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Very sorry for the location. Excellent. So is now being people are correct? Can we just start?

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Well, thank you very much for being here in this session. Organized by are RC, 31 research committee on international migration.

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We are very pleased to have a very nice and powerful list of presenters here from several countries of the world thinking about how precarity is being produced by the world system and trying to understand how those forms of precarity can be disentangle can be transformed.

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And before we start, I would like to acknowledge that most of the nation states in the world system states in the world system have been built upon the dispossession states in the world system have been built upon the dispossession and annihilation of the First Nations around the world.

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And here we are gathered in a in in a in the in in the NARM. A culture and we want to acknowledge the past and present cooling nation,undee who roomed as the sovereign people here.

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The Cultural Knowledge Holders who maintain and promote The Narm Aub Aboriginal Law Customs and Custodian Shim responsibilities for country and the people that country continues to sustain, generation after generation into the future for all of us.

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I or we recognize the important contribution that First Nations thinkers have made to sociology in including challenges to our dominant ways of thinking.

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We thank all First Nations delegates in the room today for their contributions to knowledge and the discipline. After this acknowledgement, I would like to introduce or I would like to give the floor to Sarah Walker.

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From the University of Bologna, United Kingdom, who is going to present they work from child to worker or how precarious legal status trajectories shape former on a company miner's long term social and economic well-being and differential inclusion in an Italian case study.

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Please go ahead.

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It was like, Yeah.

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Understand.

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Excuse me, how can I?

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So, There we go. Okay. Thank you very much. So yeah, I'm Sarah Walker.

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I'm a visiting postdoctoral research fellow based at the University of Bologna. I'm visiting a postdoctoral research fellow based at the University of Bologna and from the United Kingdom.

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And so I just wanted to look at the kind of precarious legal state trajectories of my participants who like Saki who is in this photo he's from the Gambia, came to Italy as under 18 and therefore legally children or bureaucratically they are labelled as unaccompanied

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minors as they traveled without an adult caregiver. And it's they made the dangerous crossing over the Mediterranean Sea to Libya.

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Sorry from Libya to Italy to seek asylum. So I just wanted to start with a conversation that I had with Saki when he was 17 at the time where he's explaining why he chose autonomously to leave the reception center so an accommodation center that provides support and assistance to unaccompanied minors in Italy when they

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arrive. I realize some of the terminology is a bit different from different. Geographical locations.

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So he was placed in South Italy and he told me because I my field work is in Bologna, we met in Bologna, that he left that place because they wasted my time because when I was there I didn't have documents meaning his legal papers entitling him to stay.

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It's a legal stay. So he told me that he decided to leave to move towards Bologna where he knew through his kind of.

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Networks that support could be provided you would get better support for gaining doc. So he tells me that's why I decided to come to Bologna and have a good future.

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And he tells me that documents are so important because if you don't have documents you will think your life is useless but as Africans when you don't have documents your life in Europe is useless.

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Because here every step of the way you need documents. If you want to buy something they will ask for documents so when you don't have that, your life is useless.

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So I want to look through this kind of focus that they had as unaccompanied minors to access legal status.

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Beyond childhood because in Europe for those that don't know you get the right to stay on the basis of being a child, then once you turn 18, you're illegally adult and you may be subject to deportation and lose whites to accommodation.

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And support. So documents are prime importance for young men when they arrive in Italy as another youngambian Lalo also told me, I can't be relaxed when my document is not solved.

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I mean, it's really difficult. I'm in Italy and Italy does not even know whether I am here or not.

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Sensation of absence of being present on the soil and the territory but being legally absent and so I'm going to look through this and how this kind of precariousness and this focus on the documents as a way of counteracting.

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Precariousness may not have been quite as straightforward as they had hoped originally. So just skip through this briefly my research is based on PhD research looking at the border of childhood and the young men including Saki and another 11 young Africans housed in a reception center in Bologna that I called Jalo and it considers

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the interaction between migration regimes and unaccompanied minors to explore the productive nature of border and looking at the lived experience of the transition to adulthood and this kind of legal transition from the right to stay based on being a child.

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To losing that potentially once you become an adult and needing another form of legal documentation. So Nick Mai has referred to this as the biographical border of border between protection and deportation which highlights the relationship between changes in legal status and social inequality when the child moves to become legally an adult.

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Obviously this whole range of other questions around the sociological construct of childhood but this is just purely from a legal perspective.

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So I started the research following a live sociology approach in 2,017 with a brief focus group and a one-month stay in Bologna and then I returned and did the basis of my PhD research for 8 months in 2,018 and my post-doc is now a return to the field work site 5 years

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later so looking at more longer term outcomes for unaccompanied minors and what actually happens in the afterwards for those once they become adults and leave the reception center what kind of status they have, what is happening to their precarity, what does being documented mean and are they indeed documented?

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And so that's kind of what I'm looking at and today I'm just kind of focusing on the elements of the legal status and how that may be necessary but not sufficient.

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So this is a bit of a long quote. This is when I spoke to a Derusa who was 17 at the time and my research involved visual methods he chose to show this photo, shared his photo with me to discuss elements of his life in Italy.

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And at this point he is telling me that he feels great about the future now. He's known what it is to have a bad life, to live with nothing, being nobody, being nothing.

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And he tells me I just want to be somebody good. To be like respectable, to have a stable family like everybody does.

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So this focus of kind of stability, it's kind of couched and very header normative troop.

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And also being good. So this is in 2018. Then we skip forward to 2,023 and now He's no longer saying he wants to be a good person.

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He says you just want to be a person. And some of this is related to the kind of related issues of racism that they experience that I'll discuss a little later on in the talk and how this kind of focus on being documented on getting stability is also kind of tribode by issues of race so He looks ahead and kind

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of understands that this stability is defined as kind of having a job having an employment and having having a document and having a family but then he just wants to be this a person no longer important whether it's good or not and he has a work permit and which is dependent on him having a job, his legal status.

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And but he feels still a little bit unstable and actually remembering on Fanon who's shown that to be other is to feel oneself as always being in an unstable position.

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So there's this kind as always being in an unstable position. So there's this kind of notion of precarity.

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So there's this kind of notion of precarity that comes from something other than legal status. Feelings of belonging and this was very strong in a lot of the young men's conversations with me.

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And also just to kind of think through this notion of contrasting the kind of immigrant and the normal person this is a Deresa again and they're talking about racism he experienced in South Italy where he arrived first of all from across the city.

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And he says he tries to buy more clothes to look more good like a normal person and there's this kind of constant contrasting between normality and the immigrant and the way in which the immigrant has become a kind of dirty word, a kind of denigrated word.

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And we see this again as going beyond kind of legal status and going beyond citizenship because this kind of this was a young man who is from Ethiopia and has Italian citizenship he was adopted and there was a newspaper article very sadly he killed himself and when I was reading what he was saying about his experiences it really record a lot of the things the young men

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who are young black man racialized man in Italy in my study despite their very different citizenship statuses. So again, he is saying here, it's like I'm ashamed of being a black guy as if I was afraid of being considered an immigrant.

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So again, this is a person with Italian citizenship and he's afraid of being considered an immigrant despite his stable legal position and work in the UK by Hannah Jones, Jasmine Gunnaratnum and others who've shown through the perhaps for policies in the UK that were the actual then Home Secretary defined as a

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hostile environment which was purposely set up to make those without the right paperwork feel uncomfortable actually fed through and showed how even those with citizenship became afraid and felt other through negative media and political discourses.

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So it wasn't necessarily a legal exclusion. And this in Italy there is a very strict restraintent citizenship law, issues, uglyness, people, children who were born in Italy.

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To a non Italian parents do not have the right to Italian citizenship until after the age of 18 and then they have to show a whole lot of paperwork so it's very, very difficult.

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So again, we see how these kind of hostile environment around the normative space creates sensations of precarity and is also manifested in kind of enhanced exclusionary practices towards those who are construed as other.

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So when people are trying to find access to housing, they face a lot of racism, innocent young man from Nigeria has been looking for a place to rent for many months.

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He's frequently told things by estate agents such as the owner who's elderly. They don't want any foreigners or they're afraid because you're black.

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Who's regularly stopped for no reason by police around the station and when I ask him how it makes him feel he tells me really upset also because of the housing situation as blacks we're nothing here I'm just a normal person who's living in Italy but not completely Italian but it's the same even if you're born in

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Italy because of the citizenship law. So there's this, he's been in Italy since he was 12.

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He's lived there a long time. He speaks Italian with a Bolognai accent but he's seeing these kind of exclusionary practices that go beyond legal status.

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And he like the other young man has a job, has the right to stay following childhood because they have a work permit.

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They have a residence permit based upon work. And so, so also told me it's really difficult for a foreigner to find a house here and then he kind of explains, a foreigner to find a house here and then he kind of explains but not all foreigners but and then he kind of explains but not all foreigners but if you're

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black So Italians don't want to rent to black migrants. It's really, really difficult.

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And I just get that quickly. And this is just the kind of concept of who is the foreigner and how the foreigner is not necessarily the person without status.

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And how these kind of precarities, this this difficulty in accessing housing and actually seeing a space in which to live can be based around borders of race rather than borders of legal status.

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And this is just really a brief comic piece that I've devised with a comic artist to kind of show some of these.

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Issues and the way in which some strangers are stranger than other others as the work of Sarah Ahmed has shown.

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And so the young man have a permit to stay so they have the right to stay but no place to stay which is what Adwisa told me and he says it doesn't make sense it's not not right and they seemingly contradictory status situation of migrants who are employed paying taxes and have the legal right to stay but cannot

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find a house is actually really widespread. There is also a housing crisis in Bologna and many people are really struggling to find a house but there's this extra barrier, this extra exclusion which creates a large amount of precarity.

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People, Idrisa was homeless for 4 months. He was having to sleep. In friends places, he was having sleep, he slept in his work van.

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So this precarity, this sense of belonging is kind of challenged by these discriminatory practices in access to to housing interestingly access to work was never a problem for the young men.

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None of them said they ever had any problem planning work. Jobs for migrants in Italy are described as the 5 peas in Italian hard work, dangerous, precarious, badly paid and socially stigmatized.

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But they do get access to work so they can continue their legal status so that none of the young men presented.

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Anxieties around ongoing legal status but more anxieties around stability, this stable life that they are they are looking for.

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And that is kind of destabilized by stereotype media narratives. These some of the work done by Valentina Kappi with young people in Italy.

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There's a word clouds which show when people in Italy these are word clouds which show when people are asked about Africa the main things that come to mind is when people are asked about Africa the main things that come to mind is poverty, heat, lack of food, so when people are asked about Africa, the main things that come to mind is poverty, heat, lack of food, hunger

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and the main things that come to mind is poverty, heat, lack of food, hunger and this is kind of right also with the hostile political narratives in which the most recent one was the minister stating that italy's low birth rate meant italians are facing ethnic replacement.

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So within this kind of hostile political narratives these threat narratives serve to instill fear in those who are racialized.

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And creates a sense of deportability which as Nicholas Siegelina and himself has explained is not necessarily that they actually would face deep rotation but rather they are exposed to the possibility of deportation, the possibility of being removed from the space of the nation state and this kind of sense of exclusion, exclusion from certain

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spaces. And these are based around racialized colonial histories and neo-colonial presence and as harsher Walia has shown and borders are not fixed lines or passive objects simply demarcating territory rather they are productive regimes generated by and reproducing racialized social relations further imbued by gender.

