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Okay. Yeah. Hi, so good morning. Am speaking on the topic of high life in a high rise.

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This is an ethnography of everyday life. Particularly looking at relocation or resettlement housing project in the city of Colombo, Sri Lanka and it's a real privilege to be speaking at the RC.

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43 group session looking at housing policies and practices. I just want to as start off with a small accept from my field which refers to an incident in the lift which I look at as a sort of metaphor for the for my PhD study, which I'm doing as it embodies different aspects of everyday

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life. The in the field site in which I was. So I just read this. I was traveling in the lift of block CC to Crystal Code on Sunday evening.

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When the lift suddenly lurched to a stop. As it was suddenly suspended in mid air, a warmth fluttered the lift.

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Turning around, I counted 13 or 14 people in the lift, all who are starting to get very agitated.

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The woman standing next to me was carrying a baby who started to cry. And she screamed at Chandranka and my landlord was standing closest to me and said, ring the alarm bell, ring the emergency bell.

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Flusted he started pressing all the buttons at once, desperately searching for the emergency bill.

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When this didn't work, he started to push the lift doors in both directions trying to open them.

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During this very short period of time, which was like 2 or 3 min. For me, it seemed more like an app, chaos ensued.

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Everybody was very tense and this was all made worse by the heat that was increasing pipe up the in the lift.

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After about 5 min the lift sand started to life again and reached ground level with a painful groan. All of us almost fell out of the lift relieved.

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Okay.

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Some of us weirdly indicating to those who are waiting impatiently outside the lift relieved.

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Some of us vaguely indicating to those who are waiting impatiently outside the lift to that there was something 40 with the lift but for most of the residents who were in the lift we just scuttled out as soon as possible.

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So this, was a vignette on a Sunday evening which is an extremely sort of packed kind of very crowded time where people come to visit.

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Different relatives or friends to the to the high-rise building in which I was leaving this. So this is a kind of social housing project.

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I call it by an anglicized sort of name, the name Crystal Code. But for me, that kind of encapsulated the idea that it was a sort of multifaceted kind of housing complex.

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Also, it was a place where some people were involved in the sort of crystal meth industry and I said that that was a kind of accurate depiction of my field site.

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So the case of crystal code involves urban communities who have been relocated from whatters. So what this is a term which is similar to favelas or busties or kind of places where communities where people lived in different places in the city of Colombo.

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And these people have been shifted to government-owned high-rise projects. So I use the metaphor of the lift because it's something which really kind of depicts what the government is trying to do in the fact that there is sense of taking them from a very sort of poor or what they think is a very

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poor area and putting them into these modernized rationalized buildings. But the idea of the lift also shows that while the is this kind of appearance of modernity.

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There's also the kind of sense of precarity and vulnerability which people face in everyday life and this is what I was looking at.

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So the aim of my study is to investigate and to investigate the relationships, the processes and the means which people use to construct home and belonging in the post relocation setting.

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So here you get this picture. The kind of a housing block in which I live but also just surrounding it you have this I'm sorry I can't show it to you but it's like the the garbage mountain which is in the kind of settlements around then you have this huge tower called Lotus Tower, which is supposed to be a

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kind of the one of the tallest towers in South Asia and the Fairy Peak Tower in the world.

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And so you have this kind of dichotomies in the world. And so you have this kind of dichotomies of development and the world.

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And so you have this kind of dichotomies of development and the contrast of the city. But in the midst of that, in addition to some of these sort of the geopolitical dynamics of the Indian Ocean and the different kind of historical vicissitudes in which the city of Colombo is located.

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I really look at the kind of intimate small-scale relationships which people have. In everyday life and also looking at the idea of ordinary people and how this is what makes cities so extraordinary.

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So looking at the idea of my research methodology as so ethnographic research was the method that I used which involves participant observation.

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Here I am being taken on a sort of childhood tour to the one of the watchers that the young people lived in.

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So I also engaged in a house-to-house survey, informal interviews and other sort of community based, methods.

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Yeah. So looking at the impact of urban regeneration on everyday life. So I mainly look at it through the kind of metaphor of the life.

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The fact that there is disruption to the lifeboats or people living in high-rise buildings due to relocation.

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And this is also reflected in a lot, sorry, in a lot of the relocation literature by Michael Chena, Oliver Smith, Scudder and the kind of theories who have been writing on settlements, rubber chambers on settlements and relocation.

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So I look at this aspect of disruption and petarity which is caused due to relocation.

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But on the other hand, as and this was something I didn't really highlight in another presentation. The fact that there is every day resistance and resilience.

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Of people found within everyday life. So people do not just lapse into passive victimhood but they do take a kind of active interest there is resistance and agency particularly in government-owned housing projects to create this sense of home and belonging within a very different vertical housing sort of built environments.

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Yeah, so the next light which is not going.

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Okay, so looking at, constructing home and belonging in a tower block, the disruption caused, so I would just look at these 2 aspects and one is the disruption caused due to relocation.

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So there was increased petarity and vulnerability as you saw in the case of the lift where You have this idea of modernity, but, in everyday life, there's so many problems which people face.

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They have to kind of factor in the fact the feature of the lift into their everyday life so getting late to go for things the distance from their livelihoods, the distance to schools, to richest places, then also the loss of livelihoods which are caused by having to compete with the host sort of communities and the kind

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of the competition for space, the lack of freedom. So Michael Channel particularly talks about socialist articulation and isolation which occurs and this was also commonly expressed within the sort of household service so people would say that we just keep people at arms distance arm's length we just stay within our house distance arm's length we just stay within our house and we close the

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door and wait. So this idea that the kind of earlier communities that they belong to had disintegrated and there was a loss of community.

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Then also indebtedness. So people who had kind of worked their sort of way up and really built their houses by themselves.

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Okay.

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Had now Sunday become debtors to the state and this had increased their precarity and uncertainty. And then looking at how, they also engaged in different home making strategies.

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So that's, I go back to the second idea, which is everyday resistance and resilience found within everyday life.

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So this was not just about a kind of story of passive victimhood, but people did take an active interest and Initially, I think the first part of resettlement was a part where they were very, they found it difficult to cope.

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But also people adjusted to relocate in different ways. So people are at different age groups, people with different health statuses would create different ways of coping.

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With being in the lift. So one of the things was particularly the different home making strategies that they use within the built environment of the flat.

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So appropriation of space in the flat. So people engaged in home making, they appropriated space which was controlled very much by the government but they made it their own.

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So for example, they had been told that they could not make structural adjustments to the sort of corridors.

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But we found people who were at kind of tiling the corridors. There were people who built religious shrines.

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Oh

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The role of the threshold was a very important thing. So there was also a lot of contestation regarding what was public and private space.

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So Sandy, what had been private space for them now had become a public space because people were moving up and down on a corridor which they could not sort of claim as their own.

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So the role of the threshold had also become a very important kind of space for them. Then appropriating the space.

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So the lift was a liminal space, a place where they would make a it was a sort of in between 2 words where because they would make a stop in that to go to their homes and similarly they would stop in that to go out into the world to their workplaces or their schools or wherever they were going.

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So the lift also became a place. So very often we think that relocation creates. Sort of isolation but the lift became a limited space where there was social interaction.

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People, it was almost a sort of socially live kind of level playing field where people would come together.

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This was the space where they would meet each other. While they were taking their garbage, there were no garbage shoots, but they would take that garbage down in the list.

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And this was Like even though they were of maybe different, families and different workers, they were meeting each other and found that this became a space for sociality and interaction.

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So this was a place which connected them to their homes. So there were places like this within this kind of built environment of housing which people started appropriating for their own sort of home making and this was a very important thing that I saw.

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Particularly in relation to some of the small scale interactions, the micro politics of everyday life. So things like where they wash their clothes.

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Where so earlier they would go to a public tap in the kind of settlement they were living in and that had become the place for social gathering.

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But now the public tab had been factored out and now they had a private kind of facilities within their house.

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But here we found that, maybe we're dry drying clothes. They would, you know, make that a kind of place and that would often create conflict as well.

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But the sort of corridor or the balcony became a place for sociality and gathering to get there.

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So the here we find that people in different spaces and at different home-making strategies while the state may be created a site sort of rationalized or formalized space for them, while the state maybe, created a site sort of rationalized or formalized, space for them, homogenizing, each person into particular

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spaces. Kind of idea of people really taking the space and making it their own. They familiarize this as space and this is it seen in some of the kind of literature by Dani Miller also by Nii Perea in in Sri Lanka.

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Talks about this idea of familiarizing space. And then we go to the idea of resilience and coping mechanisms.

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So one of the key mechanisms that we find in relation to urban communities is that they were dealing with a lot of precarity.

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Particularly due to the sort of multiple crises which surrounded there world. So it was not just about urban relocation.

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So we realized that urban relocation does create a sense of precarity within their life. There is an increased sense of empowerment and risk which surrounds their life but also they were sort of battered with different kinds of personal crises, local crisis and then the more broader global crisis which they were confronted with.

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Some of the copying mechanisms that they used were things like responses to poverty. So reducing meals and nutrition.

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So the World Bank is has kind of published very recent statistics saying that the rates of poverty have increased in, the recent sort of years since, 2,022 in Sri Lanka.

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And that there have been sort of negative responses to poverty. I find that in my research which was from 2,019 that people were kind of reducing on meals and nutrition from 2019 itself and this in a way is seen as a very risky but also negative way of coping.

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People were dropping out of school. And this kind of increased with the COVID pandemic and the digitalization of education.

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Then also as another kind of response to particularity was using religion to make sense of the crisis of everyday life.

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So one of the things that I found is that the kind of marginality that they had in their everyday life increased with them being relocated into these projects.

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The housing projects. But and the access that they had to justice was very limited. So I was able to personally kind of follow people and go to go with them to the police stations, to courthouses when they were taken into sort of custody and things like that.

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So, but, and I realized how much they were sort of discriminated against and the kind of responses that they would make to these sort of people who the law enforcement authorities would identify as an urban underclass.

