the campaign of reparation for all of the trans. People that were victims of violence from the Argentinian State.

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and by doing that they were

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making a bridge with the political prisoner reparation, and also with the human rights activism more broadly. From the, for example, the mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, the mothers of the victims of the people that were disappearing. They were marred by the military dictatorship, by also putting the violence that they suffered during dictatorship and doing democracy, as also political violence.

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and the necessity for this stage to repair the accumulative violence on their bodies, in order for them to have dignity in life, and also in the last years of their lives.

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Those the companies

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have keep going on. It was not approved in in Argentina a reparation for trans. People. But there was recognition in 2 different cases in a specific state of Argentina Santa Fe for including some applicants on the

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some people that applied as victims of political as political prisoners doing the dictatorship due to transphobic violence from the State, and they were recognized. And then we had recently lasted. By the end of last year a national reparation case, but those came due to administrative reasons and not due to the law that has had been presented

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in the Colombian case. There is a similarity and a

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important difference. Here the Columbian case, the Korean transactivist, engaged not with those human rights frames of reparations towards political prisoners, but towards the piece of processes taking place due to the historical.

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the history Contemporary history of Columbia, of armed the conflict, and different engagements and different interiors of bringing peace, and we have an ongoing process of that. The first time that they were social actors inside of those discussions was in the peace plan. In the 2,011. There was a law that recognized sexual orientation and gender identity

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is

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dimensions of reparations for victims of that violence, and we had some recognition. Since then that would entail those reparations, not only here and in demonization, but also collective reparation. So, for example, for these

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come this LGBT group from a peripherical neighborhood in medicine. The collective reparation that they got was the possibility to have again a house where they could have activities there because they were expelled from in the medieval during the the conflict, and what they have been doing there is a center for taking care of a different

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trends and queer people that keep suffering violence on that region.

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What I want you to to briefly

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to highlight. Here are some of the dimensions that in this way of

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being on the fight for operation, the dimension of the futurities have been present, and the way that it goes hand in hand

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in what would be the traditional way to think about that in those national contests and a little bit of some twists that I think those current trans activists are doing in that. So here there is a fair dimension that in the way that they are calling for operation is not, is differentiating themselves from other reparation, arguments, thoughts, or social movements that would have a claim for a moment in time. That would be before this volunteer

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violation. Why, there would be peace, tranquility, why, they would be protected. And then came this external actor, and then they would like to repair. Go back to something like that. And this is a an interview that's present on the final part of the Colombian Truth Commission. It is impossible for us to return to a better path, because we never had it. Whenever we go further back, our past will be wrong.

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That implies that in order for it not to happen again, we have to build a possible future, a future where there is room for everyone.

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for differences, for diversity achieving these does not mean negotiating with an army to actor, because, although they exercised violence against the Us. They did not invent it, and when they go away this violence not necessarily goes away immediately.

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We also have another dimension here from this political campaign in Argentina, that Oreconoserres and Rappala, recognizing his repairing that

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building this.

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this close connection, that only form of recognition, only symbolic recognition for those communities will not be enough for what they need right now, and for the building of futures that they need

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repairing, that they need redistribution, that they need the policies that would change the way that they are leaving. They are working. What? What? Which type of houses they have access to in a way also to differentiate from other parts of LGBT. Social movements in this kind, in in Argentina, but also in other parts of the world that are more focused on recognition without a red, redistributive implications.

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At the same way they have at the same time they have enacted different practices that are configurative strategies of reparation, either of putting themselves Symbols! In places where violence took place or going back to cities where violence took place, and telling those stories and

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by grass root, doing a reparation that has not come from the State in such a way and in such a fast way. And then the same time by having some.

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the creation of some organizations, for example, for having access for work operatives among trans. People in Argentina or schools for trans. People in Argentina on a way to also repair the possibility to think about other personal futures and the development of other social aspirations in those communities.

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 to conclude with some elements is the final slide. I believe that what those struggles they can help us think issue broad our social imagination on current traffic struggles, and what is at stake when they are dispute in the future. And these also take place in the element of thinking about the victim of reparation of the political agency of them. In this social struggles against violence, the idea of the victim as some.

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and the passivity that goes along with the idea of victim without giving them political agency, has been quite hegemonic. Also the idea of revenge, and the idea of putting other people to suffer violence in such a way as, for example, from our police in marcosity, and all of that, we have other here uses of the jail, victim of the day of revenge. For example, here the idea of a revenge being linked to getting all

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and being linked to the possibility to excise the job market by being in favor of this also reparative campaign in Argentina.

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for labor quota in public administration.

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in my investigation. So far, I find that those reparative measures, and the way to try to build reparation is a way to dispute the futures and the images of what is yet to come. So I I way to foot to rise. And then the same way, what they're doing right now, and the possibility to imagine those futures in those social communities in those schools and those cooperatives are also repairing the here and now. the realities of those communities. Thank you so much for your question.

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Okay.

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Ting Tin Yuet: okay, thank you so much for the presentation. Now, last, but not least, we have the online presentation to young Lee from We universe to Lubi liong do. And the topic of the presentation is from ideologist to programmers, activist roles in contemporary South Korean social movement. So please

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Doohyeong LEE: Hi, could you hear me.

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Ting Tin Yuet: Yes.

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Doohyeong LEE: I share my screen.

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Doohyeong LEE: Okay. nice to meet you. for silver. It is my honor to have my presentation in this session.

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Doohyeong LEE: My name is too young. And Ph.

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Doohyeong LEE: I'm working on Korea social in the 2,000 2,005 for my desertation. So this presentation is based on the very first research of a part of my work.

