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Deniz Yucel: I hope everyone can hear me. I would like to get started as as quickly as possible, because I just realized that decision will be much shorter, and we were barely having enough time for Q. A. At the end.

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So if all of our presenters are here. I will suggest that you contact the presenter directly to their email address, because in case we don't have enough time at the end. So thank you for being here. This, the the title of this session, is Gender, family and work. Part 2. If my name is Venezuela, I'm a professor in the Department of Sociology at William Patterson University in New Jersey.

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Deniz Yucel: United States. And we do have 5 presenters today. So the first presenter is Monterey simultane and the title of and This person is part of a research team, and the title of their presentation is

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Deniz Yucel: labor participation of same-sex couples in empirical study from the Spanish label for survey. I don't know if the presenter is there, but If I can ask them to come to the podium if they are in person and start their presentation. That will be great.

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It's actually a pre recorded session. Okay, perfect.

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Hello to everybody. I am Monte Simmo, and on behalf of Andres Coco, Teresa, Bartoal and fucking Turmo from University of Barcelona, Spain. We want to represent our paper and title labor participation of same-sex couples and empirically study from the European Labor for Survey.

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Oh. nowadays there is an increased recognition of sexual diversity. This also opens a new, interesting topping to research in this sense, sociology and economy pay a lot of attention to the differences in the labor's participation levels between men and women. But at the same time there is a lack of attention about the influence of sexual diversity on these labor aspects. For example.

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age. wage earnings, then, in this paper we have 2 2 objectives. Firstly, we want to study the differences between in labour market participation between same-sex and opposite Asx couples, and secondly, we want to determine how sexual orientation influences. If both members of the partner participate in the labor market.

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the theoretical background show that several researchers demonstrated a traditional role pattern about labor participation in the case of same-sex partners. This segregated labor roll button is less frequent.

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We found more both partners active in the labor market than partners with different sex. But within same-sex couples there are different effects. If par are lesbian. Okay, in the case of partners with 2 women, they are more present in the labor market than baroness. With a 2 men these differences could be due to homosexual partners are less influenced by gender conditioning.

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and they reproduce less the division of family domestic labor. and also another effect that could be take into account is half or not having children in the case of same-sex couples, they are less likely to have children, and these influences differently on the labor specialization

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and in summary researching the different pattern following by same-sex couples, is very interesting in order to enlarge the existing empirical findings, and especially to overcome the limitations of measuring the so the sexual orientation, and also to consider.

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to, to to discuss, to examine the limits the the, the discrimination suffered by lesbian gay, be sexual, transgender, and in their sex group.

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For our paper we use the European Labor Force database concretely from 2,020 from Ourostat. This is a very large sample. It's enough to obtain comparable results.

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We construct a sample, yeah, using 9 European countries with enough household information and at minimum. with 30 same-sex couples per country.

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following other researchers that we, we, we get inspirated. And also we select apartments from 25 to 54 years old. Then we have left out people under 25,

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because they there are a lot of people in this age. They are also in training in training period. and also from the other side we have left out individuals older than 20 54, because they could be effective

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by an early retirement. also, we have to consider that we have to to remind. There is a a difficulty about to measure sexual orientation.

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Surveys done. Don. Ask died directly about sexual orientation. Then we follow a methodological approach, followed by all the several. Another and several researchers. We take into account the match on not much between the sex of the reference person and his or her partner.

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and also it requires a mutual identification or of the effective relationship for the both members of the parlor. With all of this we present a descriptive analysis that you can see in this first table.

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this It's a descriptive overview of 9 European countries studied, and they show this table shows that different sex partners are likely predominant in how countries we can observe a percentage more than 95, 98. In the case of same-sex partners, partners with 2 men are slightly like a higher than those of women.

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We can see in this, in this column. and In this next. In this next table. If we relate sexual orientation and a first attempt to labor participation, we can find that different sex partners

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follow the traditional role pattern, then, being only one of the members active in the labour market especially we can see these in Poland and in Ireland.

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and and on the other side the situation is quite different in the case of same-sex partners, when both members, both members, are active in the in the labor market with percentage higher than 80%, and especially reaching the 100% in Portugal. And is Lewinium.

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If we focus only on the same-sex partners, we can see some countries with both active. Active members. In the case of Lesbian partners like examples, for example, in Belgium.

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of of of of Poland. In this way, on the contrary, the case of Netherlands and Spain, that homosexual are higher than Lesbian.

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This table shows some interesting results. If you consider the variables that we, after we include in the regression model that we carry out. related to average age of both murmurs on the have a couple we can appreciate than partners with same-sex.

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2 men or 2 women are more represented in the from from 25 to 34 years old, with percentage from 35% to 37%

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and on in the case of different sex, they are mostly relevant in the other range of age in all their ones, and related to their educational level. Same-sex partner have higher education level than a Terex or so

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in the last group in the in the Turk sexual partners, despite the fact that 50% have a university degrees. It is worth nothing that 18.8 have a low level of education.

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When we talk about the origin. we consider a country of birth. In this case there are 3 types of partners. 3 pipes of paragraphs, mostly native

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only we can mention these 24.1% of homosexual mixed couples, one born in the same country of resident, another one another, one outside

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the on about the residential habitat, partners with the same sex usually live in highly populated areas. I finally, finally, the same type of partners don't have children. If we compare with the 52%

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of different sex partner that they have it.

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We carry out a binary logistic regression. Our dependent variable is labor market participation being one, both members active and 0. When one member of the barn is not active.

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our model classifies correctly the 61.5%. The C. And Ctb senses, Tbt coefficient is 66% on the specificity coefficient needs. Almost, it's a 43.4%.

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And the results are before the resolution. Sorry, I want to show why I want to mention some. Our explanatory variables. We have a sexual orientation that we distinguish between different sex partners as a reference partner with 2 men and partner with 2 women.