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But in a lot of the situations, a religion was a social institution which was very important to making sense of some of these crises.

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So one of this I one of the ideas was the sort of almost fatalistic idea that it's, you know, it's my time or it's my Vela or in St.

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Hela, the local language in Sri Lanka, one of the local languages in Sri Lanka.

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That, you know, or it's God's will. So the Christians would say it's God's will.

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The Muslims would say, you know, I love is it the Buddhists and Hindus would say it's our time.

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No.

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But. It was not just this kind of idea of a resignation or acceptance of their faith, but there was also a sense of active intervention which they felt that they could do and one was that they would use religion and as a coping mechanism in particular the idea of whoonium or sorcery.

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So they would, if certain things and this was not too much within my immediate group of people but and they said that they had been that this had been used against them but there were certain people who I did talk to who said that they knew where to go and get these things done.

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But there were certain people who I did talk to who said that they knew where to go and get these things done.

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And like so sorcery was very important and revenge in particular was used as a way of making sense of some of the crises of everyday life when justice failed or when the sort of state structures failed, they would use maybe malevolent forms of magic, also protective mechanisms.

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Which were very much a part of religious life. To kind of be a sort of coping strategy with which they used to cope with the everyday crises.

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Right. And of, yeah, the other, idea was resisting the authoritarian nature of the state.

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I think I could do, start finishing off. Nothing good.

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And this was very important there because in a way the the am I almost up yeah okay so I think I just, stopped there, where I just, finally in conclusion, I think people really struggled not just with when regeneration projects, but also the idea of state authoritarianism and the impact

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of neoliberal policies, but they were not just passive victims, instead they persisted in rebuilding their homes and also establishing belonging and community.

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So my study really looks at the different strategies that people asserted in. Regaining control and rebuilding their home and community.

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Thank you.

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Thanks very much.

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Okay, so our next speaker is Christian Rosen and Yep.

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Works right? Perfect. Okay, good morning everybody. My name is Christian Wilson.

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I'm a postdoc scholar at Brantonburg University of Technology, which is a university in the periphery of Berlin and Germany.

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And today I have the pleasure to talk a little bit about hybrid arrangements and the formalization of groupless covenus in Adi Keeper which is the secondary city in Peru.

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I was just working.

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I think this one. Now, that one. Spending money. Yeah, but maybe I started working.

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No, it works this way. It's fine. Okay, great. So just a really quick agenda.

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I'm trying not to talk too far too long. I will talk a little bit about the research context because currently I'm working together with colleagues in a project which is called hybrid urbanism.

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And it's about infrastructure production in secondary cities in the global south. We are comparing 2 cities, Sunni and Ghana and other keeper in Kabul.

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I will talk a little bit about the case of Ari Keeper and I will present to you a little bit of evidence from the Pueblo's huvenas there.

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Which is young neighborhoods recently established on their pretty big a lot of people live there and there's a lot of marginalized population there.

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And then in the last part I will talk about why this matters in the context of housing policies. And the politics of formalization.

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So just a little bit of theoretical context, especially in the global south, informalized race of urban development are still often seen as problematic while formalized planning approaches and networked infrastructure are preferred solutions from for actors from the formal planning spectrum which are specially policy makers but also people that work as experts in the infrastructure companies.

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In this context and current quadratica critical research focuses the processes of outer construction. We all know that or practices of oppressing informalized production of cities.

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So there's very. Special relationship between formalized and informalized practices as mostly in the focus but also a criticism of always seeing formalized solutions as the way to go.

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As in the focus of research right now. So informal and formal here are seen both of integral parts of urban practices and structures of city production.

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And consequence the question is based how the intertwining works and how the always individual arrangements if affect urban development and quality of life.

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Especially for the urban poor and cities of the global south. So our statement research statement in the project is formulas and informalized practices are both integral parts of all process of city production and we want to investigate what kind of different arrangements exists between these 2 extremes on the spectrum and how does arrangements affect the production of the urban and

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cities of the global south. What we did and we focused on water and mobility so we are coming from the infrastructure side of city production because they asked one indicators for the development of quality of life.

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Our operationalization so how we approach the field was the concept of delivery configurations which was developed by Olivier and further developed by Sylvie Jacqueline.

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So the focus is on both not only the material production of infrastructure but the interaction between social processes and the construction of these infrastructure and also not only seeing how it is built, but also how it is used or not used in the way it is supposed or was constructed to be used.

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We are doing something quite crazy because we are comparing on many different levels. We are having this 2 cities, Ali Keeper and Sonyani, Peru and Ghana, 2 secondary cities, which is the thing that somehow puts them in one category for us.

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Then we are comparing 2 different infrastructures, water and mobility, we're having different neighborhoods in each city, I'm sweet to be exact and we are also trying to compare the building and dwelling perspective and we understand this as seeing a little bit the expert knowledge from people that produce the infrastructure in a material way, which would

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be like people from water companies, people that are in the business of street construction, also policymakers, but we also have experts in this group and then we would have the dwelling perspective which is the perspective of the people living in the Purpose Hovenness.

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Sometimes this differentiation doesn't even work pretty well because experts might also live in the neighborhood so they would be dwellers and builders but at least it was interesting to see how experts would very often see the situation quite differently than the dwellers do.

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So, this is just like some pictures from our keeper. You can see on the right side a modern Irish keeper on the top right.

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This is the Avinidae. It's a shopping district with a lot of shopping malls, bright lights, lots of people all the time.

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And we have the colonial centre of Ali Keeper with Plaza Diarmas. It's a UNESCO World Heritage Site.

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So it's also quite touristy in that area of the city and then on the left side we have the very vast and extended areas of one of the extension areas of the city.

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This is Korno Norta and pictures taken from leaving the airport and are a keeper in direction north.

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You can see on the left side this is a little bit more consolidated area of one of the Pui Blas Covenes. You can see already built quite solid structures and also a kind of pattern how the city is being designed here.

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And on the right side you can see this is a little further outside the city and also on the outskirts of one of the 3 volcanoes that is surrounding Ali Keeper where they are also starting to build new neighborhoods and all of these businesses happen to school land invasion is also important for what we are discussing later.

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So I have 2 examples for what we call the hybrid production of the city. And this one is about water.

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So the idea of a complete network system determines the discourse on the topic of water still among all expert actors and other keeper.

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The residents are nevertheless aware that the connection to the network could only become reality in a distant future. So what we found out was that where the perspective is particularly uncertain when to be connected to the grid, the informalized production of alternative solutions is most advanced.

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And all of this is happening and this is just context information in an environment where expert predict that relevant water resources will dry up in the 2,000 thirtys.

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So in a very near future whereas no solutions are discussed on how to deal with this problem. So on the left side you can see 2 examples of what this means in practice.

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We have a Sector DS in Paragimo's Ditch Happy. This is the left picture where people started to collect money to build a huge water tank and then construct their own pipes to connect the single houses to a grid.

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This is a quite permanent solution and it also costs a lot of money and this is being done because politicians have told them yeah actually we do have the obligation to connect you to the grid but it will take quite a lot of time so maybe you should start thinking about so that's what they did right then on the right side we have

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Ancholista L Cruce which is on a mountain and you can see on the top picture there's a huge water reservoir.

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But this water reservoir connects the neighborhood next to uncles. So what the city did is they connected this reservoir with the system in one neighborhood and the system in uncles this reservoir with the system in uncles so the water has to flow down to one neighborhood and then go up and that's to flow down to one neighborhood and then go up and that's the picture on the bottom, go up to the other neighborhood to connect and

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list And this works particularly bad because water only works for 2 or 3 HA day between 2 am and 5 am.

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So this is an extremely bad situation for all citizens but at the same time the city tells them oh yeah we are going to connect you to a real grid pretty soon so citizens are not investing money in getting their own system or an even installing their own tanks and building a system similar to Pellegino's De Chuppi, but they're just waiting, accepting a

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really bad situation. And then the second example comes from public transport. Public transport only reaches the new neighborhoods inaquatically, which puts poorer residents and especially women at a disadvantage security issues especially.

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And Angel is to la Cruise and that's the pictures on the left, the further development of the road network is discussed at Sunday Fainas which is meeting ups of all the residents where they are discussing the development of the neighborhoods.

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Here people also take action and build the roads they need themselves. The decisions on outer construction of roads are based on information from other neighborhoods when a provisional street is already built.

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The city administration will put asphalt on the street a lot faster. So obviously they know if they are working themselves on providing first infrastructure basic infrastructure in this case they would just like get to walks out of the mountain and then push them to the city level or to the street level to have like a more even environment to have like a provisional speed

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at least because they know if they do this then the city will start working on the wheeled street a lot faster than before.

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So also this is a hybrid arrangement of having this informal information from the city as being the formal actor and implying it to the own practices of what we need to do first to get things done.

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So under this already the last slide. Why does this matter in the context of housing? For neighbourhoods established by LAND invasion, the availability of central infrastructure is directly linked to the award of land titles.

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Lent titles also increase the value of land. So what is happening is the state says we are giving you the land titles after you invaded land only if you have access to all the important infrastructure.

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So they need water and they need the streets to get their land titles. Live securely on the land that they inhabited, but also to get, for example, loans from the bank.

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Because this is directly linked to the fact of whether they are having a land that has a value or they don't, right?

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The state is controlling the process. Oh no, that this is wrong. Sorry the state is controlling the process of land formalization not infrastructure development.

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Through the central state agency called Kofabi. A FOPE is a huge mechanism super important in Peru that was developed in the detect dictatorship of Fujimori and this one is controlling all the land title awards and it's highly corrupt so all the experts would say it's not working

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at all. So 2 groups of actors could be identified in the neighborhoods. There's research, resource which actors that buy and sell land land trafficking illegally again and poor actors that live in the underserved areas and they live there out of necessity because it's the cheapest way to have a place to live.

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Research which land owners, so the one that do land traffic in many cases can also play an important role in politics and those promote the development of certain pre-ploscovanists more than others.

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So marginalized groups often feel helpless and their need for better infrastructure and land rights were not being well represented in this process.

