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Yeah, I'm very excited to hear more about this. Please. Thank you. Hello everyone.

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So that will be 2 of us, me, Odrana and my colleague Geista. And we want to talk today about the links between structural vulnerabilities, climate change exposure and perception of climate change risks.

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And this is part of our project on social solutions to climate change as funded by the Research Council of the Lithuania.

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And in this presentation we will focus on climate change risk perception and also work with at least 4 conceptual tools.

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The first being the social psychological factors and you will hear us calling these as mental models. We will work with social structural position factors and I will elaborate on this more on the next slide, we will work with situational contexts like perception of local impacts of climate change and the broader macro level context that is country level exposure to climate

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change risks. And we think this is relevant. The analysis that we completed because studies in this area are showing that between countries the variability is less than the within country of viability and we have data available.

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So therefore the analysis. And this is to conceptualize how we perceive as structural vulnerabilities. These are derived from a social structural positions with different potential for vulnerability and these might be associated with gender, age, social class, and other attributes.

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And these are perceived as cumulative and overlapping and the structural vulnerabilities describe the prospects of eroding people's choices and capabilities.

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So we are kind of following capabilities approach. And we also see structural vulnerabilities as uncertain risk studies by intersectional risk theory.

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Our analysis is based on data from International Social Survey Program, ISSP data, the fourth way of surveys on environment that were conducted in 2,02022 with representative national samples and we have employed a regressions multiple regressions.

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And now I invite Isaiah to introduce the variables and the analysis results.

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So in international social survey is a bit limited in terms of possible variables for the analysis and for the climate changes perception the arrival is the question on the attitudes on the how dangerous is a rise and wall temperature for environment.

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From one extremely dangerous to 5 not dangerous at all and it was used also previously in the risk studies as variable for the climate changes perception.

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Also we are looking at perceived local impact of extreme weather events and the wording for that variable in international social social program is thinking about a neighbourhood to what extent if at all was it affected by the following things and one of these possible things is extreme weather events.

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And then for the extra native arrivals we use variables for social structural position, namely age gender and subjective social class for the subjective social class correspondence asked to identify their perceived position on the ladder from one to 10 and also we didn't interact each by subjective social class and gender by subjective social class.

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So for the data analysis, we first needed to categorize available countries, we first needed to categorize available countries because the problem with is to categorize available countries because the problem with ISP, we first needed to categorize available countries because the number with ISP with new wave is the number of countries is quite low because it was done during

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the COVID and so many countries did not provide the data for the dataset in 2,010 it was 40 countries now it was just 14 so we could not take whole sample but then we saw that we can classify them by the exposure to climate change.

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So these are the countries that are available for ISP survey. And so what we did, we looked at the climate change risk index kind of objective measurement of the exposure.

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And then these are. Values and the higher is the value the lower is the climate change risk a bit kind of objectively measured.

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And then there are a few groups for the climate change risk. And so we using that categorization by German Green Watch Institute, we had 3 groups of the countries.

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So high climate change risk, countries medium and law. So you see how we had this 3 groups of countries.

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And then for the sample sizes, so then we did analysis within this 3. And the examples, high-level medium and low and the sample sizes vary from like 4,000 for the high level and then 11,000 like cumulatively for medium.

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And then looking at the climate changes perception so it's coded. Counterintuitive so one means very big then risk and 5 means low risk.

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So you see in colours the countries by these 3 groups. And at the first glance we can see that there is no clear relation between the objective exposure to climate risk and climate change with perception.

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So the green, our lowest countries. And, then medium-ized countries in high risk countries and in some higher countries.

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The perception is quite low. So we see that it's kind of a big gap between objective objective objective.

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And then we took the social structure, structural arrivals and we did regressions within these 3 groups of countries and none of this, almost none of these variables were significant.

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So neither age or gender or interaction effects when I significant only effect that was weakly significant was top bottom south placement, but the significance is quite weak and plus and also it's negative meaning that in the higher risk countries.

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Perception is is is low. And the same was the same effects where in medium climate changes countries. So what and what and this is kind of contradictory.

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So what and what and this is kind of contradictory to the studies for example that show that gender is always important and it is important so as we promise for this session you know some analysis we thought that it's not enough to show that it's not working.

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So we try to find another way to understand better the internal kind of vulnerability of climate change risk perceptions.

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So based on the conceptual idea that variety within countries is higher than variety across countries with it cluster analysis that shows internal structure and we did cluster analysis based on 2 variables, climate change, risk perception, and also perceived local impact of extreme weather events.

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How people localize the impacts of climate change. So in the total sample, the, there were 3 clusters based on these 2 arrivals and this is the distribution in like whole sample but then Also, if we look at the climate changes perception, we find quite interesting differences.

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So for example, means of the climate changes perception across like this objective exposure groups are not so significant the differences but then if we just run the natural clusters we see already quite significant differences within this cluster.

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So for example, there are 3 clusters and the SET coass cluster, the risk perception is the lowest.

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So then we continued with this cholesterol analysis and there you can see the 3 clusters compared by climate changes perception and the perception of local exposure.

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So you you have we have one cluster with a high risk low local impacts meaning that people in this cluster would see climate change risk as high with the low local impact and then second cluster high risk and high local impact.

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So it's reversely coded. So the lower is the the number the highest order perception and the set cluster there are perception.

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And the third cluster, there are people there who would think that risk is low with the medium impact.

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So you see already quite significant differences there. And these are Dan Cross kind of cross abolition. So in in all the groups of countries, the highest number of residents would fall to the cluster of high climate change risk but low local impacts and it's quite interesting because we would think that highros perception would be characterized with weak

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characteristic for those countries with a high local impacts but it's vice versa and also it could be explained by the types of countries who are there with the high perception mainly scandinavia for example countries.