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We include also in the model the average age of couple. the the differentiate splitting between age from 25 to 34 as a reference, a second group from 35 to 44, and a last group from 24 until 54 cable children is included having children less than 9 years old is included

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also the degree of urbanization which low and medium populated areas is is the reference, and lastly, about the origin of the couple. Native partner is the reference.

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The results point out that sexual orientation and is a significant variable. Specifically, the model predicts that 2 male couples have

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1.8 higher probability of being born active.  done a of sexual couples. In the case of couples with 2 women the probability rise 1.3.

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This is in in line with other works. With regard to the other variables that are included in the model, it is observant, and the probability of boy of both members being active, increases with the age

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being more likely among people between 35, and 24 to 44 decreases if the couple has children

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under 9 years old. but reduce it if both members live in more densely populated, compare it to those living in the less populated environments, and reduce also, if there is a non-native partner compared to both partners, both members of the partner are notif.

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then Finally, our conclusions is our paper explore the influence of sexual orientation, of the probability of participating and being active in the labor market.

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We examine the labor market participation of women and men living in the same sex pursuit. opposite sex. partners! Our analysis confirms, confirmed, that sexual orientation affects, how European couples organize, they labor market participation.

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Moreover, the significant influence of children under 9 years all, and also their origin could be, reveals that are also relevant, but able to consider in the model.

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The results obtain, and here allow us to discern certain characteristics of a structural change. In couples. However.

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there are limitations delivered from the participation of non-networks of source couples in the sample don't allow us to affirm categorically that this change is already a fact.

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We need further studies. We need further analysis to allow the to to allow, to draw a more relevant conclusion in this on this issue.

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to overcome, measure them difficulties, to explore more singularities of lesbian and gay couples, and to include other contextual and external factors

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Related to labor market. and and that it's all many thanks for your attention. hopefully, we can meet in the next conference, and we can show more resilient findings about this topic that is very interesting for us, and many thanks and enjoy the rest of confidence.

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Deniz Yucel: Thank you so much for our presenter. and I love this pre-recorded session. It worked out really well, and we could hear it very well, at least from my end. So without any further delay, our second presenter and the program shows that it's an online presenter.

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Deniz Yucel: Anne Lambert, and the title of her presentation and her colleagues. She, it seems, like she is part of a research team, and their title of their presentation is becoming parent. The impact of non-standard work schedules on childbearing in France.

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Deniz Yucel:  do we have the presenter here?

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Deniz Yucel: Okay, okay, so I I just heard that. So

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Deniz Yucel: we don't have the presenters.

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Yes.

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Deniz Yucel: that's nice. Okay, just just want to make sure, because I don't see that here in the virtual platform, too. So just want to make sure. Thank you for that information. So we will move on to the third presenter. And this is it's it's on the program that they're in person and the show you one, and you'll see Lou both from Taiwan and the title of their presentation is

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Deniz Yucel: why the gender gap between entitlement and usage in parental leave.

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Deniz Yucel: Thank you. And before you get started I just want to remind you that I will be timing you for 15 to 16 min, and then I will unmute myself and let you know when you have 5 min and 2 min left. Thank you very much.

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Okay. Thank you.

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good evening, everyone. I'm sorry that I changed my topic in the last minutes, but it's still about Taiwan's parental leave.

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And first of all, talk about a little bit background of Taiwan in 1,987. The working contract in San Jose Memorial Hall, that is the biggest one of National Memorial Hall in Taiwan.

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It the working contract say that all female receptionist shall be employee until the age of 30, and she will not be renewed after the contract expired. So lots of female receptionists feel angry, and they protest against the employers bends on marriage and pregnancy.

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Many women's groups supported them, and this sparkled, awakening foundation. This is one of the oldest feminist group in Taiwan to drafting the act of gender equality in employment rate.

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and the goal of the legislation is to address the gender, discrimination against women in a workplace, including salary, discrepancy, promotion, opportunity, pregnancy, discrimination and sexual harassment

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after 15 years of effort! It's a long time. The legislation was finally in can into effects in 2,002. The parental leave policies were included in this package.

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So, as we all know that parental leave policy is complex, there are a lot of variation across countries, such as eligibility. The way to replacement ray individual or sheer entitlement, or parental parental, who, status and flexibility of usage.

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What is shared among all the leaf policies across country might be the precondition of of labor force attachment.

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So here comes the package of year 2,002, Taiwan's parental leave. You need to have a children age under 3, and it's individual non-transfer, for both gender are entitled to that. So whether you are married or married and or adopted. You are all you are all eligible for that.

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However, you have to be working morning one year and work in the company more than 30 employees, and the duration is 2 years maximum, but it is on pay in the first beginning.

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and in addition to that, you have to have working spouse, so that you can entitle to that, and both parents cannot take the live together, and if you get the child care benefit, you cannot take the parental leave at the same time. So this is the first package in year 2,002,

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and, according to Brown's paper, there is full ideal type of different parental leave policies according to the citizenship, base or employment, base and universal and selective. So, according to this ideal type, Taiwan is actually belong to the selective, a Dow worker model.

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And however we we have introduced a lot of reform and expansion after that, for example, in 2,007, the size of company was eliminated. So

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In 2,009 there is a big change, the duration of the parental leaf. It's still 2 years maximum. However, there are 6 months of allowance at 6% of insured salary. So this is a big change for our parental leave in Taiwan. After that they are more and more parents. apply for the parental leave.

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and then in year 2,014, the working history was shortened to 6 months.

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So, from the perspective of family policy there There has been some achievement in discussing the gender role within the household and gender equality parental leave world as well as in Taiwan, however, there are unintended risks associated with parental leave.

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If we are not attending to the family diversity and class differences.

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The family relatedly influenced the intensity of time poverty experienced by working parents. That's the reason why I would change my topic to different one.

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So the eligibility, criteria, exaggerate the defined between the family they are able to access, live, and those exclude from the profession.