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Doohyeong LEE: a candidate for the impeachment of South Korea's, then prejudiced what had, from October 29, 2,016 to April 29, 2,017,

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Doohyeong LEE: because the President was suspected of corruption in obviously her power.

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Doohyeong LEE: It is the largest social remote in South Korea.

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Doohyeong LEE: and it is considered as a civil revolution, because it was the first impeachment of a head of State in Korean constitutional history.

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Doohyeong LEE: spontaneous citizens. Participation was the driving force behind the candle right, the users in 2,016 and 2,017. But

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Doohyeong LEE: how was this series of protest involving countries citizens over 6 months made it possible.

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Doohyeong LEE: How do you social conditions determine? Activate the rules

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Doohyeong LEE: for this work? I analyze 29 interviews that I did with South Korea activists who had participated in the social group months in the 2,010

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Doohyeong LEE: demo

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Doohyeong LEE: documentary materials, such as Price, the releases and news actors and previous research were also

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Doohyeong LEE: one of the characteristics of the 2,016 and 70

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Doohyeong LEE: was that they did not involve any violent complaints between government for this and protest protesters, even though there are some tension between them.

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Doohyeong LEE: This is an indication that the fantasy towards nonviolence is becoming dominant and is taking root in social rumors in Korea

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Doohyeong LEE: they're ready to commemorate the 2 female leadership to those who were rolled over by an America somewhere to be occur in 2,002

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Doohyeong LEE: markets. A turning point in the known Byron orientation of social rumors in South Korea.

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Doohyeong LEE: A series of demonstrations in the early 2,000

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Doohyeong LEE: was a moment in which an organized individuals spontaneously participated in protest.

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Doohyeong LEE: But it's changing their opinions in digital space.

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Doohyeong LEE: the Internet.

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Doohyeong LEE: But it's also considered the origin of Candide, the visors as a symbol of peace, for, remote in Korea

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Doohyeong LEE: it can be argued that

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Doohyeong LEE: can directed visits have transformed the symbols and features of demonstrations in South Korea.

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Doohyeong LEE: because

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Doohyeong LEE: those who attended the virtual, the

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Doohyeong LEE: hang up there

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Doohyeong LEE: to commemorate the the 2 females who died in Virginia.

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Doohyeong LEE: the calculated visits, manifest or willing, is to opose virus by emphasizing don't by lost within the demonstration.

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Doohyeong LEE: The virus that had been previously escorted by activists during collective actions

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Doohyeong LEE: was gradually eliminated.

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Doohyeong LEE: This for demonstration led to a on the Monitor shift in social rumors, in terms of culture and the ways of protesting.

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Doohyeong LEE: and to the spontaneous participation of citizens.

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Doohyeong LEE: The popularization of the demonstrations indicates the growing importance of citizens participation. There is no activist and no organized people in social numbers.

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Doohyeong LEE: Of course. the newly is protein. The user space enabled

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Doohyeong LEE: the politician of unorganized individuals by following them.

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Doohyeong LEE: to exchange opinions and information and creatively engage in social issues.

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Doohyeong LEE: Indeed, activists first responded to issues by highlighting social programs and then made the port to mobilize. In response.

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Doohyeong LEE: however, in the case of the candlelight visas.

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Doohyeong LEE: where people spontaneously to the streets to protest on social problem

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Doohyeong LEE: and activists then be late to be joining.

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Doohyeong LEE: The 2,018 directed features were held in response to the South Korean over months this season to import American beef.

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Doohyeong LEE: which was considered as a potential carrier of medical disease at the time.

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Doohyeong LEE: One of the characteristics of the 2,008. Protest was that Stages took the streets before the activist did

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Doohyeong LEE: as the citizens gathered before the the activist calls for more religion. even though activists are used to playing moral leadership role in the movements and set it go.

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Doohyeong LEE: Another role has become more important in the protest.

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Doohyeong LEE: This is the work of a manager which in tears, maintaining and the managing the demonstrators once they have already organized their collective actions.

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Doohyeong LEE: It was the citizens who were leaders in the 2,008 protest

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Doohyeong LEE: in that they defined and set the direction of the

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Doohyeong LEE: which was the cancellation of the Us. With the imported system.

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Doohyeong LEE: Since the agenda had already been set.

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Doohyeong LEE: activists recognize their role as managers in organizing the protest.

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Doohyeong LEE: We know many that being our manager. means that the activist systematically directed the gathering industry.

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Doohyeong LEE: To do this.

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Doohyeong LEE: they form the different teams, for example, the press team.

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Doohyeong LEE: the demonstration organization team, the medical team, etc.

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Doohyeong LEE: In this way they issued the press religious and set up E to the temporary stage

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Doohyeong LEE: to conduct collective action.

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Doohyeong LEE: In addition, they balanced the tension between the police and the demonstrators to avoid violent conflict.

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Doohyeong LEE: In other words. activists took care of the task required to conduct a protest rather than taking the protest in a particular

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Doohyeong LEE: direction.

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Doohyeong LEE: As a participation of all organized individual increases, so does the autonomy of individuals.

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Doohyeong LEE: and the Korea social

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Doohyeong LEE: facilities are proportional to the reinforcement of non-violence.

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Doohyeong LEE: The popularization of flex during the candle right. This is of 2,016 and 2,017 is one, the

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Doohyeong LEE: recording and demonstration.

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Doohyeong LEE: Since flags are mainly used by activists, organizations, and groups. they are considered as a symbol of activism.

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Doohyeong LEE: however, at 100 visits in 2,016 and 2,017

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Doohyeong LEE: individual participants transformed the existing select image by coming out with their own flags.