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sexuality, class, ability and nationality. So in conclusion, the kind of lived experiences of these young men will show the ongoingness of racial resumes and the border work of race and how they are reinscribed into hierarchies of inclusion under structures of racial.

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Capitalism so the access to the housing and work show how the precarity can be understood as complex social processes that are discontinuous and selective in terms of access to protections and entitlements.

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So whilst we saw at the beginning, this great focus on being documented and having the document as the legal process.

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It shows how that in itself is necessary but not sufficient for belonging. So youths who are migratized because they're racialized predominantly or at risk of constantly being regulated relegated to elsewhere where the normatively or legally and this temporalized belonging is not just temporal governance but racialized borders which enhance

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migrant precarity and a sense of unbelonging. Thank you.

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Well, we thank Zara for her presentation. And just so for the people who are in the in the in the In Zoom, we decided that a representative presenter is gonna have 15 min and then at the end we are going to have time for questions.

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Answers. So now we are going to ask Nihal Cagli from the University of California to present her work on uncertain practices, how Syrian refugee doctors work in Istanbul.

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I just need to find

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There we go.

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Thank you.

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Thank you guys. So as mentioned, my presentation is called Uncertain Practices. How Syrian Doctors Work in Turkey.

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So attaining and maintaining legal status is a central concern for immigrants. For migrants fleeing violence, refugee status has clear legal implications under international law.

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It can facilitate resettlement to a safe country, access to refugee specific services in a host country and often a pathway to permanent residency in a host state.

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Yet increasingly, states are endowing forced migrants with legal statuses. That bypass international refugee law.

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These status regimes are created to deal with forced migrants from designated countries and often serve a geopolitical as well as humanitarian purpose.

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So temporary protection statuses provide short-term social rights in a state but are indefinite in the long term.

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This creates uncertainty in forced migrants lives. Individual status holders do not know if their status will suddenly lapse due to the whims of domestic policyers do not know if their status will suddenly lapse due to the whims of domestic policy or if applications for renewal will be granted.

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Most scholarship on temporary protection status focuses on how these statuses produce uncertainty and feelings of non-blonging in individuals lives.

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And, Cecilia Manhivar's concept of liminal legality is kind of like the paradigmatic conceptualization of this in-betweenness that migrants experience in a host community.

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But what I want to do today is scale up from looking at just the effects of temporariness on individual status holders.

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Because there are also other institutional uncertainties other than the status itself that can bear on individuals lives in a context where temporary policy is dictating refugee reception.

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So in a country that's unsure about whether or how it intends to integrate migrants in the long term, other institutions end up also reflecting this ambivalence.

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So this can include employers or like educational institutions that may or may not accept certain diplomas or. Recertification processes.

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So my paper today asks How do temporary protection regimes affect the integration of highly skilled professionals into a host community labor market?

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My research focuses on the status of Syrian refugees in Turkey. So Turkey hosts over 3.6 million Syrian refugees with temporary protection.

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This makes it host to the largest refugee population in the world. And there are many other refugees who are not Syrian on top of that number.

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But Syrians specifically in Turkey are not legally defined as refugees under international law. Rather, they've been granted this temporary protection, which provides them short-term rights like access to education and health care.

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And this is actually free access. So it's quite a generous policy. Yet there's no assurance of long-term integration for Syrians in Turkey.

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That said, the policy has been around since 2,014 and even through a pretty tumultuous election process this past year the status still stands so it has been around for a long time.

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So this paper specifically analyzes how Syrian health professionals have adapted to the landscape of health care provision as doctors.

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And like in medical fields all across the world, foreign doctors have to attain a equivalency to practice in Turkey.

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However, due to the fact that Syrians and Turkey were under this temporary protection regime, the government actually did not even allow Syrian doctors to undertake the equivalency process until 2,018.

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So there was kind of a 7 year period there where there is no legal option for Syrian doctors to be working in Turkey.

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During that time a lot of these doctors started to work informally. They set up informal clinics and they just went about their business.

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Providing care to other Syrians. In the meantime, the Turkish Ministry of Health established very gradually a European Union funded health care project specifically designed for refugee patients.

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So the the goal of this project was to create migrant health centers staffed by Syrian doctors who do like an abbreviated training and then provide services just to other refugees.

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So it's not a full equivalency, it's kind of a separate system for. For Syrian refugees.

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So this project looked at how these doctors kind of navigate that professional uncertainty over that kind of now it's been almost over 10 years.

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So my dissertation project encompasses 5 years of fieldwork on and off in Istanbul where I conducted over 170 interviews.

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With Syrian doctors, Syrian patients, NGO officials and other actors in the health care field.

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This paper in particular just draws on 41 interviews with Syrian health professionals that I contacted in 2,021, 2,022.

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Mostly physicians, also a good chunk of dentists and technicians, physical therapists, etc.

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And just to preview the argument a little bit, I argue that when institutional pathways to integration are delayed.

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I argue that when institutional pathways to integration are delayed, unclear, to integration are delayed, unclear, to integration are delayed, unclear, or onerous due to this broader, are delayed, unclear, or onerous due to this broader, ambivalent legal system of temporary protection.

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And so even though they're not working fully according to the legal structures of the Turkish national health care system, they're still justifying their work as important nodes in Turkey's multi-ethnic transnational health care landscape.

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So now I wanna get into the meat of some of the data. But I want to note similarly to the presentation before that actually A lot of these doctors themselves are not under temporary protection.

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They have since gotten full citizenship. So you would expect them to have kind of a smoother experience now that they have legal status.

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Nevertheless, they face a bunch of institutional barriers to formalizing their work. And I can talk more about those in the Q&A.

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I'm not going to get into the certification processes now. Okay, so the most basic way that these Syrian doctors, legitimize their semi-formal or semi-legal health care provision work was by saying that they're fulfilling a persistent and unmet need for Arabic language health care

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among vulnerable refugee patients. Framing this in humanitarian terms. And this was kind of the prevailing logic of legitimization until 2,019 when the government started kind of shutting these clinics down more.

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So one doctor, I'll just get into some of the quotes that these doctors said in interviews.

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So one of them said, it's not just people without ID who come to the clinic, everyone comes, all sorts of people come from all over, but this is the only place for people without ID.

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So this doctor is saying we have to work because there are Syrians out there who actually don't even have the temporary protection ID.

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And how are they going to get health care? Is focus on the unregistered kind of forgotten refugees was pretty common.

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And then also emphasizing that there are Syrians who have other statuses that are not temporary protections.

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So this other doctor said the Syrians here with residency with tourist visas with humanitarian visas need us and even Syrians with temporary protection, they can only access state services in their province of registration.

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So when they go elsewhere, they can only access emergency care. So this is an issue. You're only entitled to services in the province where you registered.

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A lot of refugees register in the border regions and then come to Istanbul so they can't get state health care.

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So these doctors are saying like they need our clinics. They need our informal clinics to get care.

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Interestingly, the same doctor then went on to kind of describe. The broader kind of patient base of his clinic.

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And so he said, we get the whole Iraqi community, we get Yemenis, Egyptians, Somalis.

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We've even been getting tourists recently because they hear there's a place that has Arabic language care.

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We get Moroccans, Tunisians, anyone who knows Arabic. Also, you know Zeitin Borna, which is a part of Istanbul, has a lot of Turkic people.

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They can't access state services, so they come too. They don't know Arabic, but they come with translators.

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So this is interesting because in the end it's not only Arabic language speakers that are coming to these clinics, these clinics are actually serving a broader migrant or immigrant community in Istanbul.

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And so Nevertheless, it's not just this kind of humanitarian local helping immigrants orientation that these doctors have.

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Like gap filling functions they also point to their roles as nodes in transnational economic languages and this part of my research I didn't actually expect to find it was in the field that I started to see this kind of interesting process.

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So I don't know if any of you have been to Istanbul if you've been through the airports you have you may have seen like people who have kind of freshly done hair transplants or people with bandages on their faces.

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This is because Istanbul is a huge medical tourism hub. Globally people go there for all sorts of procedures, cosmetic but also often just low-cost secondary care.

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And so Syrian doctors have identified a niche as Arabic language providers in this booming industry.

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And so they started kind of justifying their work in these more global terms. And interestingly, they're drawing on their refugee networks to perpetuate their businesses.

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So this one dentist if you want I think it's the first quote there he says I have this patient he's Syrian I saw him 6 and a half years ago I fixed his teeth here he afterwards applied to migrate to Canada and then he became a citizen there.

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And there he built his own work he owns a company he even has people who work for him and he came back to me to renew his smile.

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I was so surprised when he came back. He came from Canada just for this. And you know, here is a case where a Syrian doctor is bringing dollars from outside.

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So the dentist is saying, you know, not only are we providing services locally, we're bringing money to Turkey, we're bringing money to Turkey, we're bringing money to Turkey. We're bringing money to Turkey.

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So we're actually serving an economic purpose for Turkey that should appreciate the work that we're doing.

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So he said, I visit hospitals where I have some patients who come from Saudi Arabia, from Europe, from Canada.

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They come here because they want care for cheaper and the quality in Turkey is good. I bring these patients to the private hospital here in Turkey.

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I'm the connection point. People trust my work and they don't know much about Turkey. A lot of work comes to Turkey through Syrian doctors.

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So again, it's these doctors who are serving as kind of these transnational network linkages bringing, healthcare dollars to Turkey.

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And I heard this over and over again in my interviews, which I thought was just so fascinating. And if you'll indulge me, the next quote is even longer than the ones I just read.

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But it's a very nice quote and I think it kind of summarizes nicely how these doctors see themselves in the broader health care landscape in Istanbul.

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So this dentist said. There would be more activity in the market. It would be economically good for the country.

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We encourage health tourism. We bring in people. My family is all over the world. We have, if you look at my extended family there's like 200 people from Beijing to Washington and they will come here for treatment.

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They'll come and do some tourism, they'll see relatives, and they'll get their teeth done.

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It's great marketing. More than 80% of our patients come from outside. I probably, I'm probably bringing in $100,000 and I'm bringing it as an illegal guy.

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If I could be legal, I would bring so much more money because that $100,000 could become 1 million dollars because in the end people know were informal and illegal and so there are still some hesitations.

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And so if we were formal, we could have even that much more business. So this dentist.

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This dentist is underscoring the fact that even working in formally, health professionals are able to contribute to the host state economy through their health care work.

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So just to wrap up, what are the key takeaways from this? There are a couple of takeaways.

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The first is somewhat basic. This is that it's important to note that in protracted periods of ambivalence created through these temporary protection or temporary legal statuses.

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Pushes people to work informally. We know this. Migration scholars know this, the people who observe.

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You know, the world of work know this. But I think it's very common that we focus more on low wage work.

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So in the Turkish context there's a lot of scholarship on informal textile workers and stuff, but I think it's important to note that even highly skilled professionals may opt to work informally if formal pathways to integration don't exist.

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And state enforcement is lax, which is the case in Turkey. But more centrally, the takeaway from the presentation is that professionals can integrate into local and transnational networks.