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Some are my conclusion. There's like a big problem in this mechanism of puffy that is giving the land title if in infrastructure is in place and at the same time Kofi is largely controlled by interest groups that have not the interest of developing the Bible's hoverness in a cool way but of a generating land value

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and profit for a very small group of actors again and this is very closely connected to policies and politics at the same time.

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Yeah, that's it. Thank you.

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Don't take time. Okay, so we've now had Sri Lanka, Peru and Navigator Canada.

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Thanks a lot. A global tour yesterday. The

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Okay, everybody thinks for coming this morning to the morning session towards the end of the conference. My name is Daniel Kudl.

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I'm an assistant professor. In the Department of Sociology at Memorial University of Newfoundland Labrador in Canada and as is normal with these types of things.

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My title has been since changed. When I originally submitted the abstract, sorry, I'm just going to start my timer here.

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To incorporate this language of a nonprofit field, which is an idea I've been tinkering and playing with.

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As I'm trying to make sense of the governance of housing first in the Canadian context. So a lot of my work thus far has focused on basically how social actors justify and implement what we know as neoliberal actors justify and implement what we know as neoliberal actors justify and implement what we know as

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neoliberal actors justify and implement what we know as neoliberal policies and programs. So this has guided a lot of my work.

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I, and implement what we know as neoliberal policies and programs. So this has guided a lot of my work.

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I'm transitioning out to a new area where previously at my dissertation I focused on how private actors revitalize sorry how private actors justify and implement revitalization strategies with the neoliberal sort of mindset.

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And now I'm transitioning to rather than private actors in revitalization to nonprofits and homeless governance more broadly speaking.

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So what's guided a lot of my work has been, really the practices and implementation of neoliberal strategies.

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So today what I'm presenting is more so a theoretical contribution I think that I'm still playing around with in terms of how we can think of neoliberal governance in the context of housing first, which has been sort of a main critique in a lot of the existing literature.

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And the reason why it would drew me to this particular session was the idea of studying housing, the practice of housing and housing policy and also within the context of liberal democratic liberal welfare Canadian state it's not so much an authoritarian focus on implementing housing strategies but as I'll illustrate today it's more about how do we make the

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chronic homeless tolerable in market housing, which is going to be the theme of my presentation today.

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Very quickly, a brief outline of what I'll discuss. I'll very quickly talk about the Canadian federal response to homelessness which in incorporates this housing first model which has become globally dominant at least in the western world.

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I'll then discuss very briefly some of the existing work on housing first and how this has been framed as a neoliberal form of governance.

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So there's a lot of critiques of this emerging in last 5 to 6 years. Quickly, present my research question that's guiding a lot of my work right now and then I'll discuss my research question that's guiding a lot of my work right now and then I'll discuss my theoretical framework which

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is using Bordusian ideas of fields to understand this form of neoliberal governance from sort of a relational standpoint as I'll illustrate.

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I'll present some preliminary qualitative work so I've done 11 interviews thus far in Atlantic Canada of a various social actors that implement housing first strategies so I'll present that and then I'll conclude with some thoughts about how I think nonprofit thinking of the nonprofit field can expand some of the literature on neoliberal urban

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governance in Housing First.

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So the federal strategy is called reaching home Canada's homelessness strategy and like I said it incorporates homelessness strategy and like I said it incorporates the federal government has embraced this strategy and like I said it incorporates the federal government has embraced this housing first model.

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Very briefly stated, Housing First is the idea that housing should be a human right. So you should, provide housing first to people experiencing homelessness followed by wrap-around supports thereafter, which is in contrast to the model of the treatment first approach.

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Which prioritizes first. Solving individual pathologies, then graduating to have permanent housing. So in this case it flips that model and provides permanent secure housing first than wrap-around supports.

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So again, this is the model that the Canadian federal government embraces and in incorporates and the way they do this is through giving local autonomy to what are called designated communities and there I think about 60 across Canada where it follows this I guess neoliberal logic of the government remaining, the federal government, remaining the chief

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funder to these designated communities and giving and downloading the responsibility to enact and implement those policies to local nonprofit organizations.

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So as you see through these promotional, illustrations by the federal government here. They have this ambitious plan to Sorry, I'm just flipping back to my clock here.

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This ambitious plan. To reduce homelessness by the fiscal year of 2,028 by 50% and thus far this this plan has operated in last 9 years and actually I just read a couple weeks ago that it's actually surpassed 3 billion dollars that they've spent on this federal plan.

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In the past 9 years.

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I won't spend too much time on this, but my research area is basically focused on Atlantic Canada, so here's a map of Canada of course and basically the designated communities I'm examining are these bubbles right here and the unique thing about these bubbles on the eastern Canada is that the designated communities are all nonprofit

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organizations in contrast to some of these purple and green dots you see which are more so housed within.

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Governments mean municipal governments, regional governments, provincial governments.

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So very briefly, the way this operates, again, the federal government has the mandate to implement housing first, reduce it by 50% by the fiscal year of 2,028 they give funding to these local designated communities.

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My focus is on these 4 designated communities in Atlantic Canada. Again, these are the designated communities. The nonprofits that then work with existing nonprofits in the local community to then implement that plan.

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So these local nonprofits are all in the homeless sector. Locally in the city where it operates and they all come up with a local community plan to end homelessness and in a sense these organizations, the designated communities are are there to corral to collaborate with these local existing homeless sector actors?

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So like I said, what I think I'm doing at least is contributing a new theoretical insight into housing first and neoliberal governance.

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So there's already some work emerging, in this area around framing housing first within a neoliberal logic.

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A lot of interesting work about I'm explaining that housing first policies really prioritize and emphasize reducing costs so that these policies are only worthy as in the case that they save the public money.

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Interesting work by Hennigan who argues that case workers that are hired as part of the Housing First Program that they in a sense socially control people that are housed by always reminding them that they can be evicted at any moment if they don't behave.

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So in the census, the sort of self-governance aspect by continuously reminding them the threat of eviction in order for them to.

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Behave themselves in a sense within these units. And some interesting work out of Andrew Clarke who's sitting here, his colleagues and some colleagues of mine in Canada also discussing how neoliberal housing policies have actually created these conditions where there's an under supply of affordable housing creating these long wait lists to get onto housing

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first. Programs. So I think my guiding question really is fairly broad. It's it's it's just asking how is it that housing first is actually accomplished, quote unquote, in practice.

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Within this nonprofit field across Atlantic Canada. So what I'll spend the next couple slides explaining is what I mean by this nonprofit field.

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Using these Buddhism ideas from his larger theoretical framework.

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So Wilfred and Cran out of Canada problems in Manitoba published a few papers connecting with Bordeaux's ideas.

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On fields into the homeless serving sector so they define it. As or borrowing from Bordeaux and what quas work they define the nonprofit field as the splintered space of forces that are continuously vying over the definition and the distribution of public goods.

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And as we as many know who are into social theory, when we talk about fields, we're discussing reducing ideas of how these fields are relatively autonomous social domains that have their own distinct logics and set of rules.

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And relatively autonomous is important in the case of my study as we'll see these nonprofit fields are actually interacting with economic fields in order to.

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Connect people experiencing homelessness into the private market which creates some interesting logics at play which I'll highlight And lastly, nonprofit fields are also struggling to control the definition of what is meaningful and valued within its operative space, meaning that there's a set of nonprofit actors that are always defining what what is the best

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possible route. Means to end homelessness and there's this internal competition over mandates, definitions.

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Strategies, techniques. So these nonprofits are continuously struggling over this definition and their struggle within these fields.

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And as we know the nonprofit field has been dominated by neoliberal rationality. We are probably fairly familiar with all the buzzwords of neoliberalism, efficiency, entrepreneurialism.

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Cost effectiveness, measurable outcomes, self-governance.

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And what this this does is Wilfred and Cran argue creates this relational distance. Where within this framework, cost savings is prioritized as I mentioned earlier over social justice framing of ending homelessness.

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So again, homeless policies are only deemed worthy if they're saving money as opposed to actually reducing homelessness and making lives people's lives.

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Better. There's an emphasis and prioritization of technical accountability as opposed to an ethical responsibility to people experiencing homelessness.

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So. These organizations are tasked mostly with ensuring that their mandate the government mandates are fulfilled as opposed to having this Again, responsibility to the housing, to the person experiencing homelessness.

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And a lot of interesting work as well explaining how this neoliberalized logic has been trickled down to quote unquote clients who now internalize these ideas of self governance, efficiency, entrepreneurialism.

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A lot of interesting work in the homeless serving, in the homeless shelters, highlighting these things. So again, coming back to this.

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This is my focus. Is on these designated communities to understand the logics of how the implement housing first.

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And in my context thus far I have only interviewed 11 people in one of these designated communities in the city where I reside in St.

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John's Newfoundland. And I've done 11 interviews mostly with the employees of the designated community, which in this case is called End Homelessness St.

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John's. And I'm just starting to interview. Various representatives from the nonprofit sector.

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Okay, so I'll go over. Some of my data thus far

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And what I've really come across is that there is this lack of supportive social housing. There is a lack of public housing.

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It's over capacity. Hence, this designated community acknowledges this. And is trying to unlock and activate the private market in order to connect people experiencing homelessness to this market.

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So as you see from this quote here, we don't have supportive housing so the private market is what we rely on.

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So as they are now opening up the private market. And trying to connect people experiencing homelessness to landlords.

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They use this language of continuously managing risk. To the landlord. So in the context of St.

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John's Newfoundland, there is basically lineups. News articles highlighting that there's line ups to get into rental housing to even view rental housing so there's all these stories highlighting this.

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So this quote illustrates that it's a hot market. So why would a landlord go through a perceived risk that they might, a person experiencing homelessness might do damage or problems or cause problems.

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So. In order to mitigate that risk of a person experiencing homelessness, You know, causing problems for landlords.

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The designated community provides various financial incentives to reduce that risk onto the landlords so they provide I think about $10,000 liability insurance they provide one-time funding for security deposits.