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This criteria are very important in promoting gender equality within household and workplaces. However, the discussion from this perspective is limited. In Taiwan, therefore, this study aim to contribute to the discussion by point out the differences between

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exclusion from eligibility and on the utilization of eligible benefits.

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They try this paper, try to answer whether they are inequality within the entitlement in Taiwan.

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according to the past paper, we know that the post-industrial labor market has introduced many new features, such as the regulation, non-standard working schedule, increased work, intensity, and bur boundaries between work and literature. These changes has an impact on the modern arrangement of work, family life. Many countries are undergoing a salary process of neoliberalism

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with weakening social protection for precarious and non-standard workers as parental. If was part of social security system, it is important to understand whether policy mitigate or a separate social and gender inequality.

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As we know that I/O and the EU have challenged the current parental life system which focus on the heterosexual relationship, nuclear family and typical full-time workers.

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So Alyssa have raised concerns about such policies in equality effects.

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For example, though the EU have recently expand coverage, but still exclude self-employee and platform economy. But these 2 peoples are actually increased. So this create a gender paradox where women rely on flexible arrangement to accommodate care, but they are excluded from caregiving related policies accordingly.

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So let's go back to Taiwan's situation. Taiwan's production system is export-oriented and consists mainly of small and median-sized enterprises to gain the competitive advantage in the global market.

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This enterprises over limit social welfare and heavily rely on long working our labor. From this draft we can see that there is a long weekly working hours for parents in Taiwan compared to other countries. So these 2 are working fathers and working mothers in Taiwan. The weekly working hours is pretty long.

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and in addition to that, we have very short legal working with entitlement. It's also different countries.

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we can see that how one is. You know we only have 7 days for legal pay leave, and then, in addition to that, our national holidays is also very sure. So we have long working hours, and we have very sure working with entitlement.

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And as you might know that this is the number of newly born baby in Taiwan during the past 3 decades. As you might know, Taiwan is actually hitting the lowest fertility rate around

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all for the the world. So this is the number of it. But at the same time there is an increasing in maternal labor force participation for so schooler. So the red line is actually the maternal labor force participation

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during the incidents at the San Jose Memorial Hall in 1987, pregnancy ban in the workplace were common known in Taiwan. Thus only about 30% of married women were working. However, as of 2020 the number has reached as high as 75, so there has been a significant shift in the labor market structure and the demands of families.

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So come to the analysis. In Taiwan. The parental leave has still have 3 major institutional exclusion of parental leave in Taiwan.

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The first one is that the first exclusion is working ethic barriers, and a second exclusion is single in count barriers. And a third exclusion is typical employment barriers.

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And because I'm worried about a time limit. So I just come to the conclusion first.

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the here comes the distribution of eligibility and utilization of parental leave in Taiwan in 2,019, so we can see that the first exclusion you have to be working to get entitled to the parental leave. So there are 60% of parents. They are not working, so they are exclude from the parental leave.

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Second exclusions is that

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if you have a job, if your spouse is not working.

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you cannot take parental reef. So this is single-income barriers for those working parents, and they are 80% of parents. They are exclude because of single-income families.

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And then third exclusion is that you have to be a typical employment, so that if you are employer, you are self-employee or you are contractor. You are not entitled to the parental leave, so we can see from the figure. They are around 42% of parents actually exclude from the parental leave in Taiwan.

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So the

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there is a 32% who are eligible, but they are not able to be high or not. Okay, okay, or not willing to apply for that and rest of it. There are 60% who are eligible and use the parent to leave and stay after take taking a leave. The final part is that there is 77%

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who take a leave, but quit the job after and leave. So we can see the total distribution of eligibility and utilization of parental leave in Taiwan. So there is a clear gender disparity in parental leave, eligibility actually the illegible mothers outnumber fathers.

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And there is also this parity between eligibility and utilization. This is

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this is the table we just saw, but in the utilization we can see the black one is mothers who actually take the leave, and the why one is father who actually take the leave. So it it is clear that there is still disparity between eligibility and utilization. But we need another paper to explain why it is this the situation.

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So? because we can see from the chart that there are a lot of parents actually exclude from the entitlement to the parental leave. So in last year 2021, we have a very big expansion for parental leave. The first one is that

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we increase the replacement rate from 60% to up to the 80% of insurance salary. And second, we eliminate the working spouse barriers so that even your your spouse is not working, you are also entitled to the parental leave, and third one is that

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both parents can take the live together at the same time. Finally, even if you send your children, go to the kindergarten or nannies, you can still apply for the parental leave.

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So there is a very big change in the parental leaf entitlement last year, but we don't know yet what's the effect. So we can see that at least in Taiwan we just have a parental leaf system

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for 20 years, and because we have a very serious law for turkey rate in Taiwan. So the parental leave entitlement is actually expand and taking reform.

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and due to the time limit. I think I would just stop by here, and if you have any question, then we can discuss later. Thank you.

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Thank you so much.

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Deniz Yucel: Thank you so much. And again, if we can leave the the Q. A. At the end, hopefully, we will have enough time in case we don't, please. I ask you to contact the presenters directly. okay. So without any further delay, our next presenter is Hashiro Evay, from Kyota University in Japan, and the title of the presentation is long term transformational Women's Live Course in Japan. Findings of quantitative sociological research.

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Thank you very much. Thank you for coming in the night tonight, and thank you also accepting my paper in this session, because in the way I apply, and I have

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difficulty to find the sessions of it for my research. So this is in I I retired from Kyoto Universities, and I'm working at 39 University, which is a a private university in Osaka.

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So today, this is an arbitrary

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how to say it's that I tried to to show the visualized status here. So how to analyze a quantit which historical data is so

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here, try to explain long time transformations of women's rive courses using that is out of quantitative analysis. So now, Raj's care what history data are available here in Japan, and then I will be able to analyze and drive courses or women born from 1917 to 1,980.

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So it but I have to introduce some method of constructing the age-based derive course, data that are quite complicated. But how to

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make that datas and try to visualize a desire to that analysis.