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Even as they face barriers to integration at the level of the state. So most doctors, they don't like working informally, right?

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They feel discomfort about operating without fully legal licenses. But given the structural barriers to integrate to legal integration, they're able to somewhat ease this discomfort by justifying their work as important in a humanitarian needs-based context.

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For this kind of multi-ethnic multi-status migrant population. As well as by justifying their work as important for the host state as an economic boon, drawing-money tourists to Istanbul.

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So these local and transnational ethno-linguistic niches that they identify and fill are also used to justify their importance to the Turkish health care landscape and Turkish society more broadly.

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And you know, I want to note that this isn't a totally new observation. Scholars of migrant entrepreneurship have identified many times how immigrants find business niches in host communities and cater to co-ethnic demands.

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And scholars have also pointed to how highly educated entrepreneurs may make use of transnational social networks to enhance their businesses.

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So my research is trying to expand this kind of well-troud research by showing how integration into local and transnational economic networks can counteract profound legal uncertainties for refugees in a host community.

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And so by incorporating at local and global scales, these individuals try to alleviate the nation-state level ambivalence towards their national origin groups.

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And you might ask, okay, like why does this matter in a generation all the Arabic speaking doctors will have their full certification and stuff but I think that it matters because we're kind of forging the pathways of employment now.

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So there's this whole world of private provision, expensive focus towards upper middle class or middle class Syrians and tourists and these most vulnerable refugees that were the initial kind of raison d for these clinics, they can't access care anymore because they can't afford the care at these private clinics.

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Alright, I'll wrap up there.

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But thank you very much for that presentation. And I hell is it correct the way in which I promised your name, Nihal?

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Niho. Okay, thank you very much for your presentation. Solaran's Lavnek from the Link Coping University of Sweden and Aknez, Abu Sina, the the institute Nationalist to demographic the France.

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Gonna present their work on precarious refugees precarious Legal status and integration outcomes in Sweden.

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So the floor is your 15 min. Thank you.

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This is the money.

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Thank you. So my name is Joanne Sloaneich. I'm a professor at Line Shoppings University.

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In Sweden and this paper is a result of my collaboration with my colleague, from French National Institute for Demography in Paris.

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The theoretical point of departure for our paper is the concept of precarious Lego starters or precarious citizenship which was developed.

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In the first place by our Canadian colleagues. And basically

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It is about The longer the more

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The more uncertain and harsh is waiting time the more problems both these individuals and people working with them have later on during the process of integration.

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Most simple and sure definition of the concept. And, I applied this concept with several occasions. But the empirical point of departure is related to my work of my on my PhD thesis in the 19 nineties.

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About the integration of bothner refugees in Sweden. So it was shortly. In the mid June, the nineteenth 93 Swedish government made a decision that all those Bosnia's government made a decision that all those Bosnia refugees that were existing in Sweden it was approximately 50,000 people.

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Are going to get a permanent residence permit and as soon as possible they can start their process of integration. At the same government meeting they made also decision that all other Bosnians needs a visa to get in the Sweden.

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And it was in middle of the creek. A war. A war continued at least 2 years more.

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Or ended sometime in 1995 So a war continued producing refugees. And then some refugees from in Bosnia, they had a right together to obtain the Croatian passport.

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As ethnic robots or as people married to ethnic robots or people working for creation companies. Or people who was born in Croatia and so on and so.

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So quite a few people had the right to obtain a Croatian passport. And they just on their way to Sweden.

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They passed the Zagreb, collected their creation passports and came to Sweden applying for Azion as refugees from the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

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And even in their creation passports they were there both in addresses. So there are real refugees from the war in Bosnia.

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Croatian passport was the only way to get to get protection in in Sweden And between June, 93 and June, 94, it was approximately 6,000 such people who came to Sweden.

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And then Swedish government made the first decision that the creation of citizens and they supposed to be sent back to Croatia.

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And there are process or precarious time started at that time. So first there was We have some.

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So this is the sort of short story that I've already gave you.

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So it was approximately 5, 6, 6,000 people at the end of in summer 1994. In May, 95 the temporary residence permit on 6 months until November 95.

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Was made by Swedish government. And it was the first time in the history of Swedish immigration and refugee policy that decision on temporary protection for some so large refugee groups was was made.

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At that time it was exception and today it is the rule in Swedish immigration and refugee policy. This is the exclusive and the only status that you can get as a refugee in Sweden in Sweden today.

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So it's only 30 years. For this radical transformation. But at that time, there are many political forces and and and citizens didn't like this political strategy and these new policies.

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And this group of 6,000 people started struggling for their status in Sweden. And they worked many people support from many sites.

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Media but on their side Swedish church and were on their side opposition politicians were their size, NGOs who were there in size, and ordinary people were on their sides.

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So they've got support from many sides. But it took approximately 5 years For them at that time, 1,990.

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8.

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That, 1,997 was the decision in 1,998, families with kids.

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Got the permanent residence pyramid in in Sweden and it was about 15 to 1,700 individuals at that time.

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So we've got the almost perfect empirical case to test the the theory of the precarious citizenship to compare these 2 groups.

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And that was the basic idea about this. This paper. So this is a summary of the with the timeline for these 2 groups that we are going to compare.

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We call those Bosnians who got the temporary permanent protection after approximately 1 6 months to one year waiting in refugee camps.

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We call this group Secure Startters Group. And the other group who came with creation passports we call precarious status group.

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So it is obvious that a precarious artist group has 4 or 5 years of very harsh time in in Sweden including periods of where many of them were forced to hide.

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6 to 8 months is and then they got the temporary protection for 6 months is their kids could start going in schools and then hiding time again and after 5 years, 1,700 of them get get the get the permanent residence permit.

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The empirical data that we use is the statistics Sweden-based. A native database. And here we are not talking about samples.

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We are talking about this data bus covers complete population of the screen. So we are we include all individuals that are relevant to our for our research.

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And these are the results. We have compared these 2 groups with 3 time points. Longitudinally.

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Because thatabas cover the time from the 1,997 until the now we have updated to 2,021 But we cover a period from 2,000 to 2,016.

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3 times point times, 2,000 2,008 and 2,016. And here is the adult refugees and their results in employment.

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So a precarious refugee social group compared with a secure social group. 2,008 there is some precarious social group is is their position is a little bit worse.

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But not radically worse than than a secure status group. But this gap is already closed. 2,008 And the difference, so they stay better than than secure a status group.

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2,008 and 2,016 this difference is still there. So in the beginning it was more difficult for them to get the job.

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But 8 years later they are already a little bit better. So differences are not huge so we can state it is there are no differences actually.

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When we are talking about earnings between these 2 groups. 2,000 the precarious status group has a little bit slightly lower incomes.

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2,008 this gap is almost closed and 2,016 is approximately the same. So there are almost no differences.

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We have compared women separately In 2,008 it was regarding the earnings. A precarious status group was, have a worse situation.

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Slightly worse and then this gap is close to 2,008 and 2,016. We also compare their sick leave.

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So, 2,000, it was a situation with precarious status group was a little bit worse and then this gap was completely closed 2,008 and 2,016.

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We also compare their children's children. So primary school grade. Precarious Status group had a little bit worse situation.

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But already in secondary schools they were slightly better than a secure status group. Third theory education, they were also, precarious status group had a little bit better situation than a secure status group.

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And post-secondary studies, this difference is still there. But differences are not huge.

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And employment at the age of 30. So from the beginning the precarious status group has a slightly better situation in then then secure start to start to start this group.

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So our conclusion. Is that Actually, there is no differences between these 2 groups despite the precarious precarious illegal status and precarious situation who take 5 years for for precarious startters group.

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So our results are appear to be a little bit surprising. But we don't want to take We don't take a long term conclusions based on our results.

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And we have some methodological weakness in our case because we are comparing 50,000 people with 1,700 people.

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So we were preventing from doing more advanced regressions. And our study could be described as descriptive studies in this meaning.

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But we were also reasoning about the possible reasons for these. For absence of differences. And you can find these, I mean.

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The secure, secure starters group. How many, how many, 3 min, okay, I can summarize it in 3 min.

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So a secure status group. Were subjected after a short time of waiting. They started their process of integration, but they were subjected to the Swedish institutional bureaucracy.

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They were distributed in the municipalities according to not according to their needs and their wishes but according to how many places government agreed with different municipalities.

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So it took 3, 4 or 5 years for them to become aware how the system works and that they need to take their own measures and develop their own strategies to find a way to, for instance, labor market.

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So they didn't know how to do it. During the quite a long period of time in the beginning.

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The precarious status group. They started their struggles from the beginning. They were in position to develop a wide network of contacts with all those church representatives.

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NGO representatives, journalists, politicians and so on. During this period of time of waiting for 5 years, they learned how the system, how system works.

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And then when they got the permanent residence permit. They were in position to use all these contracts to become part of the society.

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So this could be one explanation of our results. Another explanation, possible explanation would be that we are talking about 6,000 people who became 2,000 people, 1,700 people after 5 years.

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So those who are more stubborn, who are most focused and who wanted to stay mostly they got Hi, resonance permits.

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And from these people you can also expect to be efficient in their process of integration. So these are 2 possible explanations of of our results but of course we need some more research to be sure about.

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About these explanations. Thank you.

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Well, many things to do Zoram's Levi for for the presentation and now is the term for Matt Wheaters from the Australian National University.

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Which is gonna present the work lost in a space and time. Precarious Legal Status and Transnational Family Separation in the Pacific Labour scheme.

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I believe he's a here.

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Okay, good afternoon everyone. Today I will be talking about the intersection of precarious legal status and family separation of precarious legal status and family separation in Pacific Australia.

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Labour mobility scheme. And I'm going to talk about that firstly through how Australia's changing migration regime has shaped what I'm going to turn the Pacific Labor Reserve and how Civic Island countries have been.

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Situated as a source of labour supply for Australia. I'm going to talk a little bit about the conceptual framing for the project that I'm responding to here called Together Apart which is looking at trying to situate transnational family life within the migration development debate.

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And I'll talk through a few of the findings I've got with relationship to care practices and personal relationships and how they.

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Been affected by precarious legal status. So the first thing I want to do is to draw attention to a particular pivot in Australia's history of temporary labor migration and this forms with the 1,996.

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Migration Act, which is effectively the point at which Australia's migration scheme becomes increasingly temporary and less permanent.

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So true this act is the introduction of the temporary skill visa, formerly known as the 400, and 57 and now the temporary skill shortage visa.

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But following on from that there's a series of reforms which effectively deregulate. Temporary labour migration.

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There's general forms of deregulation to de facto migration schemes such as working holiday maker and international student.

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Visas in 2,008 we have the piloting of the first of several Pacific labor mobility schemes.

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And there's the general reduction of pathways to permanent residents as time goes on as well. And so what we see is a fairly secular decoupling.

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Of temporary migrant entrance which you can see in the red line there. As opposed to a relatively stagnant number of permanent.

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Migrant arrivals into Australia. But with those temporary pathways also comes a series of spatial and temporal constraints on work itself, which manifests as exceptions to the national labor relations framework.

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These include restrictions on length of state, but also the hours that workers can work a fortnight or for any given employer.