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One-time funding for clients as government subsidies government supplements are being figured out they provide this one-time supplements in order to reduce the risk that that the landlord is going to lose funding.

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And this really highlights the funding aspect. Succinctly, I think. So in St.

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John's there are 3 sources of rental supplements 2 from the provincial government one from the federal government so the landlord as part of this program receives this various patchwork of funding with different account numbers, different amounts.

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So the task of this designated community, at least one of their employees, is to make this patchwork of government funding comprehensible to the landlord so as you see from this quote here each of these people have different check fund dates they have different formulas, some do bimonthly, some do monthly, we track them

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down, kind of go back, which is more math than I like to do as this employee has acknowledged.

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Another aspect too that they that the designated community highlights here is matchmaking which I find quite interesting. The employee task is to match a person experiencing homelessness properly to a landlord and in this case they kind of not formally interviewed but by having coffee with landlords they try to gauge whether they have a family member that maybe has experienced

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alcoholism, whether they have a family member that has experienced addiction problems, behavioral manic issues, and then they try to match the person experiencing homelessness properly to that.

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Landlords so in this case I need to know where the landlord's tolerances are where I can push the boundaries if I know about them I can match them a bit better.

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Just for the sake of time, I won't focus on this, but also there's this kind of mediating aspect where the designated community employees.

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Try to fix relationships between landlords, a potentially strained relationship between a landlord and a tenant, but I won't focus on this right now.

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Just for the sake of time. Lastly, what's emerged in some of my recent data that I was looking at last week is something a little bit different outside of the landlord aspect is that the designated community is tasked with get gathering data from the from various nonprofit organizations.

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But they're having actually difficulty attaining this data as the rest of the community doesn't really see the use of doing so.

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So here we are seeing some sort of struggles. Of the designated community setting these valuational standards of data.

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So as the designated community representatives said, we're asking folks for data and they're not sure why and how it impacts them but for us it's the accountability we have reducing homelessness requires that transparency so what the designated community does as you see from this bottom quote here is they have these various meetings with nonprofit agencies to try to

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incorporate these data snippet exercises to provide some as they call it data literacy to the rest of the community.

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Yep, so just to conclude, ongoing work still, I still have lots more interviews to do. This is just based off of 11 interviews. I still have lots more interviews to do. This is just based off of 11 interviews in St.

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John's where I reside. But really what I think I'm trying to contribute are at least tinkering around with is that the conceptualizing a housing first and homeless governance as a nonprofit field.

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I think helps us uncover some of these relational logics. And potentially resistance to neoliberal governance.

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In my case, I haven't seen too much resistance, although some of the new interviews that I did just days before I actually flew out here, I've come across some resistance from nonprofit organizations in the mandates that they're in required to do so that that might emerge as a interesting development.

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But also, I think what this framework can help us do is identify how these overlapping fields of power interact.

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So in my case, it's how is it that nonprofits are now? Organizing or at least collaborating with private landlords in this case.

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And I think what it helps us see is. Neil liberalism isn't just a singular policy, it isn't a technology or a set of practices.

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But rather, it's very relational as well. And I think it also helps us this framework also helps us to the last point here.

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Highlight emerging actors in homeless governance as well and in my context is some interesting developments around the use of landlords.

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In housing first. Thank you very much.

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Okay, so now we're moving to South Africa. And David, thanks very much.

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Do you? Maybe not. Okay.

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Okay, good morning. I am Tango. Can you guys hear me? I am sending a call from Coalquai from the University of Northwest.

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In South Africa and I am presenting my study. The study is ongoing. We are looking at rent at DP rentals.

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Our DP is a form of social housing that we provide in South Africa for the disadvantaged.

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So we're looking at this LTP rentals, what we've observed over some time now is that people are actually renting out the very same activity houses that are given by the state.

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And so we wanted to understand this as a form of sustainable livelihood or social social economic survival strategy.

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So, I'm Beckett dwelling or bank at eventing in South Africa is not new.

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It dates back from the 1,900 fiftys. However, when we talk about issues of housing in South Africa, we have to go back to the issues of apartheid because much of the effects that we have in terms of how housing date back to the apartheid era.

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And so through the apartheid what we view is that apartheid was actually the ultimate form of structure of violence which so many of Black South Africans being dispossessing to former homelands of what we call Manchester Stans.

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And so with the new Democrat and this was done basically through the implementation implementation of many apartheid policies such as the Group Act, the Native Lent Act, the native area or urban area land Act and many others that we implemented by the Apartheid government in order to segregate the people of South Africa.

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And so it is for this reason that therefore we have to actually look at issues of apartheid when we try and understand issues of housing in South Africa.

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So fast forward to 1,994 which is our democratic elections that we have and the NC government taking ownership of the land, there was a need for the government to actually try and read address issues of spatial injustices and many other forms of injustices that we had in the country.

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And this was done through the implementation of what we call the Reconstruction Development Program Pan. And through this plan, the aim was that we provide basic services to those who were previously disadvantaged.

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And we see therefore the development of what we call the human settlement department taking form as pay the reconstructed development program and the department is therefore tasked with housing the people of South Africa or sheltering them but also redrawing the special settings with the help of an independent body which is called the Municipal Dimocation

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Board, which works within or with the Human Settlement to really adjust or reshape our special settings today.

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If you still go back to South Africa, you look at our special settings to represent that of the apartheid era.

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From a bunch of stains or the former Banchesterans out of town very far inland you would find majority black South Africans as you move towards urban areas you would find I think here we call them mixed race we call them colored people in South Africa and then you'd find Indians and then in the urban areas you find white South

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African people which they still resemble the apartheid era and this is one of the things that the humans had meant to patent is tasked to restructure these special settings.

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However, this is very hard for the human segment department because for this to happen we need land. And in South Africa as it's then, majority of our land is still in the hands of the minority and to the willing by Ealing Seller program.

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It doesn't seem like it had actually produced much. And therefore this is why in 2,019 our current president Sarah Mafosa had proposed the exploration of land without compensation.

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And this way, therefore, we will be able to then still build these RTP houses. This is a form of ADP house will be able to build this in inland or out of inland but also just move them back into urban areas.

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But we need this land. Currently we have our government have access to rural land. Through the help of traditional leaders.

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However, like I said, evident is still in the hands of the minority, which through the willing by a willing seller program has not released the land.

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And this is why we're now thinking towards exploration of land without compensation. And so for an RDP house for you to be able to qualify for an RDP house, I think I'll just pass my slide.

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You need to be a South African. You need to be married or single. You need to be able to be endless to earning less than 3,500 per month.

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And you need to also be a first time a player or recipient of the subsidy and the home owner.

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But again here the problem that we having is that we have what we call the middle class. These are people who end above 3,500 a month.

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But also unless for them to qualify for the private housing or to be funded by the private sector. And this is what we call the middle class because they fall in the cracks where they are unable to qualify for the RGB house but at the same time they're unable to get funding from a private sector to get houses.

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And so this is where a majority of our tenants or RTP tenants are because you find that majority people that will rent out these RTP houses are people who at the missing middle who are not qualifying for these houses but we also found that students also are renting mostly of these houses but also migrants that have moved to South

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Africa.

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And so we have many policies and this is where our issue with at-depth houses also come in.

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We have more many policies such as the housing white paper, 1,994, just to name a few Housing Act 107 of 1,997.

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We have Rental Housing Act 50 of 1,999 and the breaking new ground 2,004 and this is a new stretch that the RGP or the human segment department has adopted in trying to build our houses or these APP houses.

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If you look at the picture here. There's been slight improvement in these houses. Now they come with solar panels.

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For heating only for heating purposes. Acting like a generator in the house. It also comes with tanks.

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I think we call them Georgia tanks. I don't know what record. So these Jojo tanks are for preservation of rain water which can be used by the community.

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Again, this is mainly because we're still building these houses inland away from urban areas. And so these actually has contributed to issues with very much high unemployment issues.

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But also this building of these houses from other areas contributes again to the issues of unemployment. But the BMG program We now moved away from actually just building houses.

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We're now saying we are building holistic or we have adopted the holistic view into building houses, not just the house, but building a settlement.

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And so we need to take into consideration location of this active settlements and many other factors in ensuring that we indeed develop our people to this house.

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As an example, one of in our previous study that we conducted, we had found that many of our beneficiaries have complained that yes, I get a house and then you leave me with 110 rent.

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A electricity bill, but what happens after it went off? I'm unable to afford these houses because I can't get employment.

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You have left me in areas that are far from urban zones. And it's for this reason, that we are looking at this.

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But also the very same reason in what contributes to what we call RTP houses. Rental sorry so why are we looking at this why would we want to investigate our DP house renting this is because in South Africa it's still illegal or there's an illegal aspect in renting out this social housing that given by the government and

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should you be found to be practising in the active parental, you stand a chance of losing your house.

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Again, this is why also our methodology we had to be very sensitive in trying to preserve the community and but also hide the identities of those who practice at different rentals.

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Right, so.

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The aim of the study basically was to assess backyard or add the parental sector and in its impact on the landlord tenant municipality and human segment department.

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We wanted to actually have all of these stakeholders involved because if you there's pooling factors on both the land we wanted to hear the voice of the Len, why would you?

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Take care risk with Renting at DP houses when you know that you stand a chance of losing it should they find out.

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But also where the reasons for people opting to rent out these IP houses, municipality we wanted to hear from them basically because it has some effects on the provision of basic services by the municipalities.

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We have what we call the municipal democation board and one of the reason why this board was established was to resize municipalities ensuring that they're able to cater to their community, but also that they are accountable to their communities in terms of basic service delivery.

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And one aspect that Mr. Mainly complain about in terms of this bigger dwelling or RDP rentals is that it creates overcrowding which we're trying to do our way with and then actually has issues with terms of provision of services by the municipalities.

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And the Human Settlement Department will be trying to create start conversations basically on them understanding where the policy conflicts one another because in South Africa when you get this artifact house you are given your title deed right and by basis of title the districts that this is my house I can decide what I want to do with it.