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So

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I'd be using 3 nationally, they put it into the. That is why it's so very famous. social stratification, mobility status. And also I'm using Jgss. 2,009 live course status and the also 1983, Women's occupational Mobility and Carrier Service are available now.

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So

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if you see the structure of work history data, it's quite complicated, because suppose this one, this is a hypothetical, hypothetical

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daughters. So suppose first one is finished to graduate school. She started to work at age studies, and they moved to 30, another university at age 35, and then she moved to a 41 at the age 41 to sad one.

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So we have that kind of status. But the second one is a women age 50, I suppose, 90 85 status. So She's a graduate of Senior high school, and she started to work age 18, and then what? Until? work until 25 years old, and then she married, and they have a child and a quitter jobs at age 25,

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and then study to work as a part-timers, and at the age 35 they again. She's stopped working at age 42, and then aged 45. After kids become finishing elementary school, she's worked to 150,

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start to work again. Again. So third one is the age 60, at 1,985. She graduated from old elementary school.

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where she finished the school age 12 or 13, but in a stay at home, and they started to work 8, 15,

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and then maybe the royal car factories or hired her. And then you already age twenties and their age 20. She works and then quit a jokes, and they stay at the phone and then get married. Age 23. And then husband is a former, and then work as a

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How many workers so re this? And then first one is junior high school graduate, age 45. So she's how carrier is is complicated. Then you may know that eventually data analysis. But I'm not satisfied that part. And then I try to

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show the distributions of occupational status at each age, and then I try to distribute every every distributions at each age so, and they try to make the graph

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mit Ctl, and that kind of things that first one is right here. So how to read this one P. C. H. Twenties by 60% of the women working as full-time work for employees, their twenties about 10% as family workers, and then 150.

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This ratio! How changed the rate these ratios over the age. So I calculated every distributions at each age

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erez agmoni. Okay, so this is very careers. Many women's work at around our E twenties and then quit the large numbers of them quit the jobs, and then about 20% continue to as a full-time workers. And then 150,

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we please see a green one. This is a they started to work part-timers after, maybe Saudi Arabia.

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So it's kind of that shape. It's a graph shows the M-shaped buttons of the live course. So it is very gender related patents open agreements. Oh, this is of 93 1,931 to 45 plus cohort. Okay? typically, they

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educated under the post war systems. And then, it's during the economic growth. So this. But it's quite popular in Japan's.

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So that my question is, this is a basic one. And then how historically changed this one. And they also after that. how this buttons changed. And I tried to make the same kind of data analysis. And then, try to show the datas.

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Okay? So there are 2 outfit arguments there. But I'd like to show that

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pictures today. So this is a arrive course of

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we need to drive course bone and 1945 to 14 9. Okay, called Tip car. I'll m shaped batan in Japanese case. Okay, they they are first baby boomers. All of our societies, and then sample size is 400, for this is a quite stable patents of the women's drive cost in Japan.

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This is very strong, but

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strongly influenced. The people's rive costs so young women's working as the full time workers and then quit the jobs. And then large number of them start to work as a part-timers after Sati

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of 35 age of 35.

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this isn't a typical one. It's a very hard to change this buttons in Japan, so still, not our government or peace cause, and a routing to change this one.

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then after that, how to change the so these systems.

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Here it is. 3 bars co-host. Okay? Gradually changed. Because how changed because young peoples was that more young people's work as

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 part timers or irregular workers in Japan. So they're ratios of regular employees, and then gradually declines. Around are the twenties. So, on the other hand, side, so that green side is expanding. That means, more people, more women's work as a known later a day.

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non-regular workers. So after

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maybe

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after roofs, we call after finishing that economic growth of 1,900 eightys. So the

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Japanese economies struggled to expand on the employment, and numbers of employment for young people so gradually change. And this waves. So now we are struggling to expand that regular employees, and

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but anyways and m-shaped patents a change that was.

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And then.

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 this is I'm talking about 3 turning points of

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the Japanese women's education occupation of family formations. We are usually the 3 turning points are quite important. So

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I talked the second one and sad one.

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Then these times I try to crowd for it. What hybrid it's impact of what I'm riding.

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So I have to show first.

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it's a quite strange or unique pattern of the the pictures. Okay.

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which one is, you can find which one is quite similar to modern systems of the Japanese women's rifles.

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This is a pretty C, 1921 to 35 bus cohort and middle school graduate.

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Okay,

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Deniz Yucel: I'm in it.

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That means, okay. Thank you. Here.

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here, it's a left hand side. It's a quite similar to

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that. And

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this 1 1,921 to 25 cohort, and then graduate of middle schools. So this science, I try to show the

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distributions of the industrial.

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the sectors, and also occupational patents of middle school graduate. Okay, this is a wartime

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during the wartime, so please. At a

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20 of

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1,921, the age twenties. She works in Ari 1,900 fortys during the war time. So during the Wat time women mobilized into the workplaces more and more. So these women's hired as a chronicle works or manual workers.

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and also an industrial sectors try to hire women's

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H, 25. Okay, so many people's okay.

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Twitter jobs. They're quite important. Because during that time, okay, this is just after World War Ii, just what we've invested. labor force.

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So just

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maybe this patents quite correspond to the historical chains from what time to post-war time this is important. So why this

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this buttons? are fears, and then, is so strongly influenced because this is a product of wartime systems, and afterward

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so just, I try to emphasize this one, because in the people's Japanese our women's drive. Course. Not quite. maybe gender biased. And also it's quite difficult to change, because there's already there. I try to find this one is a kind of it's quite important and developed during the war time. So 250,

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may I have a long time?

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Deniz Yucel: You still have 3 min?