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Doohyeong LEE: For example. those up the

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Doohyeong LEE: Bitter Research Institute and Citizens coalition for plant path surveillance of it, in fact, which had nothing to do with the issues at hand.

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Doohyeong LEE: and then of the Korean confederation of cat unions which it parodies the symbol of a Korea's largest trade union. The Korean Confederation of Trade Unions.

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Doohyeong LEE: In fact, these groups do not exist.

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Doohyeong LEE: This made collective play possible by adding this phone motive.

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Doohyeong LEE: They promoted the can right to features.

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Doohyeong LEE: Since the 2,000

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Doohyeong LEE: active activities in South Korea have been confronted with 2 types of upheaval due to the participation of known or got organized participants.

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Doohyeong LEE: On the one hand, the role of activists as leaders.

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Doohyeong LEE: the one who defines the purpose of a movement is a big on their mind.

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Doohyeong LEE: and, on the other hand.

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Doohyeong LEE: the existing of a protest is being transformed by the individual protesters.

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Doohyeong LEE: Since encouraging as many students as possible to participated in demonstration

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Doohyeong LEE: is a crucial factor in organizing. Already activist

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Doohyeong LEE: should adapt to the new conditions of the demonstrations.

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Doohyeong LEE: The adaptation of activists takes 2 forms. Of course they open the door of the demonstrations to citizens by allowing them to participate in the official programming of the event.

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Doohyeong LEE: 40 is

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Doohyeong LEE: the mic on the stage, symbolizes the monopoly of speech and demonstrations

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Doohyeong LEE: as it allows the opinions of activists to be transmitted to the demonstrators.

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Doohyeong LEE: Despite this.

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Doohyeong LEE: activists have allowed it many stages to speak during protest.

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Doohyeong LEE: particularly during the 2,006 and 2,070 protest

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Doohyeong LEE: 45 of the 183 official speeches. What delivered the bike? No activities.

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Doohyeong LEE: Secondary

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Doohyeong LEE: auditation by activity activist is reflected in the planning of all fisher events, such as cultural festivals.

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Doohyeong LEE: they produce various

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Doohyeong LEE: kinds of such as protesters or rock acoustic and musicical forcomers to transform political candidate visits into festivals.

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Doohyeong LEE: This can be interpreted as a strategy

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Doohyeong LEE: to maximize public engagement.

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Doohyeong LEE: because everyone can participate in a festival space

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Doohyeong LEE: by providing familiar music and performances to the public.

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Doohyeong LEE: The 2,016 and 70 candidate visits achieved the removal of the head of State.

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Doohyeong LEE: Given this outcome, it can be assumed that organizations can be a particularly powerful driving force

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Doohyeong LEE: in leading from the mantra change in society. By making their voices secure.

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Doohyeong LEE: however.

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Doohyeong LEE: the coalition of activist groups decided to disband after the Presidents in Pittsburgh.

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Doohyeong LEE: The activist did not play the role of ideological leaders in the so called

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Doohyeong LEE: host in

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Doohyeong LEE: what is important in this regard is that there is a wide gap between it or roses and the positions to in digit. A common future

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Doohyeong LEE: presenting on alternative direction was one of the most important groups of Korean activists.

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Doohyeong LEE: it was essential to obtain Democrat education in 1,987.

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Doohyeong LEE: However.

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Doohyeong LEE: there were no demons for fundamental change of political system or social system

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Doohyeong LEE: for the future. In 2,016 and 2,017

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Doohyeong LEE: the impeachment of the President was the only definite action demanded by the activist

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Doohyeong LEE: The inability of activities to present a coyote vision of the future is linked to the fragmentation of the activities to block

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Doohyeong LEE: specifically since the late 19 eighties

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Doohyeong LEE: the new field of movement.

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Doohyeong LEE: so-called civic rumors, has rapidly developed as the antithesis

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Doohyeong LEE: of the field of existing.

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Doohyeong LEE: The letter

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Doohyeong LEE: having continued in the mode of illegal servers

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Doohyeong LEE: and maintained their ideal loads per central.

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Doohyeong LEE: But

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Doohyeong LEE: and for police police in from a month later that fundamental change.

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Doohyeong LEE: But the more

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Doohyeong LEE: as the environment, women's rights, education. a human rights, and other topics that have a become specialized.

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Doohyeong LEE: The field has become further subdivided. therefore.

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Doohyeong LEE: even with activities to develop a common.

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Doohyeong LEE: only the lowest common denominator, social. for example, one excluding ideal lost care, orientation and focusing on current issues

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Doohyeong LEE: to conclude activists and citizens that is, demonstrators influence each other.

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Doohyeong LEE: This was observed in the Korean social movement of To. Of the 2,000 2,010 we shouldn't not be too kick to conclude that the role of activists has deem an issue.

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Doohyeong LEE: Although the voluntary participation of citizens is crucial.

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Doohyeong LEE: we can see that the influence of activists is still strong in so far as the autonomy of individuals

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Doohyeong LEE: has finally been exercised

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Doohyeong LEE: within the sending of release, and the programs prepared by

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Doohyeong LEE: the rural activist

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Doohyeong LEE: is responding to correct issues is always changing in response to social condition.

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Doohyeong LEE: This is why the role played by activist is such an important factor in understanding today's social Google.

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Doohyeong LEE: thanks. Thanks for your attention.

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This is a reference for my presentation.

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Ting Tin Yuet:  okay, thank you so very much for the presentation now we have the time for the Q a. Section. So I would like to invite all the 3 presenters in person. to come up to the stage so that Our audience proceed to and post their questions.

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Ting Tin Yuet: and for the audience, if you have any questions, I believe the is a microphone standing set up at at the back of the the the room. please. move there and and state your question.