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However, you still have the human segment policies saying to you you cannot rent this house out, you cannot sell it and so forth.

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And so we wanted to bring back this conversation to say there seems to be this disjunction of of policy and practice that comes through within this.

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And so as much as the study is still ongoing, we do have some findings because we've been collecting.

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Just methodology we had interviews with tenants. For landlords we did snowballing we used a snow-bolling sampling because we wanted to conceal the identity.

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And then we had also interviews with the human segment practitioners but also the municipalities to try and and act what is taking place within this FDP rental.

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So from our findings, we have the landlords, what they point out so far was issues of unemployment, what it was issues of displacement of them being stood.

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These houses being built in areas that are out of urban zones and so with the higher numbers of unemployment in South Africa they have opted to use their houses.

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So basically what you find happening is that the owner of the ATP house would leave the house. Build a shack in the backyard and then rent the house to whoever is willing to pay as forms of survival.

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But what we've also found out from there is that they've taken a step further. Some are selling these houses.

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Whereas this then becomes a problem for us because once you get the house you are unable to reapply.

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For this house. So why would you do themselves this very same house when you know very well that you're not gonna be able to get a house but also for those working with the new assessment it raises frustrations of the informal sectors that we try to do our way with.

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So when people still keep selling their houses, it means they will go back and act to shake somewhere and then again we still have the same problem going on.

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But they raised issues of unemployment, there is issues that there seems to be they would want the human segment of Harmon and the government to be lenient in understanding the many challenges that they are going through and again issues of disjunction within policies in terms of title build but also the imposed effect of if they find you selling your house or if they

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find you renting your house you still use your house. With the tenants we found that majority of our tenants of those tenants were known qualifiers.

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Do those people like we call the middle class? So they will opt therefore to rent these houses because they cheaper or even buy them from the beneficiaries.

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We found migrants because they don't qualify for any form of housing. And in South Africa, then these are the many people that rent their houses, but also students.

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Especially in urban areas or areas that are. Are surrounding higher institutions of learning. Students have expressed that they prefer renting out these RTP houses.

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As well they provide a form of safety because they are communal living but also because of issues of shortage of scholarships and finding.

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So residence and tuition fees very high. And so basically these are much cheaper to rent out. With the municipality we they've complained about issues of overcrowding issues of slam-like conditions.

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Which they trying to prevent issues of constraints to municipal services, water, sewage and so forth, but also constraints into infrastructure.

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Because these RTP houses are not necessarily big. These are more like 2 bedroom house. And so you find that the population that stays within these houses is way far more than what the house is catered for. Yes, sorry.

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What the house is catered for and sort of complain of that. Cost to municipality also. Currently we're having issues of energy.

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We have what we call load shading taking place and so municipalities have complained to that this also has an effect into issues of power.

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Energy power, lack of policy. They've complain about issues of lack of policy and regulations or help from the human segment department because they have to monitor to ensure that this does not take place.

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And with the human settlement, the main complaint is that issues of land availability. And again the failure of the will and buyer willing seller and so they're pushing for the notion that the government legalized issues of expiration of land without compensation and also for the help from the government in terms of controlling and manpower in

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trying to always look at issues of IP houses. But already you can tell that there is there's a need for us for all this aspect this department to sit together or stakeholders to sit together.

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Because we cannot shine away from the issues of unemployment in Africa and how why RDP houses would be used.

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I back at dwelling seemed to be a viable tool for socioeconomic survival strategies.

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Thank you.

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Okay, thanks very much. That's another move to Brazil. To do so.

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. From Yeah.

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Space

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Anybody can anybody assist?

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So I want to click it. Yeah, right. Just to return to session. Yeah for the person.

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01:06:32.000 --> 01:06:47.000
What's that? Sure. Oh, okay.

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All you have to go exit if you have to go outside and then there should be you. I don't know.

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01:06:54.000 --> 01:07:01.000
No, I can try but Somebody held me yesterday, so I'm like, yeah, stop sharing.

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01:07:01.000 --> 01:07:06.000
Okay.

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No initial. And yeah, now you can ask your presenter to share. He's a hard screen.

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01:07:12.000 --> 01:07:24.000
Okay, thanks very much. Thank you. Thank you. Flavia Hai, Hi Anna.

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Okay.

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01:07:25.000 --> 01:07:30.000
Okay. Are you? Can you hear us? Yeah.

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It's every party. Can everybody see my screen over there? And listen to me.

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And,

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Yeah, yeah, we're okay. Thank you.

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01:07:43.000 --> 01:07:57.000
Is that okay? Oh, okay, fine. I'm presenting the paper that's actually been by myself and my colleague and And I actually have only 10 min for this paper and 10 min for the other paper.

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01:07:57.000 --> 01:07:58.000
Well, you can you can get 15.

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01:07:58.000 --> 01:08:05.000
So I would try to be. Okay, excellent. So, but I would try to be very quick because I talk too much.

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01:08:05.000 --> 01:08:06.000
Okay.

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Yes. I'm afraid. So, we have used actually 3 cases studies, but for the reason of being more concise, I will focus only on the Brazilian team of that case study.

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Yes.

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And this is just to have an overview of Brazil where we are actually 13 h. Light no i don't know how to say that it's it's 22 9 and it is pm on Thursday here.

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So yeah, it's a bit crazy because I'm not released for my work and I can't really follow all the sessions there.

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But basically, Brasili T. Mousa is located in this Red triangle here.

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And just to give an idea of, Refieve, is a seat of contrast and has about 1.5 million inhabitants.

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Of which approximately 50% of the specific population is in for us occupying about 14% of the total area of the and it gave us one of the highest demographic that it is in Latin America.

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And basically looking at. Very briefly and quickly to the map of RCC. We can see here an A that's the location for It is really well located close to the city centre where we used to have.

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Central Harvard has been it's no in use any longer and has been We need like any other large harbors worldwide.

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01:09:53.000 --> 01:09:54.000
Hi.

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It has been removed for another location and there has been urban renovations over there.

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And one of the highest. Land values areas are here in grain and this is where the airport is located.

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01:10:07.000 --> 01:10:15.000
So one can imagine that there is a high. Market pressure for win, removal of them. Low income families living there.

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This is how Brazilian Tamosea used to leave. Used to be in the thirties and early forties when it was like really just a new query and people started to occupy the land.

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Very slowly but in 7 to 5 more or less in 7 days and eighties it became fully crowded.

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01:10:38.000 --> 01:10:58.000
And as you can see from this picture here. And this is how Brazil. Looks like today it is really densified very close to this high rise buildings for hours standard here for really middle and high classes.

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Residence so you can see here there's a huge pressure on the housing land market to almost to replace, Brazil with this, quite fancy.

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Where, residential units but also off and. Yeah, but basically office users as well.

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01:11:21.000 --> 01:11:29.000
And just to have an idea. More or less to situate people about the Brazilian situation we, used to have like very active social movements.

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Up to the late 19 fifties. But we were more or less stopped by a military regime that was over 64 to 9 to 85 but it was during this period that our national housing bank started and it actually appeared to be a common feature in a whole lot in America.

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And and, we are very proud to be this the birthplace of a Zay's policy which is the birthplace of a Zais policy which is specialisms of social interest.

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But was mainly developed and implemented by the World Bank and they initiated this program in RCC and in Belarusonti at the same time which was to legalize land tenure and to improve with housing conditions of people living in favelas.

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But it was enacted as a, law just in 1987 by the precise law.

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It was only 1988 that we had our due constitution enacted. And the first elected president after the military regime was really in 1990.

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So we are now facing a prospect of 35 years of democracy. And we should see what happens during this period.

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Very briefly. Basically to have an idea of Brazil it has about 65 hectares and because it is really well located everyone can imagine that there is a huge pressure.

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For the land market to redevelop I mean for the investors who developed the area So I think we need to get, an idea else about, the dichotomy in terms of youth rights and exchange right.

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Value sorry and how densification can make a little bit more difficult for people living in the area.

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So the nature of use values really more related to those individuals who live in the area. Who started by invaded the land, occupying the land or even buy out subletting or whatever.

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Reason how they actually money to get access to housing land. And but also because of the tolerance of either by the long donor or the state that people actually have managed to leave and survive in therefore quite 5 or 6 decades right now.

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The nature of exchange values, we all know about that is really the first in terms of, land prices and how much one is able to and also We need to pay for a piece of land or even a housing unit.

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In terms of densification where it can be incremental which is more the case that we are looking at and intense sometimes in a lot open development project.

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But you in reality, a combination of both for queues and it's really hard to measure what is going on in and right now.

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So this is the kind of, development that has been. I'll queueing nearby Brazil.

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It's really on the seaside. And it's like for really high income groups. And this is where you closer to Brazil to Mosa, which is, Small office buildings, but also.

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Let's not in the picture. There's also some residential areas as well. And this is a view from, to the the neighborhoods.

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I mean to the a landscape that is coming that is really happening right now due to radicalization and the intensification of land use.

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And this is just to say that, colorization is happening in Brazil as well. And this is just to show more or less the kind of, research that we conducted to figure out.

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How people gain access to land, to beauty materials, to credit to building skills. And how they have developed over time and improved their housing conditions, which was more.

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Like an incremental way of doing this. And this is to say that those who have remained and survived.

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All those, governmental interventions and also the market. Interventions in the area have managed to gain some benefits from the urbanization process.

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But in reality, what we can see here, which is a nice, road alongside the river or the SAID side.

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It's actually the There was a removal of about 500 families to get these nice and access road.

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So what we

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Found out was as expected people are still having needs and demands and prioritizing access to credit, building materials, building skills, which there is nothing new on that.

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Oh

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But there are also some intangible needs and demands that were also highlighted. Because these people have been living there for quite a long time.

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And they are there for at least 3 or 4 generations. So they are facing problems with, secession disputes.

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And mainly because I mean there are multiple spouses and partners. Won't get, get married again, not necessarily divorced or married, but they split them, from their partner, children from different powerouses and their surrogate children as well.