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Okay, this is all pretty well. patents of women's rif course because they they are a graduate of elementary old and renting schools. They started higher

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Erez agmoni, about 30% hired as maybe a manual workers. And they're working at a textile industries. Okay, they maybe many people talking about pre-war texts or industries. Okay, this is difficult with 150

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women's life course of

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having rented school levels. But this disappears during the war time. So what time is a quite important impact on women changing women's will life course.

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Sorry. It's a I like to emphasize from what I am to. First of all time a pro time of life, course, Butam, or for women in early twenties, emerged among female middle class graduate in Japan. Then what type? 250

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has an enjoying effect on women's drive course. Buttons of sub subsequent life course bus life course. So Japanese case, it's an now we are to change the life, of course, but I'm the but the origins, and I think appears during the what time, and they are just after what time?

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That's all my presentation. Thank you very much. Perfect timing. Thank you.

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Deniz Yucel: Thank you. And again, sorry that I feel like I'm rushing the present, but decision is much shorter than the others. I can see why it's evening time, so the next person is myself. I will be presenting next. So I hope. I'm gonna start sharing my screen. I hope everybody can see this.

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Deniz Yucel: if not. please let me know it says I cannot start. Oh, there we go.

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Deniz Yucel: Okay, perfect.

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Okay.

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Deniz Yucel: Can everybody see my screen?

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Deniz Yucel: I hope so. Okay, so the title of my presentation is a is different from the the Conference book. The reason is that that project is going a little bit slowly. So we're still doing some data collection with that. But I promise you that this is also relevant to our session, the team of our session. let me actually close this. Okay, so hopefully, this is much better. So the title of today's presentation

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is work, family conflict, and partners. Agreement on fertility, preferences along dual or near couples does women's employment status matter.

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Deniz Yucel: So let's see.

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Deniz Yucel: Hmm.

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Deniz Yucel: I'm not being able to.

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Yes.

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Deniz Yucel: sorry. I'm having technical difficulty.

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Deniz Yucel: She

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Deniz Yucel: I cannot. yeah, I cannot move to the next slide. For some reason I don't know why. it's right here.

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Deniz Yucel: Oh, there we go. Okay. So I think maybe most of my computers. Sorry about that. Okay, so let's just do some backgrounds. Let them just start by giving you some background information. So in recent decades, a research has documented a rise in female labor force, participation, a reduction in the so called traditional male breadwinner households and declining fertility rates across Western nations.

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Deniz Yucel: and at the same time a work. Family conflict has been a growing issue of concern is, we all know that. Do you learn your couples attempt to simultaneously balance their responsibilities in competing or in trying to complete both working family domains.

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Deniz Yucel: However, despite all of this, a little is no surprisingly little is known about the consequences of work. Family conflict on couples, fertility related decision making. So given the declining fertility rate and the high number of women working part time in Germany.

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Deniz Yucel: And the data that I'm that we're using for this project is coming from Germany. We thought that it's also important to investigate employment variations among dual corner dual earlier couples to better understand the relationship within the German context. And when we look at this literature again, we realize that we few studies have directly examined the relationship between work, family conflict and fertility related outcomes

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Deniz Yucel: and the out of the ones that do. Look at this relationship. Most use individual data to examine these effects with only one was using couple of level data where we have information from both partners to evaluate the effects so work, family conflict on birth or adoption outcomes.

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Deniz Yucel: and, moreover, to our nose, which no existing study has specifically examined, the relationship between work, family conflict, and partners. Agreement on for 2 to preferences as we do here. So hopefully, this is how we're trying to contribute to the pro to prior research. Okay? So I have 5 research questions. But, as you know, we we don't have time. And I'll be rushing through this. So for the for today's presentation, I'm all

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Deniz Yucel: only focusing on questions one through 4 today. And the questions are, does one of the only conflicts? So by the way, it works. The way we define work. Family conflict is, we know that that goes in both direction. So something negative happening at work, how it impacts family. And we call this work to family conflict abbreviated as Wt. Fc.

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Deniz Yucel: And family to work conflicts abbreviated as Ft. Wc. From now on. And what that means is something negative happening in your family and how that can negatively impact your work performance. So we're looking at how one's own work family conflict impact your own reported agreement with their partner. in terms of virtually the preferences we call these the actor effects.

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Deniz Yucel: The second question is, are there gender differences in these actor effects? Then the third question is, do we see any partner of excellent fertility preferences, that is, does one's own work. Family conflict impact their partners? Reported agreement with them. are there gender differences in these partner effects? And again, the last question which I'm not presenting today is, Do these actor partner

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Deniz Yucel: very among full time. Dual earner versus modernized male breadwinner couples. What we mean by modernized male breadwinner couples is when many is the main you know, breadwinner of the couple of the relationship where, women are only working part time. That's what we how we define that.

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Deniz Yucel: So in terms of the hypotheses based on our 4 research questions, while we expect that a greater work to family and family to work conflict will be associated with local levels or partner agree with one for deleted preferences. We anticipate that work family to work conflict will have a more significant impact.

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Deniz Yucel: We do predict that the actor effects. So look to family conflict will be stronger for men than for women, while it will be the other way around. We are the actor effects for family to work. Conflict will be stronger for women than for men.

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Deniz Yucel: and we also do predict some

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Deniz Yucel: partner effects that is once greater work to family and family to work. Conflict will be associated with their partners lower levels of reported agreement, and we do think that we do predict that women are more likely than meant to experience stronger negative partner effects and for from a greater levels of both work to family and family to work conflict.

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Deniz Yucel: So so these some quick background in my research questions, how are we testing these hypotheses? We're using way 10 of the German family panel, also known as pear from the survey was first launched in 2,000. 2,009. we're using Our sample is focusing on begins with a little bit more than 1,500 heterosexual couples, either married or cohabiting with information from a board

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Deniz Yucel: partners. However, when we restrict the sample to do, orner couples, where they have valid information on the outcome variable, and when they were not expecting a child at the time of the survey, but which would like to have have children or more children in the future. We end up having a runner, smaller sample size with a 760 married or collaborative calls.