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Various incarnations of employer sponsored or employee tide visas. Geographic incentives and restrictions on where migrants can work in Australia.

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And general welfare chauvinism where you have tax-paying migrant workers who are unable to access most of the social protection benefits that Australian citizens would.

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And all of this then culminates in a Australia becoming what it's professed never to be, which is a guest workers state.

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This is increasingly become a topic of political and media concern. But within this general framework of a shift to a guessworker regime, it's really the Pacific Australia labor mobility scheme that but best serves an example of how Australia has moved in that direction.

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So the Palm scheme as it's as it's known encompasses 2 streams the seasonal worker program which officially began in 2012.

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And the Pacific Labour scheme which began in 2,018 and is open to migrant workers from 9 specific island countries in Timor Leste.

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And in falls individual employee type visas that arrive at up to 9 months for the seasonal work or up to 4 years for the Pacific labor scheme.

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However, these are restricted to jobs that are classified as unskilled, low-skilled or semi-skilled, specifically in rural and regional locations in Australia.

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Workers have no say where they're deployed and have no rights to family accompaniment. And this includes for the 4 year program.

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So you're effectively mandating that there is a four-year period of transnational family separation through the scheme itself.

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So in this sense the PLS is Australia's first multi-year guest worker scheme and it has more similarities with the kinds of guest worker schemes we see in the Persian Gulf, in Taiwan, Hong Kong, Singapore and Malaysia, than anything that's come before it

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in Australia's migration history. It's also framed as a triple wind migration development scheme, which is fairly consistent with how most of these kinds of schemes have been framed.

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And as of February this year, there is now 36,000 workers. Participating through the scheme, roughly 80% of whom are men and most are working in in abattoirs in the meat processing sector.

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So, what I want to positive is that the Palm scheme involves a greater labor controlled process than other temporary work visas and that this isn't surprising given how Australia has historically used the race and gender and uneven development to create labor market segmentation.

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True and Conall have recently drawn attention to the similarities between contemporary guest worker programs and the colonial practice of blackbirding between contemporary guest worker programs and the colonial practice of blackbirding relating to contemporary guest worker programs and the colonial practice of blackbirding relating to Pacifica labor.

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What I am referring to here is that between 1,863 and 1,908 so-called Kanaka workers labored in Australian sugarcane plantations particularly in northern Queensland under conditions which ranged from indenture to outright slavery.

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This really seems to resonate with the Palm scheme both in in the Pacific and in Australia through the Pacifica diaspora.

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Who pay close attention to the similarities between former colonial practices of blackboarding and what's taking place contemporarily.

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Because palm workers remain unfree in the way that they labour in Australia. They're limited to racialized and gender labor practices, restricted in this case to working in aged care settings.

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But also as I mentioned before in meatworks and in abattoirs. Because they are tied to their sponsored employers in remote locations, they have very few opportunities to have or make decisions over the conditions of their life.

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And the only real alternative is so-called absconding into undocumented status and this is how it's been framed in the media as an option which obviously has a very sort of carerial vernacular to it.

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So really it's a textbook example of legal production of precarious migrant status while workers do have work authorization they don't have the right to remain permanently in Australia.

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They're time bound in a very specific sense. They are dependent on a third party in this case a sponsor employer for their visa status.

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And they don't have any of the same social citizenship rights as permanent residents. So what I'm going to try and do in this talk is to think about how the legal production of precarious status relates to dispersioning literature around mobility, temporality and intimacy.

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And I'm not an intimacy scholar but I'm moving into this. Area or try to do because I'm interested in taking it beyond the representations that we've seen around the mobile middle and young affluent migrants and think about how intimacy is effective for low wage guest workers who have extreme restrictions and conditions placed on

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their their visa status and what does this actually mean for their ability to maintain? Relationships with family at home.

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So to do so I'm gonna focus on some of the spatial and temporal factors of the scheme.

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As you can see it's a very highly fragmented scheme in as of 2,021 there are over 150 locations.

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That workers were assigned to across Australia and they as I mentioned before come from 10 different countries and various locals they're in so between at the point of origin in the point of.

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Arrival there's a really sort of broad array of spatial and temporal variation. So some of these spatial factors might be thought of in terms of proximity to work sites and access to services and community and the distance from home which manifests in the cost of actually transiting back home.

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And temporal factors might be the duration of the particular stream variant, their family life stages and circumstances, time zone differences, and the general lemonality and transience of being permanently temporary in a remote Australian context.

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So what these precarious legal status trajectories are then doing is shaping experiences of dislocation and disconnection.

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Resulting in what I've elsewhere conceptualized as being a form of forced transnationalism comprised of very strained and restricted social ties.

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So to give you some kind of an impression of this, got on screen 4 of the different field sites where I conducted my research.

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And although there might not be a huge amount of variation from satellite imagery, you can at least immediately get a sense that some are certainly more dense than others but might contain more possibilities for social interaction and in a meaningful social existence.

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But this is also kind of underscored by some of the demographics. So you can see that between both sites populations of those towns vary from just over 1,000 to a larger town of 150,000 people with much what you would assume a greater difference there for the ability to forge new social ties.

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But also in factors to do with the Time difference with home, proximity to the nearest large city, and the cost of returning back home by a flight as well.

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So. I'm using Tonga as an example here, but there is a variation of at least between 800 Australian dollars to 1,400 Australian dollars in the cost of returning home which might not seem like a huge amount, but for workers who are earning perhaps 26,000 Australian dollars a year and trying to send every bit of that

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money back home to the Pacific, it can actually be a barrier for returning home full stop. I'm gonna skip over the the theoretical framework a little bit just for the sake of time but effectively what I'm trying to do with intimacy here is expand it out to care practices.

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And social reproduction to link this back to the migration and development debate and really try and emphasize that these care practices are not probably being accounted for.

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What I will talk about briefly is the guiding research question, but I took to the research which is not so much insinuating that workers themselves are lost in the home and space, but to ask what gets lost across space, IE.

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Through dislocation, and what gets lost over time. And to do that I held interviews with government staff members at labor sending units in 4 Pacific island countries.

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Responsible for being the primary point of contact for migrant families. So that's in Fiji, Samoa, Chonga and Vanuatu.

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Also conducted in-depth interviews with migrant workers who are recently deployed to Australia and workers from Tonga, Vanuatu and Kuribus.

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And another group of workers who'd participated in the pilot scheme of the program and interviewed them at about the 3 year mark so once they've been away from their families for a long time.

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And in the time remaining I'm just going to go through some of the perspectives that were articulated around how they managed care relationships, both from the perspective of the worker, but also from government agents.

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And with regards to care practices, what emerged was that there was change and continuity but for the most part change in various ways in which those household care relationships were managed and navigated.

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One woman I spoke to said that he said it's hard. Last time he said, now I know that washing, cooking, cleaning dishes is so hard it's a hard job taking care of the kids to go to school, everything is hard.

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With reference to her husband trying to adapt to taking over the housework that she previously performed. Another described how she paid a nanny to take care of her children as a sort of means of using her reminances to buy substitute care.

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And to look after children who she couldn't take care of herself. And another talked about how I just want him to go to school again but maybe because I'm not there he just loses control and my husband he's not the father so sometimes they don't have a good relationship.

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And talking here, I guess, about the limitations of Actually maintaining care relationships over distance as well, which is something that's often A trade in the literature as a form of care circulation, but it's also heavily compromised by time and space.

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There was also evidence of continuity as well though. One worker said to me, to me it's not right to leave my kids with someone else, even my immediate family.

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It's just not right. I have a responsibility, it's my obligation to really take care of my sons.

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And chose not to participate in the scheme on this basis. From government perspectives, there was much more emphasis placed from welfare concerns emerging from these care practices.

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I'm just going to briefly sketch one of the quotes here for the lack of time. But they said we've recently had a case where one of the wives came in and she wasn't getting money from her husband.

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It was really sad because she brought her 2 kids with her who said they were very sickly because she'd only got $40 from her husband and that wasn't enough to buy anything, even food for her children.

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She had no other option but to come back to her parents place. So that their children can be looked after well and again.

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Referring here to extended care networks being brought into. Kept provision. In terms of personal relationships, 3 broad themes emerged from the worker interviews, which was basically there could be some semblance of maintaining personal relationships with intimate spouses.

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Through distance communication, but most expressed that there are some severe limitations in the ability to do this, both with their intimate spouses and also their children.

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And perhaps most common of all was reporting of relationship breakdowns, extra marital affairs, and workers starting new relationships in Australia, given that they've been there for such a long time.

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One the wife actually of one of the participants I interviewed said it's a cruel scheme one partner goes and the other one stays, maybe they find some other relationship so when they come back there is chaos and now who's affected it's the kids.

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Young couples where they have no kids and whatnot it's fine maybe they can do that but not for families and again referring here to how family life stages also play into, viability of the scheme.

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Speaking to government workers, these extra marathon affairs were identified in almost every deployment that they oversaw.

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They refer to them as EMAs because they're so common but it got its own acronym.

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For every deployment that we undertake, we encounter these issues on a regular basis. And these issues relate to extraarital affairs, not sending in enough money to support people back at home.

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Also issues with people back at home having affairs and our workers on the other side. Finding out true social media platforms.

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Not nice isolated case, but nearly every deployment there will be a family separation issue. And at this end of the day, you'll have seasonal workers who become seasonal parents or seasonal spouses at this end.

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So some very brief conclusions. I think all these interviews sort of shed light on some of the sorts of care practices that have been constrained by precarious legal status in Australia.

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But that they also differ significantly by the spatial and temporal. Factors I was talking about before.

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What I'm trying to do with this work more broadly is relate it back to social reproduction theory and think about how these strains disrupt the daily and intergenerational reproduction of life and migrant households and to anchor this in the migration development debate.

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Where none of these forms of value or labor practices are given any recognition. It's also very reminiscent I think of the quote but Swiss playwright Max Frisch said about Europe's guest worker programs, we've wanted workers, but we've got people instead and I think this also speaks to the policy settings that Australia

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is entering into in so supportedly or reportedly promoting this as a sort of sustainable migration program, a best practice migration development scheme, but with very little attention to policy settings that actually enable people to support transnational family life.

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All right, I'll leave that there. Thank you.

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Everybody has been very disciplined with times. We are not lost in in in time. Thank you very much.

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Okay, so now is a for Karen Block. From the University of Melbourne. Here in Australia who's gonna Discuss her paper on migrant domestic workers and their children born in Lebanon.

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They are kind of struck.

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Sorry, sorry.

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Okay, hi everyone. Thank you for coming along on a Saturday. I'm impressed that there's actually quite a few.

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A few people here. So yes, that's the title of my presentation and I also just want to start by acknowledging there's traditional custodians of the land on which I live and work and I'm presenting today the Randji people of the Cooler Nations.

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Okay, I also want to acknowledge that this research draws on 2 projects actually conducted by a team of researchers and I'll talk a little bit more about the 2 different projects from which I draw data for this.

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When I talk about methodology a bit later.

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Okay, so It's estimated that there are more than 11 million migrant women predominantly from poor countries who work in domestic service in wealthier countries.

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They form part of the global care chain where women from low-income countries migrate to more developed countries to undertake care work.