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Many kind of things. And kind of family types that we can find there and there is a huge problem.

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In secession, dispute resolutions. So I think that and at least here we have to start facing this problem.

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And trying to design policies that do not only face. And focus on assets, assets to credit, building materials.

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Physical. Things, but also those unfeasible ones, soft. Indicators that can perpetuate and guarantee, tenure security for the residents living there for over generations.

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01:18:08.000 --> 01:18:17.000
Yeah, and there is another aspect here which is land value. Just to have a quick, look.

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Could you start, finishing off? It's nice.

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Okay, yeah, okay. So, the highest price value, the highest price that we found in Brazil was about $66,000.

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For a housing unit and also, if we can calculate very quickly the value of the whole Brazilian If we, somebody wants to, develop the area, it is around 12 with trillion dollars less the development costs.

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Here you have a summary of the calculation of course, but I'm not going to explain.

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But what I mean is just that there is this problem. Difficulties to get and maintain their housing just because of the increased land value and all the pressure that the land markets are also putting into the And just to reveal the the location of.

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And see the the kind of models that the government have developed, not necessarily there is over, I mean, somewhere.

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But it's just to say that when they replace the existing neighborhood, they come with this idea, but also in terms of Razi.

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That's the, new scenario that is coming. And what we claim is that the manager is state that the model that we are having in Brazil most, I'm assuming that in most developing countries as well.

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Maybe inefficient through the structure weakness of favour and efficiency because, they are trying to, to make efficiency more.

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Strong instead of, sharing responsibilities and towards, making, the poorest leave a better.

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So, what happened was the consolidation of that exclusively and sustainable spatial model bring forth the gentrification process.

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And there is a very low level of participation for the urban pool. And in what we. Seeing here is that invisible hand of markers that not adjust the mechanism of assistance.

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Demands and the permanence of the poor high value housing areas appear to be unattainable. Thank you.

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Right, so you got another in this.

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Yes, I just hope I can Go out to do that.

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01:20:52.000 --> 01:20:59.000
Justin mentioned, could you? I mean, I think.

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01:20:59.000 --> 01:21:00.000
Yeah.

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Thanks very much.

437
01:21:02.000 --> 01:21:06.000
Thank you.

438
01:21:06.000 --> 01:21:20.000
So this more or less explains a little bit in. Better the other paper. But, this is about, what is the underline, things.

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Yes.

440
01:21:21.000 --> 01:21:24.000
Flavio, we can't see your presentation. We can't see your presentation.

441
01:21:24.000 --> 01:21:31.000
Oh, right. I thought I was sharing the

442
01:21:31.000 --> 01:21:32.000
Oh, sorry for that. I thought I have stopped.

443
01:21:32.000 --> 01:21:34.000
And maybe maybe just reshare it. Just stop sharing and then share it again. Have you been?

444
01:21:34.000 --> 01:21:36.000
So you got 10 min for this one.

445
01:21:36.000 --> 01:21:39.000
Okay, that's perfect. Can you see it?

446
01:21:39.000 --> 01:21:43.000
No, still not working.

447
01:21:43.000 --> 01:21:47.000
Nope. I have stopped sharing.

448
01:21:47.000 --> 01:21:48.000
Yeah.

449
01:21:48.000 --> 01:21:51.000
Yes. And then I started sharing.

450
01:21:51.000 --> 01:21:55.000
Yes. Yep, no it works.

451
01:21:55.000 --> 01:22:01.000
Oh, thank you. Okay, I don't know what I did wrong.

452
01:22:01.000 --> 01:22:02.000
Nice.

453
01:22:02.000 --> 01:22:17.000
So this paper is more to explain the underline. Picture on the part of the government. Actions and policies and also the role of the markets.

454
01:22:17.000 --> 01:22:32.000
So this is just to elaborate a little bit more on the market driven process of London lever which has been implemented in a way that is not clearly stated.

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01:22:32.000 --> 01:22:45.000
Friday housing policies no by the most internationally speaking how people, really

456
01:22:45.000 --> 01:22:57.000
Gosh. Reference the idea of for example, housing from a bottom up perspective, but in fact maybe endorsing.

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01:22:57.000 --> 01:23:20.000
Housing market approaches. So the assumption here is that they were assumptions or arguments as starting point. Is that the state has failed to promote policies and mechanisms to tackle the growing qualities of income distribution, but also the markets and simultaneously market-led provision of housing.

458
01:23:20.000 --> 01:23:27.000
Land seems so equally being capable of tackling the growing social inequalities of the country. That is this idea that might be happens.

459
01:23:27.000 --> 01:23:44.000
Somewhere internationally as well. So, housing policy has always been important to, successive governments in Brazil and Mostly everywhere.

460
01:23:44.000 --> 01:23:54.000
Because it's a barometer of the how the economy is going on and it really says as.

461
01:23:54.000 --> 01:24:07.000
Approve that the economy is going well. As the opposite when the economy is not going well, that's one of the main, sector that has it is affected.

462
01:24:07.000 --> 01:24:19.000
So, in Brazil, the welfare state policies were not really exactly as happens in Europe. For example, it was implemented during the military regime.

463
01:24:19.000 --> 01:24:30.000
And it was not to oppose to socialists but to give power and

464
01:24:30.000 --> 01:24:44.000
The efficiency to the military regime. The pool only gain access to webinar through legal or informal initiatives and before that period and during that period as well.

465
01:24:44.000 --> 01:25:10.000
Through land invasion, plot subdivisions and welfare state policies. And exactly try to change that but in reality it did not work but because it was really controlling done the location process from about it was really top down perspective even though they try really hard to do sometimes within the reopening of democracy to do a button up.

466
01:25:10.000 --> 01:25:19.000
And mailing the results of that was. The removal of favelas and replacing existing families.

467
01:25:19.000 --> 01:25:33.000
In your city center to outside the main major to periphery But we see the reopening of democracy after the military regime in 1985.

468
01:25:33.000 --> 01:25:50.000
What happened was really the opposite. We thought that through democracy we could, finally empower the poor.

469
01:25:50.000 --> 01:25:51.000
Okay.

470
01:25:51.000 --> 01:25:57.000
Through lowing more button up, housing programs, but in reality what happened was, there was a withdrawal state.

471
01:25:57.000 --> 01:26:08.000
And market mechanisms were not able to provide and supply housing that the book would afford. So with this progressive we've draw of the state.

472
01:26:08.000 --> 01:26:24.000
There was a deficiency. In the formal housing attendance for the local income households, sorry. And both the state in the market appeared to be neglecting the demands of the poor.

473
01:26:24.000 --> 01:26:40.000
And what happened was both Now, in the past, housing finances, providers and developers such as governments, private developers and International funding nations such as for example the World Bank.

474
01:26:40.000 --> 01:27:04.000
Or even at the international. I BD. I forgot how to say that in English. Have helping to put housing service by allocating resources to improve the supply of informal housing but in a way that not do not necessarily have target the What happened was decisions have earned markets resources according to affordability of the pool.

475
01:27:04.000 --> 01:27:22.000
And what happened was the informal. Networks, housing networks have collapsed because they have to just to a formal, body for example to organize themselves as a

476
01:27:22.000 --> 01:27:41.000
Community organization. That was happening outside this formal infrastructure, but in a way that they have to conduct a election, this kind of thing that really broke down they exist next is extra structure.

477
01:27:41.000 --> 01:27:51.000
And so what happened was they pull out of necessity rather than choice. Continue this struggle to acquire housing through both legal and legal, self help mechanisms.

478
01:27:51.000 --> 01:28:03.000
And even they had to fade into. The housing programmes and profiles as well. So what happened was Sure.

479
01:28:03.000 --> 01:28:04.000
Okay. So

480
01:28:04.000 --> 01:28:06.000
2 min, okay. Time.

481
01:28:06.000 --> 01:28:16.000
I can skip that I think. So in Brazil in most countries subsequently undertaken the new labor economic and government reform package.

482
01:28:16.000 --> 01:28:27.000
Housing policies were strongly criticised for being inefficient and insufficient to tackle urban poverty and accommodate a huge number of people who needed housing most.

483
01:28:27.000 --> 01:28:39.000
What we saw was that meanwhile in 4 months and illegal segments continue to provide at an unprecedented rate.

484
01:28:39.000 --> 01:29:00.000
Nor the government's, policies, nor the markers were able to full field is even though there are some successful examples in this in in Brazil such as in the city, San Paulo, Belarusonti, there are more isolated cases than general rule.

485
01:29:00.000 --> 01:29:19.000
And social needs in terms of tenor security and housing supply for them who remain vast. And despite the rhetoric of promoting access to legal housing to land for all, which that located strongly in Brazil as elsewhere in the developing world.

486
01:29:19.000 --> 01:29:26.000
The outcome remains is illusory. Thank you very much.

487
01:29:26.000 --> 01:29:33.000
And if you have to have a look at that one chapter in each book that might be interesting for you if you want to.

488
01:29:33.000 --> 01:29:35.000
Thank you.

489
01:29:35.000 --> 01:29:45.000
Thanks very much. Okay, so let's open up for questions. Dual 6 presenters.

490
01:29:45.000 --> 01:29:56.000
Thank you. Very interesting papers.

491
01:29:56.000 --> 01:30:05.000
Ask you the presenters. I thought the question is. Any questions? Any?

492
01:30:05.000 --> 01:30:25.000
Yeah. Great, thank you. Okay.

493
01:30:25.000 --> 01:30:46.000
This is a question for Ivanka Fernando. I was just wondering how the high rises were funded and how much do people have to pay to actually be there because it seemed that They were, I'm just assuming now, but were they going from a situation where they didn't have to pay to a situation where

494
01:30:46.000 --> 01:30:55.000
they actually had to pay in the rent or they had to buy those apartments or yeah just wondering what what the situation was.

495
01:30:55.000 --> 01:30:58.000
Thank you.

496
01:30:58.000 --> 01:31:10.000
We don't have the 40'clock listening to them. You want to answer that quickly?