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Deniz Yucel: I'm gonna go with this quickly. So you can read this. This is how we measure the partners, agreement or fertility preferences. Do you and your partner agree about how many children you would like to have together? And the answer, categories R. 4, one

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Deniz Yucel: totally disagree to 5, totally 3. And I'm just going to read 2 items for work to family conflict. So due to professional vocational training or university workload, my personal life suffers. I'm just gonna read one of them. So we combine these 4 items, and the higher scores indicate greater levels of work to family conflict

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Deniz Yucel: for family to work conflict. Darryl. So for items, I'm just reading one of them randomly, because of my personal schedule, I often lack time to do my work again. We some them. We take the average and higher scores indicate greater levels of family to work conflict. And these are our control variables. We control for education.

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Deniz Yucel: age, relationship, status, household income Their Work Ours relationship, duration, number of children in the Household The presence of preschool, a child in the household, and whether the couple lives in East or West Germany.

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Deniz Yucel: Our sample characteristics, women in our sample were on 35 years old men a little bit older. 38 This is. This was a highly educated sample around 60% of women. Complete higher education

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Deniz Yucel: couples have been married for an average of 8 years or heading together for 8 years. Men in the sample work full time about 43 h per week. no, surprisingly, as we know most women in Germany. they do, or part time 31 h per week, and one-third of the sample couple said that they they preschool a child living in the household.

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Deniz Yucel: we do taste, the actor and partner effects using the active partner interdependence model. This allows us to test the effect of both forms of conflict on their agreement on fertility preferences so called actor versus partner effects. And we run a data data analysis using structural equation modeling to identify the best skating model.

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Deniz Yucel: Okay. So I know you might not see this very clearly. So my apologies for the small phones. This is a descriptive findings of the main variables. But I am actually putting them in sentence format in the next slide.

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Deniz Yucel: So we do find no significant differences in partners, agreement on fertility to preferences for either man or women between full time do learner couples and modernize male breadwinner couples, and also we do. We don't find any gender differences in Excuse me, yes, we do not find any differences in men's work, family and family to work conflict between these 2 different type of C unions. And the same thing goes for women.

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Deniz Yucel: However, women's level of work to family conflict was significantly stronger among do learner couples compared to couples where a man is the breadwinner, and women work only part time.

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Deniz Yucel: Okay, so if you take a look here of the the figure. So this is the I did not want to give you a lot of statistics and tables, but this was the best speeding model when we predict fertilizer preferences among food full time due learner couples.

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Deniz Yucel: You can see that. Women's the work family conflict did not have a significant effect on their own agreement with their partner, however. both men and for both for both men and women. Their family to work conflict had a significant effect on their agreement on the level of agreement with their partner, own fertility preferences.

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Deniz Yucel: So this was the best speeding model. So again, I'm just putting that in a sentence format along full time you'll earn your couples. The best speeding model was when there are significant actor effects, but only for family to more conflict. However, there were no gender differences in these after effects.

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Deniz Yucel: and when we predict the outcome among modernized male breadwinner couples, the the the result is a little bit different. So we do see some actor effects and partner effects, as you can see with the with the a solid line, and does it line

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Deniz Yucel: so we do find that the best feeding model is when there are significant actor effects, but with no gender differences and significant partner effects, but only for family to work conflict again. But again, no gender differences in these partner effects. So going back to our discussion, I don't know how much time I have. but I just wanted to revisit the hypotheses and summarize which one of them was supported, and which one was not.

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Deniz Yucel: So. The the first hypothesis where we said that a greater work. Family conflict will be associated with modal levels of agreement on fertility preferences This will only be partially supported because we, although we did find significant actor effects. This was only for family to work conflict, but not for work to family conflict. So this was partially supported.

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Deniz Yucel: however, to our surprise, and maybe you can, you know, bring some insight here. we did not find any gender differences in the actor effects for work to family, neither for work to family, nor for family to work. Conflict, so I guess, was not supported. And also we did find some partner effects. So hypothesis 3 was partially supported, but it was only for a family to work conflict where we did see some partner effects.

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Deniz Yucel: and finally, and the the expectation that there would be some gender differences in partner effects was sadly not supported. So

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Deniz Yucel: thank you. Thank you very much. although in the study we predicted some gender differences sadly. We did not find any gender difference in or maybe we should say thankfully, I don't know. It depends on how you how you look at it. But we did not find any gender differences in actual partner of next year. So

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Deniz Yucel: again, if you can just wrap this up and summarize or talk about the implications of the findings. So the findings are in alignment with the matching hypothesis which argues that family to work conflict which emerges from the family domain, and if you have a stronger negative effect on partners, agreement on fertility, preferences, which is also a family domain. Outcome, then family, and then A. R to family company.

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Deniz Yucel: And what is the evidence for that? We find that men and women in full-time deal earner couples? when they have a higher levels of their own family to work conflict, are associated with their own lower levels of reported agreement on fertility preferences

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Deniz Yucel: and also among modernize male breadwinner couples. It was again higher levels of family to work conflict for both in, for both men and women that seem to have an effect on their partners levels of reported agreement on fertility preferences so overall. It appears that

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Deniz Yucel: when considering partners, fertility preferences V over levels of agreement are more strongly related to work family conflict. It travels in the direction of a family to work conflict not the other way around.

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Deniz Yucel: and also our findings support the predictions of the rules for the hypothesis. And the evidence for this is that we find greater levels of family to work. Conflicts are associated with all one's own lower levels of reported agreement on fertility preferences, and it existed for both couples.

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Deniz Yucel: So this aligns with the predictions of the hypothesis, because when one has a finite number of resources and we all do have, you know, limited number of resources to strain experience when family rules interfere with the work rolls

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Deniz Yucel: could lead to a greater levels of perceived conflict with one's partner over many plans, one of them being a fertility plans.

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Deniz Yucel: and finally, these findings also support the theoretical framework which we use a lot, especially in mental health literature. Peerland, what peeled and calls the stress process model.