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and you're also most welcome to come up here and use the mic.

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Yeah, we got Dr. Deng, and also our fourth speaker, Dr. Lee, who are online.

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We have about half an hour for discussions. Right? Right? Right, Charles Chandy. Yes.

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I want to ask a question for our second speaker first, when you talk about Fujima, the nuclear crisis, the triple crisis, you know, in Hong Kong. Nowadays we always have hot discussion about the discharge of the toxic. water, the contaminated water into the big ocean.

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and then it will polluted the food supply chain. And in Hong Kong even our government stand up and say no. So I want to understand all these more recent changes. How does it shape the protest movements

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you mentioned about the infrastructure? So a network of protesters had already formed. But most of the time they cannot really achieve their objectives, like in our stopping to to use a nuclear power, for example, right? But now, in terms of the Japanese Government decision to do that.

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What kind of immediate goals, or how the new momentum would shape the movement?

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Thanks. And

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After the big protests in front of the

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 in front of the national night. And the

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I've made a sense of this

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and that alongside the the Japanese Government changed. So the political parties

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vertical powers, and so the

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so the Liberal Democrat party in the Conservative political party, and again decided to least start trying to use that.

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the new for it on power.

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I'm in Japan. So now, the next day the impacts of social movement is decreasing.

439
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actually and so.

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But many people protested against using nuclear power nowadays, but they got the Japanese government

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the

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like.

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01:22:55.410 --> 01:23:00.460
yeah, it's the first registration. What you' to.

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Yeah, I tragic to him. Yes, I'm a speaker. One have question as well, sure.

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Yeah.

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And yeah, you said my, so that Dr. Thing and some others who could also hear us clearly.

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Yeah,

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it's also for you. My question for the second, speaker, i'd like to understand a little bit more.

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you

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you would not put the actual network theory in the way to do that, to investigate social movements. Why would not put them this perspective inside of the reference.

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thinking that when you you showed which kinds of theories were then the reference. There were also different ways, different approach to social movements that would put the highlight on different aspects of it. So the ones that would be.

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and

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one of the exams of the people focus on frames, for example. But there would also be other references to

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social theories. For social movements focus on emotions are focusing on the way that they are producing collective identities on the public space.

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but not focusing, but not dealing with them as social actors that are aiming to on social transformations for our social critique in this more revolutionary way, and in this.

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as putting these, as

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it's kind of the criteria to differentiate from the revolutionary to the reformist way, the A and T.

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In my view, would also be part of the referendum is the way of tackling the social movement in the way to deal with that. So I'd like to understand a little bit more.

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 I want to try to describe the like.

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The local social movement attacked.

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So the like frame survey is like a political opportunity series.

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A little bit

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usable for me, actually, because the

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because the

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in the first time to participate in the social movements

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around 2,015, and I saw that it's very small to test.

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like 200,

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12, or 30

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01:25:44.410 --> 01:25:54.590
people against the the against the government. But 2 months ago

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The many people came to the in front of the mushroom diet area, and in that time

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01:26:04.850 --> 01:26:06.050
they

472
01:26:06.140 --> 01:26:12.410
they attract many actors like Twitter, and they're using like

473
01:26:13.080 --> 01:26:26.249
 like, know how that's built upon by the 2,011 social movement after nuclear movement.

474
01:26:26.400 --> 01:26:27.539
And so

475
01:26:28.130 --> 01:26:30.590
it's

476
01:26:30.730 --> 01:26:34.870
it's it's kind of the whole.

477
01:26:35.920 --> 01:26:37.969
and I want to

478
01:26:38.000 --> 01:26:42.190
describe the process of forming social movement.

479
01:26:42.350 --> 01:26:44.530
So and the

480
01:26:44.870 --> 01:26:48.790
so I want to. I I

481
01:26:49.340 --> 01:26:56.999
so I investigating the other theoretical framework. So the deformist's prospective.

482
01:26:57.050 --> 01:27:02.020
So I find that anticipated and so on. This is.

483
01:27:03.070 --> 01:27:14.459
yeah. I want to. I want to describe the process. That form of social movements rather than evaluate the social movement achievements.

484
01:27:16.380 --> 01:27:17.130
Okay.

485
01:27:18.920 --> 01:27:22.349
Ting Tin Yuet: okay, do we have more questions from the audience?

486
01:27:22.760 --> 01:27:47.570
If not, I can also post some questions for our presenter. But I want to make sure we yeah a lot. And I really sorry. I'm just not paying too much attention to you. We got a free or for free at least 3 audiences. Yeah, so totally in your way, I can wait. I can wait. Yeah. Okay. Would you please come up here so that you could speak to the mic.

487
01:27:47.960 --> 01:27:52.840
And if you come here then thought, I think we'll be able to see you

488
01:27:55.940 --> 01:27:59.210
Ting Tin Yuet: in the back. It's also fine, of course.

489
01:28:01.520 --> 01:28:04.960
Good morning. My name is Resurrection Manado.

490
01:28:05.170 --> 01:28:08.190
and from the Philippines. And

491
01:28:08.560 --> 01:28:17.970
I was once connected with the Commission on Human Rights. I am 63 years old. and in my younger days I was an activist.

492
01:28:18.160 --> 01:28:23.659
So it's good to listen to the topics of social movements after.

493
01:28:23.880 --> 01:28:25.220
So

494
01:28:26.580 --> 01:28:29.729
Julia Marcus period. Much of a period

495
01:28:29.910 --> 01:28:37.009
there are around 10,000 victims, more or less 30,000 disappeared, 4,000 tortures, and so forth.