497
01:31:10.000 --> 01:31:11.000
Right here too.

498
01:31:11.000 --> 01:31:13.000
It's, it's a follow-up to that. A banker. I have another question for you which is about the highways buildings and I just wondering whether there have been lots of Hi.

499
01:31:13.000 --> 01:31:14.000
Can you hear us?

500
01:31:14.000 --> 01:31:32.000
Sorry, the, it's not very clear. We can't hear too well about what is being said.

501
01:31:32.000 --> 01:31:33.000
Yeah, not, no, it's fine. Thank you.

502
01:31:33.000 --> 01:31:35.000
Yeah. You want to be, but, Yeah, just quickly. Hello, can you hear me? Yes. Thank you for your presentation.

503
01:31:35.000 --> 01:31:41.000
I was just wondering what the change was between when they lived before to when they went into the apartment. So did they have to buy those apartments?

504
01:31:41.000 --> 01:31:46.000
To when they went into the apartment. So did they have to buy those apartments? Do they have to pay rent or and how are those apartments?

505
01:31:46.000 --> 01:31:55.000
Do they have to pay rent? And how are those apartment blocks financed?

506
01:31:55.000 --> 01:31:59.000
Thanks.

507
01:31:59.000 --> 01:32:00.000
Hello.

508
01:32:00.000 --> 01:32:18.000
Hi, I'manga. So my question is whether there had been cultural tensions because in many cases they had been cultural tensions because in many cases people who had to relocate to high-risk buildings they are not used to that type of housing and that creates lots of new adjustment but it's more about the everyday activities that

509
01:32:18.000 --> 01:32:28.000
they have to do so I was wondering whether you have any comments on that. Thank you.

510
01:32:28.000 --> 01:32:29.000
Okay.

511
01:32:29.000 --> 01:32:31.000
I shouldn't respond to it. Other questions for the other speakers as well?

512
01:32:31.000 --> 01:32:35.000
I think you are maybe answer those 2 questions.

513
01:32:35.000 --> 01:32:36.000
Okay. So, right, yeah, so I think I'll respond.

514
01:32:36.000 --> 01:32:45.000
Yeah, sorry. Okay. Okay. Yeah, just respond I think.

515
01:32:45.000 --> 01:32:52.000
Okay, great. Thank you. Yeah, so regarding the first question, I think, yeah, there was a, change.

516
01:32:52.000 --> 01:33:07.000
So a lot of the people who lived in what those are people who had built in a way that they had sort of built their houses and had got some form of land entitlement documentation.

517
01:33:07.000 --> 01:33:15.000
So in a way they became when they were shifted to high rises, there was a sense that they had to pay their government.

518
01:33:15.000 --> 01:33:33.000
So there was a change definitely in terms of like land tenure and entitlement and they had to pay well at about 3,000 rupees, 3 Lananan rupees that is, so that's I need to do the maths and sorry.

519
01:33:33.000 --> 01:33:51.000
Yeah, that's about it's actually quite a small amount but that's over 30 years that they had to pay this amount and again we are talking about daily wage earners so they generally have like about, I think.

520
01:33:51.000 --> 01:33:57.000
That their daily income is about, 2 to 3 pounds or like, yeah, about 2 to $3 a day.

521
01:33:57.000 --> 01:34:03.000
So that's a very like when you are trying to pay all of that plus you have increased consumption.

522
01:34:03.000 --> 01:34:27.000
Earlier they were kind of relying on maybe common amenities. So having to be like in this kind of it was up for social mobility for them and I think they they did appreciate it so it's not I'm not saying that there wasn't a material improvement but there was a lot of precarity in terms of the

523
01:34:27.000 --> 01:34:43.000
increased. The kind of consumption rates but also the inictedness. And also because they had to kind of match up to the upward social mobility and fit into a almost middle class lifestyle.

524
01:34:43.000 --> 01:35:00.000
There was a sense of them having to take things out on loans. So the furniture that they took, the TVs, the equipment, all of that and all that kind of created a great strain on their lives in terms of cultural tensions.

525
01:35:00.000 --> 01:35:07.000
Yes, there were. So, the originally I think the what the communities are very heterogeneous.

526
01:35:07.000 --> 01:35:37.000
But in the sort of relocation process there were people brought in from different places in Kalambo so more than well there was ethanol religious tension not so much maybe but it was more kind of place based and belonging based problems that occurred and particularly with so in there were kind of, attacks

527
01:35:37.000 --> 01:35:55.000
like, it empty, there was like in the religious violence in 2,019 in 2,019 in April and that exacerbated the sort of 19 in April and that exacerbated the sort of anti, the kind of, the, the kind of, the, the kind

528
01:35:55.000 --> 01:36:04.000
of, the kind of, where the discrimination against particular minority, ties groups, which created attention within the, against particular minority ties groups, which created a against particular minority ties groups, which created attention within the, community.

529
01:36:04.000 --> 01:36:07.000
So it was not the initial stages was because of a tension within the community. So it was not the initial stages was because of.

530
01:36:07.000 --> 01:36:21.000
So it was not the initial stages was because of, the sort of relocation, but later on it was also because of the initial stages was because of the sort of relocation but later on it was also because of some of these other crises and also Kovat where there was a lot of anti Muslim sentiment which was very much a construct of

531
01:36:21.000 --> 01:36:28.000
the Muslim sentiment which was very much a construct of the state and kind of majority minority kind of ethnic violence.

532
01:36:28.000 --> 01:36:33.000
Yeah, which created a tensions. So it was all these different factors.

533
01:36:33.000 --> 01:36:45.000
Thanks very much. Okay, Andrew, do you wanna come up?

534
01:36:45.000 --> 01:36:50.000
Thank you very much to all the speakers, Andrew Klot from the University of New South Wales here.

535
01:36:50.000 --> 01:36:58.000
Alan, could I be greedy and ask 2 questions of New South Wales here. Alan, could I be greedy and asked 2 questions. Yeah, okay. Thank you.

536
01:36:58.000 --> 01:37:03.000
First I wanted to ask, I'd be greedy and ask 2 questions.

537
01:37:03.000 --> 01:37:13.000
Yeah, okay, thank you. First I wanted to ask, about, I, your presentation was really interesting and I was really interested in the kind of dynamic, all the kinds of relationships that are emerging between, poorer if I've understood you correctly.

538
01:37:13.000 --> 01:37:31.000
Poorer communities who are able to access social housing and middle class residents that are kind of in this in-between thing and they've kind of sort of got this economic relationship going on which is you know potentially pathological but seems to have some degree of mutual benefit.

539
01:37:31.000 --> 01:37:43.000
I wondered if there was any kind of emerging political solidarity between those 2 classes because clearly the housing situation isn't really working for either and they've kind of got this.

540
01:37:43.000 --> 01:37:51.000
You know, hodgepodge sort of response and what and if there is kind of broad class support for the expropriation.

541
01:37:51.000 --> 01:38:01.000
Policy that you said has been floated. That would be really interesting to hear. And my second question is for again, and you won't be surprised that I have a question.

542
01:38:01.000 --> 01:38:22.000
Because what you're describing is happening in Australia as well with some housing first programs that are in Australia as well with some Housing First programs that are in trying to engage with the private market.

543
01:38:22.000 --> 01:38:33.000
Emerging where you sort of got state nonprofit and market actors that are all sort of being implicated in this sort of attempt to govern homelessness.

544
01:38:33.000 --> 01:38:49.000
And whether or not the sort of Bordeauxian field framework is sufficiently flexible to capture that. I actually find those kind of categories a little too rigid and and it doesn't quite captured the blaring of these kind of what you would call fields here.

545
01:38:49.000 --> 01:38:55.000
So you've got the bureaucratic nonprofit in the market. And if you might want to comment on that.

546
01:38:55.000 --> 01:39:06.000
Thank you. Yes. Let me start with the extrapolation. Because it's a very interesting conversations that we'll be having.

547
01:39:06.000 --> 01:39:14.000
The conversation I think they started in 2,017 but till date we still have nothing sorted going on because it's not an easy task.

548
01:39:14.000 --> 01:39:23.000
Our constitution indicates that that Africa is for all that live in South Africa and so we need and again we don't want to go back to our past the violence and all of that.

549
01:39:23.000 --> 01:39:32.000
So we're trying to find, we've been in a lot of discussions. Right in a lot of debates trying to find What best way, what does this interpretation mean?

550
01:39:32.000 --> 01:39:44.000
And how will it affect issues of race and color in South Africa. So it's still ongoing conversation and this is why we still have no policy we still have print papers that we are still commenting on.

551
01:39:44.000 --> 01:39:55.000
And we the government has not pushed it because we want to have it running in a smooth. Crosses so that we don't really love each other wrong and you know that our country is one filled with issues.

552
01:39:55.000 --> 01:40:13.000
We dating back in issues of colonialism. In terms of the second question, yes, there seems to be the solidarity forming between the middle and the lower class because again the lower class the middle class is the tenants they went from them What the government has done, we have what we call social housing where it's

553
01:40:13.000 --> 01:40:23.000
rental targeting the middle class so that they have an option of renting but again they are not as efficient or as as pay the lower class.

554
01:40:23.000 --> 01:40:29.000
They are not as efficient or as as pay the lower class they still offer higher quality they still have sorry in terms of the lower class they still offer higher quality they still have sorry in terms of finance for buying those apartments.

555
01:40:29.000 --> 01:40:32.000
They still have, sorry, in terms of finance for buying those apartments. And so again, if you look at, sorry, in terms of finance for buying those apartments.

556
01:40:32.000 --> 01:40:37.000
And so again, if you look at 3.5 in South Africa at dollar with to our end, 10 rent, 2 at door last time 12.

557
01:40:37.000 --> 01:40:42.000
So if you look at 3,500, it's not much, right? And just put in the effect that maybe I'm paid 4,000 rent.

558
01:40:42.000 --> 01:40:49.000
It's really disqualified me from getting a subsidy house. But it doesn't mean that I'm making a lot of money.