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Deniz Yucel: and is the smaller processes or, excuse me, proposes, it does appear that primary stressors, such as having a sick child, can lead to secondary stressors, such as an important meeting at work which in return can lower one's perception on agreement and heighten their perceptions of conflict with their partner on our fertility preferences.

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Deniz Yucel: I'm gonna skip this quickly. I go over. Thank you. Thank you very much. I'm just gonna go over this quickly again, just to tell you. And again, maybe to bring some insight, while we expected to find some gender differences in action and partner effects, we did not find them. This is in contrast with some prior work which finds that men's perceptions of their wise work, family conflict was related to

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Deniz Yucel: men's fertility, intentions. So I was thinking that perhaps our lack of significant gender differences on fertility, on agreement, on fertility preferences, could

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Deniz Yucel: you? To our sample, which only contains you learner couples? So we do know from higher research that do learner couples tend to be a little bit more egalitarian in terms of the gender division of labor, then couples. Where Then? among male, more traditional male breadwinner or female homemaker.

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Deniz Yucel: you learn your couples, couples the experiences, men and women having the workplace and home could be more alike than they are different. This is the only explanation we have so far. But again, I'm open to any feedback limitations. Obviously we do have a small number of couples. I wish we had, like a larger sample of the same couples, would be better suited to explore the cause of actor and partner

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Deniz Yucel: because of data limitation. This study could not examine the effects of in a positive spillover or crossover between work and family domain so called work family enrichment. And finally, because pair family asks work, family conflict questions to individuals and partners who are currently employed, we could not include the other types of unions as comparison groups in our analysis. So we encourage scholars

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to explore other data sources to more deeply examine this relationship.

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Deniz Yucel: and thank you very much.

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I hope I was okay with the timing, so

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Deniz Yucel: I know. But we have one more person. I know that we did not have a presenter. One person was not here. But I hope you can stay for our last presenter. Yeah, Linda Motor. She was the first person in our list on the distributed papers, and luckily she's online and she's ready to go. So I know you only have like thirty-

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Deniz Yucel: 13 min or so. But please go ahead and if you probably we won't have time for Q. A. At the end. So please do contact the presenters directly. If you have any questions, and sorry for decision, being rather shorter than the other sessions. Thank you very much.

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Yeah.

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Gerlinde Mauerer: thank you very much for providing me with this opportunity. you can also find my distributed paper. it is only in a nutshell what you can find in my paper. So

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Gerlinde Mauerer: I conduct a research on gender and family in motion parental arrangements, and it fits perfectly well to the recent presentation, but also the the previous session.

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Gerlinde Mauerer: yeah, I I skipped. I had no time to to to, so I hope I will be in time. that's the overview, the conceptual framework of my

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Gerlinde Mauerer: of my research. I I did my Phd. On models who killed the children? The construction of femininity and motherhood, and then worked on gender and health

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Gerlinde Mauerer: fine. And now, in the middle of my research is the transition to parenthood. However, I I conduct research on the transition to parenthood. taking into regard also gender. And in the inequalities, chain and work can domestic work, translational and global interdependencies and

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Gerlinde Mauerer: very important national family, Ch and social part national family chain and social policies, and they you legislation that will. There will be 2 more slides on that.

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Gerlinde Mauerer: and I come.

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Gerlinde Mauerer: I would like to briefly introduce the Austrian child cap benefits and parental leave system. It is as complicated as the chairman, one which I learned in the in a a network on sustainability, sustainability and leave And and there is also research done in the parental leaf network.

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Gerlinde Mauerer: So in Austria there is maternity leave for 16 weeks with a 100% income replacement. And there is paternity leave called family time bonus, which is more or less. It is one month, and it is 700, about 720 year rules per month.

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Gerlinde Mauerer: And then they said entitlement in Austria, and there was a recent presentation on Taiwan and also in Korea and Japan. There is entitlement for fathers along entitlement, however, as in other countries, still, matters mainly take this entitlements to take use. This entitlement to take parental leave, however, and that's my linkage to the previous presentation.

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Gerlinde Mauerer: I I did research and conducted interviews with 2 will earn a couples in Austria where fathers took at least 5 months, where each the couple, each parent took at least 5 months of parent leave or childcare benefits claim

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Gerlinde Mauerer: claims. So there is the social right in Austria to take parent leave. But the income replacement is regulated in the child care benefits system. And there is the income based form with an 80% income replacement

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Gerlinde Mauerer: and flat rate forms differing in length with flexible

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Gerlinde Mauerer: options. And it is in the shortest version, €1,000 per month, and in the longest version, €435 per month. There's some. There are some additional opportunities, but I I skip them

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Gerlinde Mauerer: so in generally, men's shares are the highest in the income based models which

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Gerlinde Mauerer: which highlights the fact that rather man with a good income share with the partners in the income based form and also women with an on average income share with their partners in the income based form

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Gerlinde Mauerer: generally, 35% of all parents claim a benefits in all strain. The income based form 25% to came 24 or more month of child care benefits in the flat rate form, and 36%

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Gerlinde Mauerer: claim 28 or more months in the flat rate form. So they write a long version of.

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Gerlinde Mauerer: and Austria is known as a country where women stay rather have a lot at a low break away from the workplace. But there will be another slide on that.

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Gerlinde Mauerer: However, they 30% of men share childcare benefits in the income based form. But the shares in leave days 45 plus 4.5 and 5.8 4 share in leave days. So the first

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Gerlinde Mauerer: rates, 30% is per cases, and the other version is share it, sharing in leave days.