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So that they can send remittances home to help their families. The term care drain was coined by sociologist Ali Hochschild to focus on concern for the families and children who are left behind when women migrate and obviously we've had some about that in the last presentation which was really interesting.

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Have a relatively little attention has been paid to the precarious circumstances of children who are born to migrant domestic workers.

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In host countries and that's what I want to focus on more today. Looking at the situation in Lebanon.

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For migrant domestic workers who have children there.

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So as of late, 2021 there were believed to be about 250,000 migrant domestic workers in Lebanon.

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They come from a range of sending countries with the highest numbers coming from Ethiopia, the Philippines, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.

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And all all migrant workers in Lebanon as as in many other as in the Gulf states as well.

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Labor under the Cafala or sponsorship system. Under the Kafala, migrant workers must have a sponsor or a kaffir who is responsible for their residency and immigration status.

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In the case of migrant domestic workers, she must also reside with her kerfield. This dependency creates vulnerability to exploitation and abuse which is widespread.

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So well documented forms of mistreatment include forced confinement where many of these women are not allowed to leave.

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The employee's house. Withheld wages I've overworked extremely long long working weeks.

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Confiscation of pastures and often and physical and sexual abuse is also common. If a migrant domestic worker ceases to be employed by her kaffir, often because she has fled from abuse.

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Her migration and residency status becomes illegalised. At which point she's subject to fines, detention and deportation.

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Many stay on indefinitely, however, continuing to work as freelances. Some of these freelances achieve semi-legal or at least documented status by paying a sponsor to sign their residency renewal papers each year.

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Others simply continue working without any sort of legal status. So while most migrant workers into Lebanon as regular documented workers, many end up as irregular and undocumented.

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I think access to any kinds of legal protections. Finds a crew for each year that a and domestic worker stays in this situation.

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Making it difficult for her to leave without being detained. Many are also falsely accused of theft by their original employer.

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Often so that the employer can avoid having to pay any wages.

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Under the Kefala system, relationships and marriage are strongly discouraged while pregnancy and childbirth are actually explicitly prohibited in the contracts that the these women sign.

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Nonetheless, many women do become pregnant, either through consensual or abusive means. Many of these women will have a termination.

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Sometimes it's forced and if they do not, will almost invariably lose their employment home. And legal status and become subject to detention and deportation.

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If detected. And it's estimated that about 5% of migrant domestic workers in Lebanon do have children.

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So just before I turn to the lived experiences of these women. And children. I just like to outline the conceptual frameworks for this study.

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We can understand the Kafala as a form of gender and racialized structural violence. Structure violence being the institutional practices and policies that maintain inequalities.

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Through differential access to power agency and resources on the basis of gender race. Education, class, ethnicity and citizenship.

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Structural violence is also underpinned by symbolic violence, which comprises the social norms, beliefs and values that legitimize their structural inequalities as part of the so-called inequalities as part of the so-called natural order.

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The so-called immobility turn in migration studies is also highly relevant to this study. So you mobility turn has highlighted the inequalities which constrain the socio-spatial mobility experiences of some migrants in the midst of globalization of capital and labor, which is simultaneously producing accelerating movement of

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capital, goods and people across national borders. My ability and immobility are mutually reinforcing and co-institutive forces.

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And Margaret women are both mobilized and immobilized because of ties to family and children. Many migrate to support families in sending countries.

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And complex family obligations may contribute to mobilizing them in receiving countries. And that's one of the things I want to focus on here.

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So as I as I mentioned this particular paper draws on 2 studies the first was conducted in 2,016 and comprised interviews with 35 Ethiopian Margaret domestic workers in Beirut.

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And it looked at their migration trajectories, their employment and experiences of childcare and health care.

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16 of those 35 women had children. And the second set of For the second study, we conducted interviews with 13 organizational representatives in Lebanon.

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And these interviews explored the ways in which Lebanese and sending countries laws and in particular the implementation of those laws had the potential to create the risk of statelessness for the children of migrant women.

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And just to note that that second study was conducted, we were sort of quite limited. By the fact that it was conducted in the middle of the pandemic so we couldn't actually go to Beirut so all of our interviews were online.

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And Beirut had also recently suffered the massive port explosion which killed many people. For migrant and domestic workers.

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Many of whom were abandoned in the streets. They could no longer afford to keep them even let alone pay them.

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So we found through our studies that the lives of migrant women and their children who were the focus of this paper were governed by structural symbolic and interpersonal gendered and racialized violence.

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Many experienced over racism in a country where we were told skin color often determines a migrant status.

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Many most from Africa frequently occupy the lowest positions and our interviews were all with women from Ethiopia.

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They're also subject to gender stereotypes, especially those women who became pregnant, whether they were either seen as hapless victims of sexual abuse.

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Or on the country, hyper-sexualized seducers of male employers who threatened the moral integrity of the Lebanese families who employed them.

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We, the women that we interviewed and also the organizational representatives talked about financial abuse. So the organizational representatives talked about financial abuse of migrant domestic workers being virtually the norm.

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Many of the women we spoke to had run away. So, talked about financial abuse of migrant domestic workers being virtually the norm.

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Many of the women we spoke to had run away from their immigrant domestic workers being virtually the norm. Many of the women we spoke to had run away from their original caffeine because they were under We had we had reports of physical abuse including beating and kicking.

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In some cases the women that we spoke to had children had run away from their employer because they became pregnant or had been kicked out of the house.

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More often though that had become pregnant after running away from abuse. Because they were living and often they had been living in unsafe and precarious circumstances where they were subjected to sexual abuse.

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And all sort of I guess sought the protection of a man, often another migrant worker in order to keep themselves safe.

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Many recorded reproductive coercion being forced to have abortions. They were living generally in extreme financial stress experiencing multiple bouts of homelessness.

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Which had been aggregated by 2,021 by the economic crisis. Most were undocumented.

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And many reported that they, they were indebted to their employers who would demand money to return their passports or other documents.

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So, obviously there were many consequences for their children which stemmed from, particularly the ones that we we heard about, sent from barriers to acquiring legal documentation from barriers to acquiring legal documentation or birth certificates when they had children.

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So in order to get a birth certificate for their child, they needed to register the birth with them with the Muktar or the local official.

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In order to do that, the first thing I needed was a hospital birth notice. However, hospitals demanded high fees for the maternity care that these women had received when giving birth and if they were unable to pay these fees then the hospital would withhold the birth notice from them.

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They also need residency papers which many of them didn't have. They needed a marriage certificate which obviously many didn't have as well.

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And they were also affected by patriarchal laws and norms, which made it extremely difficult if not impossible for mothers to complete the birth registration process on her own.

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If an absent or uncooperative father was named on hospital notice. So quoting from one of our participants and one of our organizational participants.

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Who said that without his permission that is the father's permission the mother will not be able to do anything.

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He has to give her permission to do anything relating to her own children. If the father was listed as unknown on the hospital birth notice, this generally made the birth registration process technically simpler.

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Although in those cases the single mother had to face considerable stigma for bearing a child out of wedlock.

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The difficulty is migrant women faced in registering the birth of their children meant that while 100% of children born to Lebanese parents are generally registered and 90% of those born to documented migrants.

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A survey conducted in 2,014 found that only 63% of children born to undocumented migrants are registered.

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There are also many implications for the care and education of children. So, so migrant workers by definition almost lack any family networks of their own.

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They have to go to work to survive, but many are unable to afford childcare. So because of that, children are often left unattended and that there are high rates of violence, neglect, sexual abuse and child labor.

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I experienced by those children. They're also faced with discriminatory policies which will mean they're not able to renew their yearly residency permits.

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For their children even if their births are registered. And this means in turn that they the children are eligible to attend public schools.

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The survey that I mentioned earlier also looked at schooling and found that only 55% of undocumented migrants children attended school.

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Some women spoke about needing to lock their children in the house unattended while they went to work.

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Laila, one of our participants explained that her children did not attend daycare while she was working.

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Her eldest daughter, who was 10 years old, took care of her younger siblings.

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When there was no milk, this daughter mixed sugar with water to feed her brothers and sisters. Some participants also reported racism and maltreatment, including sexual abuse of their children when they were able to send them to childcare.

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So most of the women that we interviewed, Terminator, had strong emotional and family ties back in Ethiopia and wanted to return.

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The lack of legal documentation was the first barrier that they faced. And if they did attempt to leave, they fact they were then confronted with the accumulated fines and fear of arrest as they attempted to go through airports.

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These barriers were greatly magnified when children were involved because of the problems I mentioned about round birth certificates meant they couldn't get travel documents.

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As I mentioned also, Patriarchal Laws gave mothers very few rights, making it basically impossible in many cases impossible for the child to leave.

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The country without the father's permission. So we've heard many examples where a father may have no interest in acknowledging or caring for a child but would still prevent them from leaving Lebanon.

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Because of that fact, agencies that were trying to help these women often advise them not to name a father on on their hospital notice.

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However, some of those women who did that were then expected to prove that their father was unknown, obviously quite difficult to do.

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Laws in home countries were also implicated. So if you opio, for example, has no, no dual citizenship, which meant that if a child had potential access to citizenship through the father of another country, the woman would have an additional barrier to trying to get them an EOP and travel document.

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Because of all this, some women actually ended up abandoning their children. Most however stay on in a state of permanent precarity as a paradoxical outcome of labor laws which are designed to enforce their temporariness.

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Women were also immobilized by stigma. We heard stories from Christian women who had married Muslim men who were then not accepted back by their families.

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They had to endure the shame associated with bearing a child out of wedlock if that was the case and many also experienced rejection from their families because they had no longer been able to contribute financially to families back home once they had children.

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So this is just a diagram that we've come up with to look at the different ways that symbolic in personal structural violence.

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And the Cafala interact. To, fourth immobilization of these women. This is my last fight.

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Yep. So what should be done about all this? Some countries have introduced paternalistic policies which aim to protect women by preventing them from travelling to countries where such as Lebanon where exploitation is known to occur.

447
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However, these laws further constrain women's rights and agency and can end up leaving them with fewer protections and at greater risk of trafficking when they still try to migrate because of poverty.

448
01:24:09.000 --> 01:24:17.000
So legal reforms, I would argue, are needed that dismantle owners restrictions and support women's rights to agency and mobility.

449
01:24:17.000 --> 01:24:31.000
And there's a couple of papers coming out. Thank you.

450
01:24:31.000 --> 01:24:39.000
Thank you very much to Karen for the presentation. Who wants to leave? In the city anyway.

451
01:24:39.000 --> 01:24:53.000
Exploring the end of precarity through the rural and northern immigration pilot Ritika Tanotra and Monisha Pojari from York University are going to discuss this paper.

452
01:24:53.000 --> 01:25:08.000
Thank you.

453
01:25:08.000 --> 01:25:22.000
Okay, hi everyone. Thank you for sticking around since we are the final presentation. So I am Ratika and this is Moneta and we are from York University in Toronto, Canada and we will be discussing the rule in Northern Immigration Pilot.

454
01:25:22.000 --> 01:25:35.000
Okay, so this session raises important discussions around precariousness and legal status trajectories. Our presentation aims to contribute to this discussion by exploring the implementation of the rural Northern Immigration Pilot.