559
01:40:49.000 --> 01:40:58.000
And so again, there we're still finding ways and game conversations are the social houses that we have that we're providing to us are not again.

560
01:40:58.000 --> 01:41:11.000
As accessible to the middle class. So they need to be a focus now driving towards the middle class. We have achieved with the lower class we building in houses even though we're still stagnant but there's no program targeting the middle class.

561
01:41:11.000 --> 01:41:20.000
And should the skip going on then we keep having issues of They care dwelling and Thanks very much.

562
01:41:20.000 --> 01:41:28.000
Yeah, thanks, Andrew. Yeah, so your questions about, It's a reducing framework too, I guess, rigid and it's kind of conceptualization of a field.

563
01:41:28.000 --> 01:41:39.000
Yeah, and I've been thinking about this and like I said I'm going back to reading good year last time I was reading and was during my you know copyrights of exams in my PhD.

564
01:41:39.000 --> 01:41:54.000
On my long flight back to Canada and I came here rereading some of those words but yeah this is something I'm thinking about but I think really my emphasis is on the definition of these fields are relatively autonomous and I think that we're relatively as important.

565
01:41:54.000 --> 01:42:14.000
So I think methodologically some studies have really studied it rigidly, I guess, fields and in various different you know sub fields but but yeah I guess my emphasis is on how is it that these logics overlap and some of the contradictions tensions right So yeah, I don't know.

566
01:42:14.000 --> 01:42:27.000
I haven't thought about that. But yeah, I think you're right. There's so many different things that play in terms of you know state activating designated communities which then are this sort of semi-states, am I, nonprofit sector?

567
01:42:27.000 --> 01:42:36.000
So there's a lot to unpack there that I'm in centralizing. We've certainly talked more about it.

568
01:42:36.000 --> 01:42:43.000
Okay, could you come to the show? Thanks very much. All right. Thanks for that wonderful papers, everyone.

569
01:42:43.000 --> 01:42:52.000
And my name is Lotha. My question is to Anna. Sorry, I'm not much familiar with South African housing, so you might have fade, but I didn't probably miss it.

570
01:42:52.000 --> 01:43:00.000
My question is like, I know about Bangladesh where like some laws, they often build house and then rent it.

571
01:43:00.000 --> 01:43:18.000
So when you were talking about like the people who are selling their apartments is that like social housing middle class or is that someone like like poor people are in that house or in some areas and they are kind of getting that house and then they're selling it to someone else.

572
01:43:18.000 --> 01:43:27.000
Can you just clarify? Thank you. Yes. So with the RTP house, like I said, you only qualify if you meet the criteria which leaves off the middle class.

573
01:43:27.000 --> 01:43:35.000
These are people who have qualified for the house, got the house and selling it. Right, and this is the major problem that we're now having.

574
01:43:35.000 --> 01:43:41.000
This takes back to why would you sell a house? Because you can only apply once. So they're selling them to the middle class.

575
01:43:41.000 --> 01:43:50.000
Which are very acceptance of their offer, which therefore says there is an issue here with the middle class that we need to look at the middle class that we need to look at if we try to solve.

576
01:43:50.000 --> 01:44:03.000
The RTP and the selling of these ATP issues in these houses. Yeah. Thanks very much.

577
01:44:03.000 --> 01:44:12.000
So yes, I'm not from this group. I'm from the sociology of risk, but I work with the homeless and I am Brazilian so I also want to ask the Brazilian question.

578
01:44:12.000 --> 01:44:29.000
So I was very interested about your work in Canada and this is about the matching that you said the matching that the NGOs do I think that's the matching that you said, the matching that the NGOs do.

579
01:44:29.000 --> 01:44:46.000
I think that's the kind of work that really transposes the categories that we usually work. In the field and then we see NGO practicing translation work and maybe from what I've been looking at with the homeless in Brasilia.

580
01:44:46.000 --> 01:45:05.000
And the work of NGOs. Trying to build. Bridges to access things as housing or benefits or public services of health and education is this network very, and this is what I want to maybe.

581
01:45:05.000 --> 01:45:17.000
Tell you that it's been promising for me a more lecturian kind of perspective because these synapses, they work and they don't work and it's very risky.

582
01:45:17.000 --> 01:45:28.000
That's why I'm into sociology of risk. And I've been finding very fruitful to go through the anthropology of brokers.

583
01:45:28.000 --> 01:45:39.000
Literature. About this. So this is something I was thinking and I wanted to hear from you for this anthropology of risk, anthropology of brokers.

584
01:45:39.000 --> 01:45:49.000
It's very important the competing rationalities between NGOs and between government services so that there is some space.

585
01:45:49.000 --> 01:45:55.000
For resistance and for different kinds of agencies to take place. And I think this matching thing is you should give some importance to that.

586
01:45:55.000 --> 01:46:08.000
Because it's really an important work that is being done. And then I want to ask the Brazilian friend.

587
01:46:08.000 --> 01:46:20.000
You said a lot about the pressures, but how about the practices of resistances? I mean, Brasilia Teamoza means Brazil stern.

588
01:46:20.000 --> 01:46:28.000
And it is a stubborn place. It's there in the middle of the, I mean the most important and the most a prestigious place in Hassifi and is still there.

589
01:46:28.000 --> 01:46:43.000
What is what is happening? How does it resist? Maybe this is the very interesting question that we should be asking so that we could maybe, I don't know, give value to it in our society.

590
01:46:43.000 --> 01:46:56.000
Thank you. Okay. That's true.

591
01:46:56.000 --> 01:47:01.000
Yeah, I'll quickly make a point as I know we're running it time, but yeah, thanks for those comments.

592
01:47:01.000 --> 01:47:06.000
I know we're running at time, but yeah, thanks for those comments and yeah, I've been trying to make sense of those comments and yeah I've been trying to make sense of that mediary role that you saidve been trying to make sense of that mediary role that you said and that sort of translation that's

593
01:47:06.000 --> 01:47:13.000
happening. Yeah, I'll have to dip into the brokers. Oh, sorry. I'm sorry.

594
01:47:13.000 --> 01:47:20.000
Yeah, I'll have to dip into that brokers literature that you're describing because this is like I said a new area I'm navigating.

595
01:47:20.000 --> 01:47:30.000
So maybe you could chat after. But yeah, I guess just a quick comment. You know, I worked with some of the tour in the assemblage theory throughout my dissertation, which is informed by the towards work.

596
01:47:30.000 --> 01:47:47.000
And my only frustration with that body of work is that it kind of conceptualizes social actors sort of these non-humans in a sense and it's like these connections between you know things and objects whereas I'm interested in the meaning making process and seeing social actors as sort of these active agents.

597
01:47:47.000 --> 01:47:53.000
So that's just a quick comment on on that. But yeah, certainly I've dipped into some that worked too in the past, but.

598
01:47:53.000 --> 01:47:58.000
Left more after. Thank you. Flavio, you want to give a quick answer?

599
01:47:58.000 --> 01:48:07.000
Yeah, sure. Thank you for the excellent question. Yes, it's Tob and Brasilia has been remaining there, because one, it is an informal settlement.

600
01:48:07.000 --> 01:48:20.000
So that the formal market cannot really just go there and buy. But we know it for a fact that there is one person that claims to want about 250 houses.

601
01:48:20.000 --> 01:48:30.000
And Brazil, which means that it has been buying and I'm not illegal form when you're doing formal way.

602
01:48:30.000 --> 01:48:47.000
In, expecting that when, because it's a, when it ends up being the then it might go directly to the formal market and this person might be able to claim.

603
01:48:47.000 --> 01:48:56.000
The ownership of this 200 over 250 houses over there. So that is one of the reasons because it is informal.

604
01:48:56.000 --> 01:49:14.000
So the formal market is not really, fully able to buy it and to develop as they wanted to but There was a redesign that the limit where was redesign it.

605
01:49:14.000 --> 01:49:32.000
To allow the development of too high rise building over that so that is this apprehension among people that are living there also and all those who are in favour of the residents of Brazil to Mosa.

606
01:49:32.000 --> 01:49:41.000
That the error can just be. Redefine it and not be, declared as days any longer.

607
01:49:41.000 --> 01:49:46.000
So it will be more or less automatically put into market. Thank you.

608
01:49:46.000 --> 01:50:00.000
Alright, thanks very much. Can I just ask Christian a question quickly to finish off the session? Now I was very interested in the slack hybridity aspects size was I was wondering is it how organized is it?

609
01:50:00.000 --> 01:50:08.000
I mean just like leaders emerge you know to organize these like road clearing etc and then what's the way of the very significant increases in population.

610
01:50:08.000 --> 01:50:12.000
We are people coming from and Maybe you could, respond to, yeah, sure. So they are organized pretty well.

611
01:50:12.000 --> 01:50:26.000
There's this neighborhood associations and they're having the Sunday for aas which are like group meetings where all the people would come and discuss.

612
01:50:26.000 --> 01:50:32.000
And that also works on an up like a toy basis so people have to pay a fine if they are not showing up.

613
01:50:32.000 --> 01:50:45.000
Yeah, well, so it's it's voluntary. And then, many people are coming from poor areas of Kharou and the more northern part of Ali Keeper that's coming from poor areas of Kharou and the northern part of Ali Keeper that's Puno and close

614
01:50:45.000 --> 01:50:50.000
to Bahraini Di Kaka and those places are so many people are migrants coming from the same country.

615
01:50:50.000 --> 01:50:56.000
Mostly it's in a Peruvian movement so it's not there's a lot of Winnipeg people.

616
01:50:56.000 --> 01:51:08.000
But they would much rather live in the city centre. Also in marginalized areas. But in that where it was obvious it's Peruvians who know about how to deal with this.

617
01:51:08.000 --> 01:51:10.000
Land invasion practices. And they also know on how to get things done to get their land titles in the end.

618
01:51:10.000 --> 01:51:22.000
All right. Thanks very much. Right, thanks to all the speakers and thanks to the audience. Very, very interesting session.

619
01:51:22.000 --> 01:51:26.000
Thank you.