496
01:28:37.250 --> 01:28:41.200
and the movement there was to find a class suit.

497
01:28:41.570 --> 01:28:53.680
There was a historic global classroom, a lot of mark lawsu I had in Hawaii, and then it was left up by many activists that it would never happen. You know a classroom.

498
01:28:54.130 --> 01:28:59.490
and we won in Hawaii and around 10,000 victims were compensated

499
01:29:00.180 --> 01:29:02.209
only after 40 years.

500
01:29:02.230 --> 01:29:07.629
and people were saying, oh, it happened, you know. So maybe that's one thing we consider

501
01:29:07.680 --> 01:29:12.570
that sometimes. Oh, my, what if I like this? I didn't torture. I was just punched, and

502
01:29:13.280 --> 01:29:20.879
but then the administration of a keynote file decay filed along. The pumpkin saved human rights victims

503
01:29:21.000 --> 01:29:39.310
because we have so much gold and money in the Zurich Bank, you know, because that was being contested. But my view there is up and listening to your festivization and the underlying. So I see a generation of the changing modes of social movements, and it's good. But maybe my thought is.

504
01:29:39.340 --> 01:29:48.689
I think it is also of culture context. the way you handle social movement depends upon your culture in America for home Japan.

505
01:29:49.770 --> 01:30:00.250
So I'm sharing this. For example, recently, during the past administration, we presented a paper on the Anti-elegal Drugs Campaign, the drug war of the President of

506
01:30:00.430 --> 01:30:16.700
and that was a bit different social movement this time, with the principles of the separation of state and Church. They stay actively what is independent from the State. But the Roman Catholic Church, the Evangelicals join in with civil society

507
01:30:16.780 --> 01:30:29.370
to form a movement to call on the star of the world drugs. It is around well, the estimate is 22,000, but the Commission human rights vetted around 4,000 killed

508
01:30:29.590 --> 01:30:30.940
the poor. No.

509
01:30:30.950 --> 01:30:41.330
So my question is in your culture, in your context. Are the religious groups involved? Do they engage in

510
01:30:41.430 --> 01:30:43.780
in the social movement also.

511
01:30:44.670 --> 01:30:53.099
How active is your commission? Human rights. Do you have that in Iceland? You know, in this specific case of the war and drugs

512
01:30:53.350 --> 01:30:55.519
of the that administration

513
01:30:55.840 --> 01:31:12.350
the what is a mixed? There was a sexual society which was silent. There were religious groups who endorsed the war, and there were also those who but there were really a few. There were really some folks out, you know, and I think at some point

514
01:31:12.930 --> 01:31:18.240
what I'm Roman Catholic. I would I would like to call myself a progressive

515
01:31:18.540 --> 01:31:28.289
when right to life is what is a massacre level when it's genocidal. I think the separation of state and Church is unjustifiable

516
01:31:29.240 --> 01:31:31.790
that I would agree with my brother as a lawyer.

517
01:31:31.980 --> 01:31:43.010
So I thank you for this discussion of social movement. You know. Sometimes it gives us reflection and the the combination of.

518
01:31:43.500 --> 01:31:52.200
and some of the all just food and strategies. And also maybe that's what we did in the future. When you said, we're in old inches of revenge.

519
01:31:52.290 --> 01:32:01.640
So maybe this is a a generation of I was born in the Eightys in the Seventys are also more methods different. But maybe we would learn

520
01:32:02.100 --> 01:32:12.880
the exotic candlelight, the pistonization, and also so thank you very much for to listen from the others. But I want to tell you. Study the landmark case that we want.

521
01:32:12.990 --> 01:32:36.250
Aside from the Union carbide class, would not? It's against the right to work.

522
01:32:37.230 --> 01:32:55.849
hey? We we still have 2. the audiences! Who want to raise your questions, please. welcome! okay, also at the back, and then the thing will be your turn we. We can collect all the questions in the first round, and if we have more time we can open up.

523
01:32:55.860 --> 01:32:57.289
Ting Tin Yuet: Yeah, yeah, sure.

524
01:32:57.540 --> 01:33:02.609
Thank you. And thank you. All your presentations, my Christian.

525
01:33:02.790 --> 01:33:04.720
the presentation

526
01:33:05.140 --> 01:33:09.449
Nina. you talk about

527
01:33:11.160 --> 01:33:14.369
gem practice fetching solar online.

528
01:33:14.530 --> 01:33:22.610
especially the Internet and the other critical. And since they would come from Taiwan. And so

529
01:33:22.670 --> 01:33:44.129
we are. So the small nations. So this is a kind of good use to use our Internet to encourage you to online. a people participation. Mac, quick, first question is, how we solve the problem of the different that ages, especially the agent people. They

530
01:33:44.280 --> 01:33:58.250
yes, my father, my mother, for example. They used smartphone, but they didn't use that as a kind of to express the ideas. Even my mom.

531
01:33:58.340 --> 01:34:10.270
I give him the the life on Call Backes. He often called me with the traditional home, so he never used the smartphone or the online platform to space

532
01:34:10.350 --> 01:34:18.070
her ideas. So how we suffer a problem of a different age to to encourage language

533
01:34:18.100 --> 01:34:21.009
and to follow online positive presentation?

534
01:34:21.150 --> 01:34:24.850
The second question is, even, we

535
01:34:25.160 --> 01:34:28.989
have more and more the unlike the

536
01:34:29.020 --> 01:34:39.339
tools. As you say, the Internet goes, more transparency. And at least at the end, the online participation is

537
01:34:39.430 --> 01:34:46.400
not as as happy as we, especially that this more transparent sometimes.