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Gerlinde Mauerer: And there is a description of that. There was the You research on families and societies, and that vote all at all. The perception of providing parental care has been described as a process in which parents move back and forth along a continuum of

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Gerlinde Mauerer: sorry I have to

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Gerlinde Mauerer: erez agmoni of gender relations characterized by sameness, dichotomy, ambiguity, and inequality, and this system is shown in the Austrian parental leaf uptick, or in parents. Strategies to claim parental leave 150

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Gerlinde Mauerer: in. In the following form. often parents claim dual child care benefits in the income related form, followed by either an amplified paid leave of one parent or an educational leave, which is an additional opportunity in Austria, and it is well accepted

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Gerlinde Mauerer:  from the employers aside, because in Austria it is still unusual that parents, especially matters, come back to the workplace and and return to the deployment with an infant within 6 months old infant, or even one year old, infant. So the workplace and the employers are still not.

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Gerlinde Mauerer: It is still not common that parents return very early, and employers are afraid that parents will again stay off from work because of sick leave caring for their children.

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Gerlinde Mauerer:  we've over few in Austria the part time employment rate is very high.

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Gerlinde Mauerer: it's 28% in general. However, the part time employment rate of women with children below the age of 15 is 78%. It's not 28, but 78%. And I quote Vanessa Kuna and Susana Toalaya their paper, the Chanda Division of labor in Europe.

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Gerlinde Mauerer: and they they, I quote cluster 5 brings together the Czech Republic, Bulgaria, Germany and Austria, and reveals a high agenda unequal with male-high commitment to paid work patent. And this paid work, paper paper paper patent.

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Gerlinde Mauerer: also social inequalities as parents and fathers up, or mothers who depend on one p. 100% income rather do not share parental leave, but share more or less traditionally, that one parent, mostly, the father, continues with paid work, and one parent stays at home caring for children and doing a higher shares in household calls.

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Gerlinde Mauerer: Also the Chanda pay cap is very high. Austria is in the ranking, the next one to Estonia, so also thank you. Also, the Chanda pay cap

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Gerlinde Mauerer: indicates a social inequalities which are

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Gerlinde Mauerer: which, in relation to gender inequalities.

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Gerlinde Mauerer: so very briefly, my current was a my research, 10 and family motion. Parental arrangement started in 21. I contacted 42 couple interviews during the pandemic. So the pandemic

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Gerlinde Mauerer:  it. It was a plant. But the pandemic impacted the the interview conduction and also the results. I skipped the methods. However, there were limitations. I had 150.

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Gerlinde Mauerer: I had no chance to interview young parents be below the h of 30, and and those same sex parents responded to our calls

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Gerlinde Mauerer: we contacted it. Associations representing same sex parents. So in my research, the only say heterosexual couples are represented.

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Gerlinde Mauerer: for the the research background. I focus now on social inequalities. Since 2,003. There are new calculations in pension funds 40 years in state of 1515 accounted, and there is a higher risk of social insecurity in old age for parents.

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Gerlinde Mauerer:  we see that in the first Imperial results that. Rather parents with good educational and financial background claim. Dual parent leave

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Gerlinde Mauerer: There are also social restrictions and strains in early parenthood. If partners share a for example, in a in a form that both partners work part time

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Gerlinde Mauerer: erez agmoni, and there is generally a tendency to avoid a parenting break in gainful employment. Fathers, but also partly matters, continue working in a minor employment during parental leaf, which is possible in Austria one.

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Gerlinde Mauerer: and there is still there still chand and social inequalities in the distribution of paid and amplified work.

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Gerlinde Mauerer: however, there were lower rates in delegating housework during the pandemic. and my summary

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Gerlinde Mauerer:  gender research and gender and diversity trainings for employees and employers impacted the reduction of gender and social inequalities in parents, tool uptake of child care benefits, or as a type of

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Gerlinde Mauerer: which is

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Gerlinde Mauerer: which is shown in far as higher shares in the uptick of the income related. Child care benefits in Austria and

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Gerlinde Mauerer: a tendency to to overcome traditional masculinities and and start new ways in. In practicing fatherhood. In daily practices, however, we found

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Gerlinde Mauerer: they are social inequalities in dually sharing gain for employment and child care, and there is a a especially in low income brushes. There's lower success in implementing tool parenting due to low work. Autonomy it is, There is more the the

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Gerlinde Mauerer: the usage of time for money, and I have no quote here, but I I conducted an interview with the Fatah working in a company providing table where for private parties and and companies parties, and he took care days, and he was told that it's only once in a lifetime, because, it's not possible that he does not come to work, because

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Gerlinde Mauerer: because this small company depends on every single employee, and there is no opportunity to take care days

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Gerlinde Mauerer: it could also be in the position of a mother, but it was rather seeing that he, as a father, should work, and his partner should take the

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Gerlinde Mauerer: there are, in all process. Austria is a is a

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Gerlinde Mauerer: a country where the

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Gerlinde Mauerer: with a lower rates of small and middle ranged companies, and there is a need of structural support for smaller companies to promote the dual uptake of parentally for parents in general and for both parents.

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Gerlinde Mauerer: and my last point parental leaf policies focus on early childhood, however, there is a lack of structural support in social politics and economics, and in Austria I want to highlight finally, the taxation system, the advantages for high income single earners. And there is a low impact of undoing gender at the company level.

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Gerlinde Mauerer: Thank you very much. this. yeah, the research is conducted at the University of Vienna, and I'm happy to

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Gerlinde Mauerer: answer question and stop my presentation.

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Deniz Yucel: Thank you so much. We really appreciate you just stepping up and presenting, and I knew this was going to happen. As I said, I just realized this morning that this is a month. Why? Because it's kind of evening or night time in Australia. So thank you so much. I. Unfortunately, I will not be able to open the session for Q. A. Because it's kind of officially, I guess the session ended

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Deniz Yucel: 2 min ago. So if you had any questions for any of us, please email us directly to our email address. And I think you can find that in the program head program book, and we will be able to get back to you hopefully. Quickly.

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Deniz Yucel: Thank you so much. And just before you leave a reminder that we will have another session virtual session tomorrow at 1030, local time, 1030 am. and that will be again. Another session on gender family and watch. Thank you.