455
01:25:35.000 --> 01:25:44.000
Canada also known as the RN IP and we will be focusing on 2 provinces. The first one is Ontario, so the city is participating in this.

456
01:25:44.000 --> 01:25:53.000
In this particular province, our north base, at Bree, Timmins, Thunder Bay, and through Saint Mary and we're comparing that with the implementation of the program in British Columbia and there's 2 regions participating on that in that province.

457
01:25:53.000 --> 01:26:11.000
The first one is West Kootenay and the second is Vernon. We analyzed how these regions are implementing what the RNIP program calls this community economic development-driven model and whether these initiatives can address economic and legal status precariousness.

458
01:26:11.000 --> 01:26:25.000
We argue that it is necessary to examine the underlying causes of why long-term settlement to locals may be difficult and unattractive in order to determine whether newcomers are being exposed to a level of precarity that remains unaddressed.

459
01:26:25.000 --> 01:26:31.000
Perfect. So just within the previous year, Canada's population has grown by a record of 1 million people.

460
01:26:31.000 --> 01:26:47.000
And given that Canada's economy heavily depends on immigration and the increasingly aging population that we have here, the Trudeau government remains committed to increasing its annual immigration targets with an emphasis on increasing the number of immigrants being admitted based on their work experience and skills.

461
01:26:47.000 --> 01:26:55.000
So most economic immigrants more than 80% settle in Canada's major cities and in Canada's 3 largest provinces that being Ontario, BC, and Quebec.

462
01:26:55.000 --> 01:27:05.000
We consider the implications this has for regions outside of these major metropolitan cities where currently less than one in 5 Canadians live in a rural region.

463
01:27:05.000 --> 01:27:11.000
Due to these trends, rural regions in Canada are experiencing shrinking populations and a declining economy.

464
01:27:11.000 --> 01:27:23.000
The decline in population within rural regions is due to a range of factors that we see here. Such as lack of employment and educational opportunities for access to religious and cultural facilities, inadequate settlement services, and other factors.

465
01:27:23.000 --> 01:27:37.000
A Season Carter suggests that an increasing population growth will require a collective approach with the participation of multiple levels of government, business associations, employers, community leaders, and as well as the existing residents.

466
01:27:37.000 --> 01:27:47.000
One such approach is the development of pilot programs such as the RNIP that we're discussing here, which is aimed at promoting immigration and settlement in low populated rural regions to meet the demands for labor within these regions.

467
01:27:47.000 --> 01:27:56.000
According to Stump, determining fit between newcomers and rural communities early on in the settlement process will improve chances of retention within these communities.

468
01:27:56.000 --> 01:28:08.000
We aim to examine the strategies and community initiatives employed in within each of these regions in Ontario and DC under this pilot program and question whether these measures are effective in addressing precariousness.

469
01:28:08.000 --> 01:28:20.000
So we've chosen to focus on pilot programs as we're interested in examining how and whether the creation of temporary programs to address labor market shortages in particular regions can contribute to the strengthening and growing of regional labor markets.

470
01:28:20.000 --> 01:28:33.000
In addition to encouraging long-term settlement outside of larger cities. So we will be focusing on the implementation of the R and IP in Ontario and BC, British Columbia, as both provinces have the most number of immigrants settling in them each year.

471
01:28:33.000 --> 01:28:44.000
Overall, we're interested in examining whether pilot programs such as the R and IP can address feelings of precariousness that you are immigrants can often experience as a result of settling in the new region.

472
01:28:44.000 --> 01:28:50.000
So what is this pilot program? So this pilot program was launched in 2,019 and has been extended until next year.

473
01:28:50.000 --> 01:29:05.000
And it's a community-driven program that aims to provide smaller communities with the same benefits of economic immigration as more larger urban cities and this is by creating a pathway to permanent residency for scaled foreign workers who want to live and work within one of the participating regions.

474
01:29:05.000 --> 01:29:13.000
So by strategically targeting immigrants with specific skills that are needed, communities can assist in filling vacancies and strengthening their local labor force.

475
01:29:13.000 --> 01:29:22.000
National Occupation Classifications, which are NLCs, provide an organizational framework of occupations which are then grouped based on the duties and tasks involved.

476
01:29:22.000 --> 01:29:34.000
These help highlight which occupations are most needed to fill based on the region that you look at. So the provinces and this pilot include British Columbia, Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba and Ontario and again we're focusing on 2 specific provinces.

477
01:29:34.000 --> 01:29:46.000
So the community-driven approach here means that communities are directly involved in assessing and recommending potential candidates and they must so candidates must have a job offer in order to live and work in one of these regions.

478
01:29:46.000 --> 01:29:52.000
In most cases, communities or communities use a points-based approach to measure the merits of candidates to determine their legibility.

479
01:29:52.000 --> 01:29:56.000
So some of these factors include age, whether or not they have prior connections to the community and their prior employment experience.

480
01:29:56.000 --> 01:30:10.000
Canada then recommended to immigration refugees and citizenship Canada known as IRCC for permanent residency and then IRCC is the one who determines the candidate's eligibility after recommendation.

481
01:30:10.000 --> 01:30:20.000
And communities are also involved with connecting newcomers with settlement services and Mentorship opportunities as a way to facilitate belonging and inclusion.

482
01:30:20.000 --> 01:30:28.000
All right, so before we begin our analysis of the demographics of each region, we want to highlight that the program operates differently for Ontario versus BC.

483
01:30:28.000 --> 01:30:40.000
As Kret mentioned previously, Ontario has 5 regions that are currently participating in the program, whereas in BC there are 2 main regions, West Kootenay and Vernon, but these regions consist of many smaller areas as well.

484
01:30:40.000 --> 01:30:45.000
So when looking at the demographics of the regions that have implemented the RNIP, we found some key commonalities.

485
01:30:45.000 --> 01:30:55.000
This being firstly in Ontario the population of regions participating in the RN IP program ranged from 40,000 to 160,000.

486
01:30:55.000 --> 01:31:06.000
Across all 5 regions, people age 55 plus represent the largest age group within these regions. Moreover, South Asians represent the largest visible minority group in all regions in Ontario.

487
01:31:06.000 --> 01:31:16.000
In BC, we find some similarities to the regions in Ontario. Firstly, the population in DC is similar to their Ontario counterparts with a range between 40,000. 140,000.

488
01:31:16.000 --> 01:31:28.000
People age 55 plus are also one of the largest age groups in these regions. But there's also a large number of 35 plus adults suggesting an overall younger population in BC than in Ontario.

489
01:31:28.000 --> 01:31:34.000
In terms of visible minorities in Ontario, remember South Asians were the largest group, but in BC they share that status with East Asians.

490
01:31:34.000 --> 01:31:49.000
When considering employment and income in both provinces, many had jobs in areas like healthcare and transportation. And looking at the income in regions of both provinces, we found that income in Ontario ranges from 70,000 to $80,000.

491
01:31:49.000 --> 01:31:56.000
Whereas in regions in BC, we saw greater variability with income ranging from $40,000 to $100,000.

492
01:31:56.000 --> 01:32:04.000
So overall, while factors like age and visible minority groups are important to consider when looking at whether immigrants feel a part of the communities that they're settling in.

493
01:32:04.000 --> 01:32:15.000
Other factors like need and income and employment are especially important to consider because they can impact receptions of security and stability in terms of one's career progress and financial future.

494
01:32:15.000 --> 01:32:27.000
So in terms of precarity, Canada's immigration policy has changed over time and most often in relation to strengthening its labor market and this has been done by creating temporary worker programs and pilot programs such as the one we're discussing today.

495
01:32:27.000 --> 01:32:34.000
As Golding and Landol states, the increase in precarious employment is an indication of, quote, a global shift in the very nature of work.

496
01:32:34.000 --> 01:32:41.000
There are various sectors that engage in precarity by providing limited term contracts with few benefits and no long-term job security.

497
01:32:41.000 --> 01:32:52.000
International migration has also given rise to this idea of, quote, unfree labor where migrant workers are not able to freely circulate in the mark in the labor market of the countries in which they are working in.

498
01:32:52.000 --> 01:32:58.000
In many high-income countries, scholars such as Anderson and Ruse note that immigration policies consist of various types of status.

499
01:32:58.000 --> 01:33:13.000
Each of which is associated with particular rights and restrictions. In Canada, the increase in precarious work involves conditions of precarious non-citizenship, which is when an uncertain pathway to legal status leads to immigrants experiencing precarity until legal status by the federal government is granted.

500
01:33:13.000 --> 01:33:23.000
Security can also go beyond legal status. It can involve feelings of not belonging or the inability to engage with the local community and its institutions, which is referred to as social citizenship.

501
01:33:23.000 --> 01:33:33.000
With a rising precarious work in Canada, the lack of legal status can lead to immigrants being denied access to job security, certain types of employment, educational benefits.

502
01:33:33.000 --> 01:33:49.000
Educational opportunities and limited or restricted mobility. Without substantive or social citizenship, immigrants may face difficulty in building the social capital that is necessary to gain stable employment, which can further hinder opportunities for long-term settlement, especially in more rural areas versus urban.

503
01:33:49.000 --> 01:33:56.000
So the concept of conditionality introduced by Gold Ring is helpful in understanding the relationship between Picarty and the R and IP specifically.

504
01:33:56.000 --> 01:34:03.000
Conditionality brings to the forefront the types of conditions and the work of institutional actors who are involved in negotiating particular conditions.

505
01:34:03.000 --> 01:34:17.000
So while this program does provide a pathway to permanent residency, it does accompany with it a set of conditions both in order to be considered as an eligible candidate to participate in the program but also later on when the candidate wants to apply for permanent residency.

506
01:34:17.000 --> 01:34:24.000
Therefore, we're interested in how and in feelings of precarity are adequately addressed under this specific pilot program.

507
01:34:24.000 --> 01:34:36.000
So for this research, we decided to conduct a discourse analysis and our rationale was because through discourse analysis, researchers can examine how systems of meaning have been generated, circulated, internalized or resisted.

508
01:34:36.000 --> 01:34:50.000
So we chose this approach because we wanted to explore. In order to go with the data we first compiled a list of federal and region-specific websites and community reports for regions within Ontario and BC.

509
01:34:50.000 --> 01:34:59.000
That are participating in the program. We found a total of 9 community reports, 29 and federal and regional websites that were gathered to be a part of the analysis.

510
01:34:59.000 --> 01:35:17.000
After compiling the data, the various texts recorded in Vivo into 8 code categories that you see here that were developed both through inductive and deductive coding processes based on mutual discussion and our analysis of existing literature, theoretical frameworks, and a preliminary analysis of the data during data collection.

511
01:35:17.000 --> 01:35:23.000
So we're gonna be focusing on 3 specific commonalities and themes that we found while we were coding.

512
01:35:23.000 --> 01:35:35.000
So the first one is about retaining. So how how can rural communities kind of make sure that candidates who come don't eventually move to, let's say, another rural area or the city which is where most immigrants usually go.

513
01:35:35.000 --> 01:35:39.000
So while coding one of the commonalities we found in both provinces was that there was a strong preference for communities to select candidates with existing connections within the community.

514
01:35:39.000 --> 01:35:53.000
So for example, if someone had an adult family member or an extended family member who was either a permanent resident or Canadian citizen, they would be allocated a specific number of points.