538
01:34:46.450 --> 01:35:08.280
for example, I teach at the universities, the student. They often goes online to spread the idea so that the idea is very critical or even bullied to the institutions. Right? And then we are as a member in the institution. We are not. We are her

539
01:35:08.380 --> 01:35:12.270
to its way. I. Our year in that student grade 4.

540
01:35:12.280 --> 01:35:17.130
If we do that, they probably will get a more criticized.

541
01:35:17.180 --> 01:35:20.429
So this is the same.

542
01:35:20.920 --> 01:35:42.800
It seems very transparency in the on my platform, but it is not so equal for everyone to participate in the platform. So how you to subway although you I mentioned about you, can create some of the not in person contact. So the other way not to come to to

543
01:35:43.070 --> 01:35:52.930
to have some criticism in the person, but we often face such kind of carbon. So I want to hear you ideas.

544
01:35:53.820 --> 01:35:58.600
Thank you so much. We got one more respondent.

545
01:36:04.490 --> 01:36:05.390
Oh.

546
01:36:33.410 --> 01:36:48.139
so the process of the Japanese progress has changed for transform or not. So I directed from a bit point to the approach.

547
01:36:49.550 --> 01:36:54.190
 thank you so much.

548
01:36:54.200 --> 01:37:01.469
Ting Tin Yuet: I I I think we can allow the presenters to respond first. so that we can create a more interactive and dynamic. Yeah.

549
01:37:05.760 --> 01:37:11.569
Ting Tin Yuet: anyone any presenters would like to response to all the questions that we have so far.

550
01:37:12.240 --> 01:37:16.570
how? How long we respond to the second question.

551
01:37:16.730 --> 01:37:46.449
so obviously, we have to think about inclusion of people. So obviously, maybe there is a big difference when it comes to Asian states which are aging. So I was just checking out the the Icelandic population. Pyramids of the elderly population stands at 15%. So it's not maybe the case which is in such a large population. However, from my interview it was transpired, was that the the systems have to be simple, busy.

552
01:37:46.940 --> 01:38:03.159
So it's not only for the elderly, but for everyone to on the level of the local governance. The idea now is to build a platform. We enter one platform, and you are able to understand what you can achieve or what you can affect, just with one click. So it's the simplicity.

553
01:38:03.360 --> 01:38:23.819
And I think it goes for everyone. If something is very complex, if you have to download 15 different apps, and each one is for a separate thing to do, and each one you have to install, and you know, register and find out. It becomes difficult, and you know it serves against the purpose and say it just doesn't work at all. So I think it's the simplicity.

554
01:38:23.820 --> 01:38:34.859
And again, my personal take on, it would be that even with having online, there should be still offline possibilities. So it is possible in Iceland to actually walk in an office.

555
01:38:35.030 --> 01:38:38.500
ask or meet a city council of.

556
01:38:38.550 --> 01:38:47.829
or go to a meeting of the city council. So it's not online that is going to erase other parts. It has to be both

557
01:38:47.860 --> 01:38:56.850
right. We have offline and online together rather than just saying it's going to be online. So I think this could be one of the possibilities.

558
01:38:57.090 --> 01:39:21.839
Now, when it comes to transparency of transparency, my research was specifically mentioned in terms of budgeting. So citizens can actually see how much money was given, how it was divided, and how it was spent. So publishing financial sheets of the budgets for citizens to actually know what is happening with the money. So the money of the taxpayers. So I think this is a good idea to do that

559
01:39:21.840 --> 01:39:31.519
in order also to grow the trust of citizens. So the money is actually spent on specific causes, and they can actually track it and see that it didn't really happen.

560
01:39:31.520 --> 01:39:40.510
However, as you mentioned, it's very difficult when it comes to opening the platforms and flooding with criticism. Or, you know, criticism for the sake of criticism.

561
01:39:40.510 --> 01:39:53.379
and it's something established in political science in general that people get more motivated are more active when things are going back, the more activated to vote when the situation is not good when it is good.

562
01:39:53.380 --> 01:40:16.119
You know it's proven that you want to tell. I'm going to vote because they're happy with the situation. I actually notice it with myself, you know, when I book a hotel. If I really had a but experience, I am much more incentivated to write about than when it's a good experience. And, like, you know, I started to observe it in myself that you know, for a good experience. Yeah, I will do it, but maybe I'll forget it. But if it's really bad, I have been thinking, you know, I have to say

563
01:40:16.370 --> 01:40:30.680
so. Probably we should think again, maybe, of how I read shaping the platform, because if it's just criticism for the sake of criticism, it doesn't advance anything. But if it is, you know, constructive criticism

564
01:40:31.140 --> 01:40:35.830
like in that case of better Reynolds they turn it into.

565
01:40:35.920 --> 01:40:52.870
Yes, you can criticize, but provide. Why, you think this idea is is not good. What are the constraints rather than attacking the person and saying, You know you are this and that, and your idea is, you know, bad and stupid, and so on. So I think we should. We should really be careful about structuring these platforms.

566
01:40:52.960 --> 01:40:54.930
to give voices to again

567
01:40:55.090 --> 01:41:03.790
a constructive criticism when it is needed rather than just criticism of the way you like to comment on the first.

568
01:41:05.760 --> 01:41:07.869
Thank you so much. And

569
01:41:08.390 --> 01:41:14.650
I think I entit legal, that social collectivity is very fragile.

570
01:41:14.970 --> 01:41:20.680
So the intensity of the network is very important.

571
01:41:20.730 --> 01:41:26.910
So so then, she is a focusing on maintenance of

572
01:41:27.080 --> 01:41:50.879
network. And in in Japan. Listen to the the the way we will protest it's declining. But but there are some people maintenance the protest price in front of the in front of the Prime Minister's office and the national diet, and I think the maintenance of protester praise

573
01:41:51.110 --> 01:42:00.270
is important also because because the price

574
01:42:00.560 --> 01:42:18.039
the praised, the Protest press could be the transform for the future protest. So I think that I I think now situation of Japanese social movement from their empty perspective. It's like that. Thank you.

575
01:42:21.860 --> 01:42:24.230
If you have anything to it.

576
01:42:27.190 --> 01:42:27.980
He?

577
01:42:29.580 --> 01:42:45.029
Okay, yes. Okay, sure. Yeah. I would like to have one question for each, the presenter And what's underlying Mike? All for questions is, you know, the title of our session. One

578
01:42:45.030 --> 01:43:00.409
Ting Tin Yuet: feel tradition geologists and contentious politics. So I would like to connect all for presentations in underpinning by this notion of future. So for our first presenter, Madelena,

579
01:43:00.740 --> 01:43:15.640
Ting Tin Yuet: you talk about a case in which we have informal citizen participation stepping in during, you know, a of crisis. And it was somewhat successful.

580
01:43:15.640 --> 01:43:36.809
Ting Tin Yuet: and connecting to one of the questions from the audience is about the importance of local culture. Right? So in a context of Iceland, the government democracy, is very, very important, and it will still play a very important role into the future. So I'm wondering

581
01:43:37.040 --> 01:43:43.660
Ting Tin Yuet: into the future when we have the next crisis. And I'm sure we will have so

582
01:43:43.800 --> 01:43:45.220
Ting Tin Yuet: that's this

583
01:43:45.330 --> 01:43:53.249
Ting Tin Yuet: online system, participation experience undermine the authority, the government, the democracy?

584
01:43:53.270 --> 01:44:22.209
Ting Tin Yuet: Or does it enhance our capacity to address the next crisis into the future. This so this is the first question. for our first presenter, for our second presenter. you already got a few questions on the notion of hex and network theory. So, as you know, as we all know, one of the importance of the extra network theory. The end is to bring forth the role play by non-human actors.

585
01:44:22.209 --> 01:44:42.630
Ting Tin Yuet: So in your case in particular Fukushima unfolds due to these non-human access, the tsunami, the earthquake, the new clear plants, all these non-human actors. kicked off the entire crisis, and then, followed by all the protest movements. So in your argument. one

586
01:44:43.106 --> 01:45:05.969
Ting Tin Yuet: of the importance of this event is to introduce that we have introduced new actors into the field of contentious politics. So, following your argument, I'm wondering what would be the non-human access being introduced to Japan after this crisis on the stage of politics or contentious politics.

587
01:45:05.990 --> 01:45:10.980
Ting Tin Yuet: So this is my second question. to the second presenter, to Alpha presenter.

588
01:45:11.160 --> 01:45:35.549
Ting Tin Yuet: You have talked about futurizing the society. We have grass with ordinary people futurizing on the future and a society. But we also have the new Liberal regime also mixed the attempts and effort to futureize societies for their own interest. And in your argument. It's an ongoing process, so we do not have an end. Go to achieve. It's always

589
01:45:35.549 --> 01:45:52.240
Ting Tin Yuet: but one way in which we assess, as you mentioned on one of your slide is to see whether we are opening up ourselves to more diversities and differences as we futurize. So I'm wondering in your case of South America, one

590
01:45:52.240 --> 01:46:03.100
Ting Tin Yuet: erez agmoni do we see a society of embracing a more diverse future imagination and social imaginations, or the opposite. So which side is 101,

591
01:46:03.100 --> 01:46:13.290
Ting Tin Yuet: having an upper hand on nowadays, and for our last presenter.  So the title of representation is called from

592
01:46:13.450 --> 01:46:29.059
Ting Tin Yuet: ideologists to programmers. And you make the arguments that ideologies are becoming less and less important while programming becomes more and more important. But I'm wondering at what level I'll be talking about ideology

593
01:46:29.219 --> 01:46:40.049
Ting Tin Yuet: going back to our title future visions. That's also a kind of ideology, right? Thinking about the future in a particular way. That's ideological.

594
01:46:40.090 --> 01:46:56.860
Ting Tin Yuet: Right? So I'm thinking about is ideology really fading away? for example, in your South Korean case, when people you know would like to impeach the President. They are also imagining a future with a President

595
01:46:56.940 --> 01:47:12.460
Ting Tin Yuet: and without a precedent. So what would be your take on this? Is this also a type of ideology with this still state? Or would it be also programmized? Okay, that's my 4 questions. Thank you very much. 150.

596
01:47:12.490 --> 01:47:35.769
Well, very good. And how about we reverse the order? I have Doctor Lee, who respond first. Time is a little bit limited, but we hope that. Since we haven't yet really got the opportunity for you to respond, so you will take a little bit more time, but also not that much. And then the others, because you can really make it precise. that would be. Appreciate.

597
01:47:36.160 --> 01:47:40.069
Dr. Lee, will you unmute? And you can go first.

598
01:47:42.600 --> 01:47:50.209
Doohyeong LEE: okay. for your question, and it is very important to understand the

599
01:47:50.640 --> 01:47:56.140
Doohyeong LEE: dynamic or to social rumors in South Korea. And

600
01:47:56.620 --> 01:48:05.200
Doohyeong LEE:  although I categorize the activist or as manager and programmer. And I do.

601
01:48:05.310 --> 01:48:08.300
Doohyeong LEE: In fact, all these are always coexist.