515
01:35:53.000 --> 01:36:02.000
In the case of British Columbia, the connection, has to prove in writing their intention to help the candidates settle into the region as a way to ensure long-term retention.

516
01:36:02.000 --> 01:36:06.000
In comparison in Ontario, the community reports and regional websites that we looked at highlighted various settlement services available for immigrants after arrival.

517
01:36:06.000 --> 01:36:21.000
These include one-on-one counseling, learning about the Canadian culture and employment in language services. And this is kind of Ontario's way of trying to retain the immigrants who come to live in one of these participating regions.

518
01:36:21.000 --> 01:36:31.000
And is also kind of their way of saying, OK, we're here to help. This is what it means to feel like you belong and to feel at home as a way to ensure that immigrants would not move elsewhere.

519
01:36:31.000 --> 01:36:43.000
So in contrast in British Columbia, one of the participating regions, so Vernon, provides an online paper brochure and multicultural newsletter as a way to enhance the economic growth and social vibrancy of the community through immigration.

520
01:36:43.000 --> 01:36:52.000
In the WK region in British Columbia, their latest community report highlights that the RNIP provides a welcoming environment, but it's unclear how it does so in practice.

521
01:36:52.000 --> 01:37:01.000
Feelings of not belonging can lead to one feeling or experiencing precariousness. One finding highlighted was that in North Okanagan, which is one of the smaller regions participating in the program under the larger region of Brennan, British Columbia, has a housing crisis.

522
01:37:01.000 --> 01:37:15.000
So in order to combat this they created the shoe swap cultural home state program where locals and local residents can actually volunteer to rent their homes to incoming immigrants.

523
01:37:15.000 --> 01:37:29.000
To earn additional income and also to what they call to quote give back to their local community. So while this program is an excellent way to foster connections it does raise concerns about the availability of accommodations within these regions.

524
01:37:29.000 --> 01:37:35.000
Arriving without suitable accommodation can increase one's feeling of precarity, especially if they are arriving without a support network.

525
01:37:35.000 --> 01:37:47.000
Because of time we're just gonna breathe through. All right, so when looking at program deployment in both regions there's a preference in both regions there's a preference towards selecting applicants based on priority occupations based on priority occupations which are determined through community members and stakeholders.

526
01:37:47.000 --> 01:37:58.000
So regional websites and community reports emphasize that the priority occupations can be subject to change. So this means that the priority applications are based on the labor means of that region.

527
01:37:58.000 --> 01:38:06.000
This can create some additional challenges. We found that while there are some similarities in priority occupations across the regions as you can see here.

528
01:38:06.000 --> 01:38:16.000
There are issues with in terms of what occupations are not considered eligible. So for example in Ontario food service related occupations are not eligible for the RNIP program.

529
01:38:16.000 --> 01:38:28.000
This limits the regions that applicants can apply to depending on their application. Moreover, discussion discussions of the changing nature of these priority occupations do not include the potential impacts this can have for applicants.

530
01:38:28.000 --> 01:38:39.000
So, another point to consider is that this is a pilot program, right? So that means that this not considered a permanent solution to addressing the labor shortages and decreased populations in rural regions.

531
01:38:39.000 --> 01:38:46.000
There's uncertainty regarding up until when this program will remain in place where the program was initially expected to end in February, 2,024 but has since been extended to August.

532
01:38:46.000 --> 01:39:04.000
2,024 regions that are participating in the R NIP such as West Kootenay have advocated for the extension of the program to up to 5 years and even Canada's Minister of Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada has stated that he quotes truly hopes the RNIT program will become

533
01:39:04.000 --> 01:39:19.000
permanent. Unquote, but until that is done, the future of the program remains unclear. Changes in program length and requirements of the phone can really can lead to experiences of uncertainty when applying and making future plans to relocate and settle in new regions.

534
01:39:19.000 --> 01:39:25.000
And then finally, a legal status. So much of the data we coded highlights the success of the program.

535
01:39:25.000 --> 01:39:38.000
I in British Columbia, West Kootenay's latest report highlights that there are statistics on the numbers for permanent residency are that from June, 2,020 to December of last year they recommended over 300 primary applicants for permanent residency.

536
01:39:38.000 --> 01:39:53.000
The region of Vernon also in British Columbia and since the start of the program in 2,020 has recommended over 500 applicants In 2,022 so last year Thunder Bay in Ontario surpassed its goal of selecting 250 scaled foreign workers for PR with almost 300 candidates

537
01:39:53.000 --> 01:40:08.000
securing full-time permanent positions. So it's really great to hear that the program has been quote successful but in terms of precariousness it would be interesting to learn about why someone may not be endorsed by the community to apply for PR because again you need to be endorsed by the community you cannot apply for PR

538
01:40:08.000 --> 01:40:23.000
on your own under this program and potential trends in those who are not eligible. So the reliant on the community can lead to feelings of security if an individual feels unsafe or uncomfortable in the community that they're living in, can they actually reach out to that community in practice, given that they're reliant on that same community

539
01:40:23.000 --> 01:40:27.000
to be endorsed for permanent residency later on. So overall we find that there are a number of demographic similarities in relations to both regions.

540
01:40:27.000 --> 01:40:50.000
You know, when we look at age, for example, race, income levels, etc. We also find that despite the RN IP having very specific and selective criteria, the implementation of the program across these various regions has been successful with many hitting maximum occupancy levels early on in the year and many participating regions having to stop accepting applications for

541
01:40:50.000 --> 01:40:57.000
specific occupations. However, we did experience limitations in the types of data that we could access. Due to this being an ongoing pilot.

542
01:40:57.000 --> 01:41:10.000
In order to better capture the success of the RN IP, future research will benefit from qualitative interviews and longitudinal studies to explore the experiences of the pilot both during the application stage and also after newcomers arrive into the regions.

543
01:41:10.000 --> 01:41:17.000
This will allow us to consider questions like, do applicants feel secure in their legal status knowing that there's a chance for permanent residency?

544
01:41:17.000 --> 01:41:27.000
If not, how can we better address security when it comes to pilot programs? Also, although individuals may initially want to remain in the region, why might they choose to leave at a later time?

545
01:41:27.000 --> 01:41:37.000
In DC success stories like this have highlighted how the RNIP reunited families were allowed skilled migrants to come to Canada with the chance to become a permanent resident and eventual citizen.

546
01:41:37.000 --> 01:41:45.000
However, we'd be interested to hear more about stories of those that found the RNIP challenging to navigate or experience struggles after an arrival.

547
01:41:45.000 --> 01:41:54.000
This is especially because difficulties associated with applying and receiving PR after being recommended remains unclear. And especially because not everyone's story is the same.

548
01:41:54.000 --> 01:42:05.000
Thank you. Thank you.

549
01:42:05.000 --> 01:42:10.000
I want I want to thank you too. All the presenters today. It was a very vibrant.

550
01:42:10.000 --> 01:42:29.000
He has been a very vibrant. Panel. I was fascinated. When listening all these concepts that have been built by our teachers, Lewin Golding, Manjivar and how they have been helping us as tools.

551
01:42:29.000 --> 01:42:36.000
To illuminate certain areas of research in several countries of the world. I'm so happy. It's so sad that Lewin couldn't make it.

552
01:42:36.000 --> 01:42:40.000
But she's in Europe. These days. But, But yeah, I was I was very thankful and fascinated by listening to all your work, fascinating work.

553
01:42:40.000 --> 01:42:59.000
So now we have I believe 20 min for questions and answers. 10 min. Okay, we have 10 min for questions and answers and please.

554
01:42:59.000 --> 01:43:09.000
Go ahead. Yeah, yeah, yeah, that's good idea. Thank you. Yeah, we have our presenters now sitting down in the main.

555
01:43:09.000 --> 01:43:17.000
Table and then please. How can I see if there are people in Zoom trying to ask questions? You would see?

556
01:43:17.000 --> 01:43:24.000
Okay. Excellent. Who wants to start with the first question.

557
01:43:24.000 --> 01:43:30.000
Okay.

558
01:43:30.000 --> 01:43:36.000
Artist. Alright, so.

559
01:43:36.000 --> 01:43:47.000
I'm glad to hear this for the last presenters. 10, I'm glad to hear that this program has been so successful because When you first started talking about I was a little cynical.

560
01:43:47.000 --> 01:43:59.000
Just because they don't, I think the answer is like a. Some sort of assumption that somehow.

561
01:43:59.000 --> 01:44:08.000
Countries could repopulated their depopulating areas with immigrants because they're more desperate to come. But we know like once they get there they Yeah, often don't stay.

562
01:44:08.000 --> 01:44:19.000
So it seems like the real problem is to make the cities more livable. And a lot of the things you mentioned, like having better public transport.

563
01:44:19.000 --> 01:44:33.000
I'm wondering if some of those immigration programs are trying to actually build an infrastructure like you said there's transport okay maybe you get a bus driver but why not have people build like metro station?

564
01:44:33.000 --> 01:44:47.000
Other like infrastructure. The other thing is a lot of the acculturation literature shows that Most of these programs, at least what I read of the literature in Europe, they don't really help immigrants.

565
01:44:47.000 --> 01:45:04.000
With the things that they help with. I mean the things that immigrants need help with is not to learn about the culture of the whole country and like the Constitution or the even the language which often they already have.

566
01:45:04.000 --> 01:45:12.000
Sure, but to learn things like how to find a lawyer, how to see a doctor, how to pay taxes.

567
01:45:12.000 --> 01:45:21.000
These sort of like more practical things which generally don't get taught. So I'm morning if those get taught just practical skills that immigrants actually.

568
01:45:21.000 --> 01:45:30.000
Or even getting a car.

569
01:45:30.000 --> 01:45:35.000
Oh

570
01:45:35.000 --> 01:45:43.000
Thank you so much for your question. I think you have highlighted a lot of key issues that we've also found in the literature and or analysis of their data.

571
01:45:43.000 --> 01:45:55.000
With regards to your question about, are these Google meetings developing themselves so that they become more attractive? Part of it is that the occupations that they're looking for are people working in transportation, people working in construction.

572
01:45:55.000 --> 01:46:14.000
So they're trying to recruit people that can help develop the region as well. So that's part of that part of that kind of initiative and strategy associated with the people do want very very good selective specific In terms of the services that you're going to talk about or whether they're where they're helping provide those simple

573
01:46:14.000 --> 01:46:19.000
cultures. The support that they need, right? Well, there's an emphasis on services in particular.

574
01:46:19.000 --> 01:46:27.000
Language, for example, other services. There's a kind of an emphasis on people that already have the services available.

575
01:46:27.000 --> 01:46:37.000
Or have connections to others that have the services available rather than. Providing services as a program or as as a

576
01:46:37.000 --> 01:46:43.000
I will just add that when we say success, we meet it with air quotes and with caution.

577
01:46:43.000 --> 01:46:46.000
Interestingly enough, we mean it with air quotes and with caution. Interestingly enough, everything that we've seen.