602
01:48:08.530 --> 01:48:20.959
Doohyeong LEE: What I want to emphasize is that there are some rules that become more prominent and emphasize, depending on the social contest

603
01:48:21.290 --> 01:48:23.099
Doohyeong LEE: in which the

604
01:48:23.330 --> 01:48:28.540
Doohyeong LEE:  so

605
01:48:28.920 --> 01:48:50.409
Doohyeong LEE: I can't discover which become more important during the social room. Once they lost rural manager during the the the Canada, the business 2,008 and program during the candidate in 2,016 and 2,017, and as you mentioned

606
01:48:50.500 --> 01:48:51.710
Doohyeong LEE: the.

607
01:48:52.090 --> 01:48:54.379
Doohyeong LEE: they played

608
01:48:54.420 --> 01:48:59.069
Doohyeong LEE: also the role of ideal logical

609
01:49:00.010 --> 01:49:03.699
Doohyeong LEE: leaders, as in by

610
01:49:03.840 --> 01:49:09.160
Doohyeong LEE: proposing the impeachment of the prejudice. But

611
01:49:09.820 --> 01:49:14.279
Doohyeong LEE: I want to. I want to emphasize the role of

612
01:49:14.370 --> 01:49:19.699
Doohyeong LEE: I do these proposed kind of

613
01:49:19.880 --> 01:49:29.180
Doohyeong LEE:  future beach on as our titles. the impeachment of it. It was also

614
01:49:29.380 --> 01:49:33.970
Doohyeong LEE: future. But I am in the future, because it is kind of

615
01:49:34.180 --> 01:49:46.650
Doohyeong LEE: new direction of the social structure or political system kind of from dictatorship to democratization. But during this 2,016,

616
01:49:46.670 --> 01:50:08.510
Doohyeong LEE: even though they they demanded the impeachment of President. But they didn't propose any future vision kind of what kind of democracy and what kind of political system? So even though we can see the in each of the President. It also kind of

617
01:50:09.200 --> 01:50:12.509
kind of proportion about our future.

618
01:50:12.660 --> 01:50:13.610
Doohyeong LEE: Well

619
01:50:14.230 --> 01:50:16.419
Doohyeong LEE: is it's

620
01:50:16.660 --> 01:50:32.950
Doohyeong LEE: as I said, that this was kind of lowest. you know, it's the common denominator of the current issues, because they prop they demanded the teammate in page you want to, because the prejudice, not they form. The democracy.

621
01:50:33.350 --> 01:50:38.790
Doohyeong LEE: then was kind. It wasn't kind of the future. Reason, then, was kind of

622
01:50:38.830 --> 01:50:44.539
Doohyeong LEE: regional kind of solution for the problem. The problem was.

623
01:50:44.590 --> 01:50:46.340
Doohyeong LEE: they pull

624
01:50:46.600 --> 01:51:04.190
Doohyeong LEE: the prejudice the corruption or credit that. So we have to. so. But if we see the contact social contest around the to the right to be there 2,016.

625
01:51:06.370 --> 01:51:15.960
Doohyeong LEE: In my opinion, the impeachment of present is is a little bit hard to see as a pre feature vision in this case.

626
01:51:16.500 --> 01:51:18.790
Doohyeong LEE: So thank you.

627
01:51:19.250 --> 01:51:38.610
Well, excellent! Well, but our time is at 1222 now, so we are already over running like 2 min. But we we can still keep it really short. But this will be the final really closing remarks. Right? Who whoever want to answer a critical answer. If not, it's fine. Yeah.

628
01:51:42.860 --> 01:51:55.670
thank you for the questions. And could you say that? Yes, the features are open also. In Latin America there are some more diverse accomplishment. But the growing of the far right also is a

629
01:51:55.710 --> 01:52:00.389
quite a challenge for the future in Latin America, but also in other countries.

630
01:52:06.800 --> 01:52:08.390
So I,

631
01:52:09.460 --> 01:52:14.359
I to this? Some many. That's a

632
01:52:14.560 --> 01:52:19.139
50 min presentation is a little shock to list it up

633
01:52:19.270 --> 01:52:21.030
and hum act us.

634
01:52:21.100 --> 01:52:39.319
So, for example, the music is a very important to to to make all the when the many people came to the protest area. And so music can give out and older is very so the music is. The main came became a May accent

635
01:52:39.590 --> 01:52:40.780
like that. So

636
01:52:41.850 --> 01:52:43.300
yeah, exactly.

637
01:52:46.150 --> 01:53:08.250
And just to conclude quickly. So Icelandic political culture is filled with contradictions, but And until today, since 1,944, and today the Constitution has not been passed which is really very interesting if you have time to read about it, why, what happened with it? But just to conclude, I think the changes we are talking about with regards to participation. They are really, really slow one.

638
01:53:08.250 --> 01:53:20.120
So they really need time. And I think sometimes we think, like, Ok, we're going to make a protest or an app, and it's going to change everything. The culture changes very, very slowly. Be nice, and at least from what I gathered.

639
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they said that now a constitution is a topic that people actually talk about. And before that people were saying, all those are just some hippies in Ray Kvich. They are talking about the Constitution. So they were dismissed by their label. But now, actually, thanks to online environments, thanks to greater engagement and protest, actually, people started to think that it's their

640
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legs to to to have a saying. But these are very, very slow changes during the time.

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Ting Tin Yuet: Okay, great. Thank you so much. I'm very sorry for over running the session, so I would like to thank all the presenters and the audience for coming to the session. Special thanks to my colleague, Dr. Jenny Chan for co-chairing and facilitating a session. So thank you all very much. I wish you all a very happy wrap up the date and join Melbourne. I see you all around. Thank you very much.