578
01:46:46.000 --> 01:46:52.000
Interestingly enough, everything that we've seen for the program has been positive and we find it very difficult to believe for the program has been positive and we find it very difficult to believe that there's not one wrong thing with the program has been positive and we find it very difficult to believe that there's not one wrong thing with the

579
01:46:52.000 --> 01:47:20.000
program. So in order to understand the success of the program, we would need to speak to people who have actually been through the process.

580
01:47:20.000 --> 01:47:23.000
Because it's hard to find, it's hard to believe that there's just nothing wrong with the program at this point.

581
01:47:23.000 --> 01:47:39.000
So that's why when we made success, we really mean it with caution and like your whole.

582
01:47:39.000 --> 01:47:52.000
Thank you very much for all the presenters. Very stimulating session. I'm from University of Asia in Tokyo.

583
01:47:52.000 --> 01:48:04.000
Pacific labor scheme. Way Japanese immigration scholars tend to think Japan at the worst kind of the guest of our car state at this moment.

584
01:48:04.000 --> 01:48:18.000
Very inhumane, precarious system using the so-called interns. And they just The government has been justifying it as

585
01:48:18.000 --> 01:48:24.000
Kind of the developmental scheme. For a particularly Asian countries. And that is a fiction, but at least they try to legitimatize it.

586
01:48:24.000 --> 01:48:39.000
How the Australian government tried to legitimatize this scheme. It seems very Not just brigades, something even more inhumane.

587
01:48:39.000 --> 01:48:51.000
But so maybe the Canadian case I may have the same question but particularly to most of area.

588
01:48:51.000 --> 01:49:03.000
Thank you so much for the question. Very interesting. Yeah, so I don't think the Australian case is too different in terms of leaning on that developmental justification.

589
01:49:03.000 --> 01:49:10.000
And the World Bank actually played a very active hand in the formation of both of these Pacific labor migration schemes.

590
01:49:10.000 --> 01:49:17.000
And have very much been using that language of it being a triple win. Program as a way of justifying it.

591
01:49:17.000 --> 01:49:29.000
So it's actually been explicitly positioned as a development scheme to the Pacific it's actually accompanied reduction in aid spending in the Pacific as well.

592
01:49:29.000 --> 01:49:42.000
More generally, I think Australia's aid spending has declined over the period with the idea that you could potentially try and Push labour mobility schemes in as sort of occupying that kind of regional development space.

593
01:49:42.000 --> 01:49:48.000
And as you said before, it is something of a fiction, but that's certainly what's been.

594
01:49:48.000 --> 01:50:02.000
Being used in this context but I think it does also have the additional backdrop of climate change affecting labour markets across the Pacific and this sort of encroaching reality, but a lot of migration from the Pacific is.

595
01:50:02.000 --> 01:50:10.000
Probably gonna have to be directed towards New Zealand and Australia in decades to come. Yeah, it probably doesn't completely answer your question, but.

596
01:50:10.000 --> 01:50:17.000
But yeah, they pair of similar power ones.

597
01:50:17.000 --> 01:50:23.000
Sorry, it's just cause it's related. I was just really interested in this notion of sustainable development and then how it links to.

598
01:50:23.000 --> 01:50:31.000
So basically it's a kind of migration as adaptation and the development. So basically it's a kind of migration as adaptation and the development is through remigration as adaptation and the development is through remittances.

599
01:50:31.000 --> 01:50:46.000
Yeah, or

600
01:50:46.000 --> 01:51:02.000
There's also

601
01:51:02.000 --> 01:51:16.000
Okay, yeah, says the individualization of aid and putting it on on my, okay.

602
01:51:16.000 --> 01:51:22.000
I am RAM Baghdad from the International Institute for Population Sciences Bombay, India.

603
01:51:22.000 --> 01:51:32.000
My question, it's very interesting presentation. All of you made it very interesting and so much points have come out.

604
01:51:32.000 --> 01:51:37.000
One thing I was thinking about the Kafala system. Now how it is sustaining? What is its political economy?

605
01:51:37.000 --> 01:51:49.000
How a state is benefiting. It is state. That is promoting Kafala's system.

606
01:51:49.000 --> 01:51:57.000
And therefore, and we find that the Different forms of kahala system is also practiced in other parts.

607
01:51:57.000 --> 01:52:13.000
Like in the presentation of Australia we have seasonal migration program or somewhere it is guest workers program so precarity is produced by the state that I think and how we can reform it.

608
01:52:13.000 --> 01:52:20.000
We have in South Asia and Southeast Asia, the Colombo process, Abu Dhabi dialogue.

609
01:52:20.000 --> 01:52:39.000
Under international organization of migrations. Edges. But I don't think any progress has been made so far.

610
01:52:39.000 --> 01:52:50.000
Thanks for the question. Yeah, I mean, I think the cafala is actually, not that dissimilar to the palm-o is actually not that dissimilar to the palm-layered migration system in Australia in many senses.

611
01:52:50.000 --> 01:53:01.000
And I think the state encourages it because it means they can bring people in to do jobs that the local population often doesn't want to do.

612
01:53:01.000 --> 01:53:23.000
The whole system is built on profound inequality. And without having to promise them any particular rights or without having to promise them any particular rights or welfare or dependency and I think you know actually there's an interesting report came out in Australia recently basically saying it and I think the point is that any sister, any migration system where

613
01:53:23.000 --> 01:53:30.000
someone's migration status is is firmly tied to their employment status is absolutely right for exploitation of the worker.

614
01:53:30.000 --> 01:53:48.000
So decoupling those 2 things I think is really the way we need to be moving and encouraging that to happen both here but in countries like Australia but also in countries that purchase the Kafala as well and there's a lot of lobbying and advocacy for that to happen.

615
01:53:48.000 --> 01:53:53.000
Which needs to I just think needs to be stepped up.

616
01:53:53.000 --> 01:54:03.000
I believe we have just few minutes. I would like to be very selfish and ask a question generally and you decided you once read or not.

617
01:54:03.000 --> 01:54:22.000
I started doing an immigration studies, studies. Very much linked to my own biography. As an immigrant in Canada 15 years ago who lost his status at some point and Hi, I managed to finish my PhD and now I am happily an assistant professor at the university in Canada.

618
01:54:22.000 --> 01:54:38.000
And I started my field work and I never go out. I continue doing that and in that process I have been witnessing a lot of the ways in which people struggle with precarious status, which you have been all documenting and investigating very well.

619
01:54:38.000 --> 01:54:49.000
But now I am very interested in understanding. What are, what is the agency like collective agency because we know doctors say we are a good people here, we bring money.

620
01:54:49.000 --> 01:55:08.000
So we have all individual agency working around to make possible to survive let's say precarity But What kind of instances of good examples of of collective agency you have been witnessing or collecting in your work.

621
01:55:08.000 --> 01:55:16.000
And if somebody wants to say something about it. Go ahead, yes.

622
01:55:16.000 --> 01:55:31.000
It's just very kind of superficial level, but I think it re just very kind of superficial level but I think it reverence back to the notion of care which has kind of come up through the other presentations and how this precarity and this precarious legal status kind of.

623
01:55:31.000 --> 01:55:38.000
She attracts people from care, from caring structures, from family, from kin or from caring relationships.

624
01:55:38.000 --> 01:56:00.000
And so one of the ways in which the young men in in my study is the kind of care that the care for each other, collective care, providing support for each other and I'm really bad at pronouncing their names, but, So the citation completely well, have this concept of the Mobile Commons.

625
01:56:00.000 --> 01:56:07.000
Which is the politics of care and People probably heard of it anyway and I'm getting that citation a bit wrong so I apologise.

626
01:56:07.000 --> 01:56:18.000
Tires and it's and that is a way of counteracting precarity through collective organizing and through kind of practices of of care.

627
01:56:18.000 --> 01:56:29.000
That's one thing that I think is coming up and that I think is interesting to look into as a way of counteracting these institutional structures, the kind of.

628
01:56:29.000 --> 01:56:38.000
You know, the anti-politics of care. And so on and I think that's an interesting thing and the lack of care in these presentations.

629
01:56:38.000 --> 01:56:50.000
That people are experiencing shows damaging side of carry status.

630
01:56:50.000 --> 01:56:59.000
Thank you for this question. It's very interesting. I mean, my story is from mid 1990.

631
01:56:59.000 --> 01:57:09.000
It looks like very romantic compared with the situation which is refugees today. And my precarious status group.

632
01:57:09.000 --> 01:57:22.000
Actually could organize themselves and and make that case and mobilize even surrounding societies. Today it's more or less completely impossible.

633
01:57:22.000 --> 01:57:41.000
They were not. Illegalized. Cause our colleague Haral Bouder from Metropolitan University in Toronto we should not talk about illegal migration we should talk or illegal migrants illegalized migrants.

634
01:57:41.000 --> 01:57:53.000
So it's state who made them. Illegal. So they are not illegal by themselves. But at that time they were not illegal and they had, I mean, old.

635
01:57:53.000 --> 01:58:06.000
Old Greek-british sociologist Nikos Mozalis. Made a difference between the structure agency and Duality and Dualism.

636
01:58:06.000 --> 01:58:29.000
So duality is with structure agency can influence the structure and then being become influenced by structure. But when you have a dualism agency is has no room to to do something at all And this is the difference between 1990 s and today.

637
01:58:29.000 --> 01:58:43.000
So. It's pity to say that. This is the way it is.

638
01:58:43.000 --> 01:58:48.000
Oh, we're strong.

639
01:58:48.000 --> 01:59:06.000
I just wanted to say in response to that question that if it weren't for kind of collective mobilization and to that question that if it weren't for collective mobilization and collective agency, none of these clinics would actually exist because the first forms of collective mobilization and collective agency, none of these clinics would actually exist because the first forms of Syrian doctors working at

640
01:59:06.000 --> 01:59:17.000
all were humanitarian clinics would actually exist because the first forms of Syrian doctors working at all were humanitarian clinics that were created by large groups of doctors with networks that existed when they were in Damascus and in Aleppo and such an You know, professional networks.

641
01:59:17.000 --> 01:59:26.000
Are quite connected through the universities that people graduate from and so originally there was a lot of advocacy on the part of the refugees to even.

642
01:59:26.000 --> 01:59:39.000
Create these organizations that for a while had some state toleration like they were not completely underground you know, they, they got a law passed that for 6 months made their humanitarian clinics legal.

643
01:59:39.000 --> 01:59:50.000
So there was a lot of kind of collective action, but the problem of the greater temporary protection context is that states as sure for a while.

644
01:59:50.000 --> 02:00:08.000
And so they've kind of had these. Up and down. Experiences of like having agency and being able to advocate for themselves and then having the rug kind of pulled out from under them than having to reorganize in different types of organization so It's I think it's very frustrating but like this There is a lot

645
02:00:08.000 --> 02:00:14.000
of advocating for themselves at the level of national politics. I talked to some dentists who spoke at parts.

646
02:00:14.000 --> 02:00:22.000
Or something on behalf of that. Whether anything's happening.

647
02:00:22.000 --> 02:00:28.000
Looking size 2 at 31 and I

648
02:00:28.000 --> 02:00:36.000
II just want to say thank you so very much. Melissa. Yeah.

649
02:00:36.000 --> 02:00:44.000
Streets fully really exciting that I know I learned a lot from

650
02:00:44.000 --> 02:00:50.000
Thank you.