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And then there are specific differences when we compare like within groups and also these are significant differences how this clusters fall into these different 3 types of countries.

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So then we can see that for high climate change risk countries the second largest group are those people who perceive risk as low.

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Even objective objectively they have high exposure and still like said of the population have this perception that impacts are quite low.

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And risk perception of climate change also is low. So here it's kind of inadequate understanding of the kind of objective situation there and also for the low climate change countries we have the same second largest share of people but already for this group is like rather closer to the to the kind of real real situation in their objective reality.

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So what we found that in the climate change is perception case, the intersections of social vulnerabilities or categories were not so significant and this could be explained by different things.

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Maybe the type of risk is not the one. Where the theory could be like really well applied. Also we found kind of larger within countries vulnerabilities compared to across groups of countries.

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So we think that climate change perception is like rather explained by specific mental models beyond social vulnerabilities and also we found some inadequacies in this objective risks subjective perception because there are gaps, especially in the high climate change perception, sorry, high exposure countries.

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Where they would see impacts as like sometimes medium and the perception is low. But also both in high climate change risk and low climate change risk countries, there are more as we call underworld respondents who would think that risk is low and local impacts.

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Are medium than the ones who's climate changes perception. Rather correspond to the perception of the impact. So That was our our data for today.

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Thank you very much. Not 15 min.

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Yeah, I think just the aspect of a small technical question. Agree with people here this one as far as I if I understood you correctly you did cluster you correctly you did cluster analysis of the combined sample no but also within all these 3 groups yeah but my question is as far as I, you did cluster analysis of the combined sample for 4 countries. No, but also within all these 3 groups.

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Yeah, but also within all these 3 groups. But my question is as far as I remember, Yeah.

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So we did the customers not within countries but within the sample of a group of countries. Are in the first class.

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Is there the share of this crossbuster also?

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As you said, we did not analyze country by country, but okay, so just maybe too. So what we did, so we had, see, 4,500 correspondence and we did cluster analysis within that because we wanted to see those individuals who in high exposure what's their kind of perception and we did not do like country by country

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analysis and also this 100% is within as it's shown here in the table is for the high climate change resources right so then we can compare of course this is 4,000 this 11,000 but 100 is by lion yeah yeah yeah so but we didn't actually look so far at like country by country because we wanted to look

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at so far at country by country because we wanted to look at this objective exposure you know because we wanted to look at this objective exposure you know because we wanted to look at this objective exposure because we wanted to look at this objective exposure because we wanted to look at this objective exposure because we also found maybe perceived in different ways within those countries

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so citizenship and living in the country. Yeah, yeah. It might, but we also came from the theoretical position between countries differences are lower and actually ours don't go very well in line with that.

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And actually our don't go very well in line with that. Of course that would be interesting to see the cluster analysis within countries.

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Have broaden this analysis that might might be a step forward for us but at this point we only have.

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Because yeah but the cost also you know the ICP this wave is quite difficult to analyze it like 14 countries very difficult to analyze it like 14 countries very different regions and we wanted to have all this is quite difficult to analyze.

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It's like 14 countries, very different regions and we wanted to have all this. It's like 14 countries, very different regions, and we wanted to have all this data analyzed.

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And we wanted to have all this data and we wanted to have all this data analyzed so somehow you can do analysis with the same 4, you know, analyzed.

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So somehow, you know, you can do analysis with the same 4, you can do analysis with the same 4, just Lecina, but if it's not so interesting here, it's the same 4, just Lecina, but if it's not so interesting here, it's for our project, but if it's not so interesting here, it's for our

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project for us. Thank you for the answers and your presentation. Thank you.

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Thank you for your presentation. This one comment is that I don't quite know how they the index that you took for climate change.

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He's measured, but you say exposure. To the these hazards or changes. Well, exposure, it's it's important but then some countries are very prepared and not as to face these changes.

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So one thing he's exposure and another thing is the actual risk that will depend on the infrastructure of each country.

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So one way you can do have a better variable is to include the disasters. There's a database of climate disasters in different countries.

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So the actual impact of climate change that is different that you're aspulcher because you may be exposed but if you have good infrastructure you won't fill it.

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It would be like, it won't be an issue. But then you because in the high exposure countries you have Germany and Thailand and They have, I think, very different risk.

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But you were asking a qualitative question about differences of the risks, you know, on quantitative level you can say that both this country, Germany and Ireland are at high risk even though the risks might be different.

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It's only, you know, evaluating the level of right pressure to these risks. But it's different if you're measuring exposer of risk and that was my question because I don't know the actual index you use because exposure is just one component of the climate risk.

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It will depend on how the country is built. And you have both types of indexes. And I think you can use both and have different results.

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But I think it will be interesting to know if the actual, losses. Impact the way people Thank you.

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Perception if there are actual impact on the actual losses and you do have that for that. The m that the database.

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Yeah, I can give you that. I think maybe we should look at the exposure concept but also the climate change risk index it involves the actual losses for infrastructure and economic losses.

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So it's kind of a, you know, it's like 10 years and okay so it's not it's not just exposure it's actually he has also calculated based on the economic losses fatalities and so on so it's kind of objective measure.

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Okay, yeah, yeah, yeah. It's just that I also refuse with the use of the word exposure because I can understand that Thailand and Germany are equally exposed but then the life of people there will be very different with the same exposure.

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I also wanted to draw your attention that well if you wish we can share our article with multi-level analysis where we have accounted for the configurable differences.

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When analyzing climate change receptions and we found some differences and in this case we were willing to go with this structural vulnerability concept which didn't work.

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We found the opposite that most of the structural vulnerability positions do not work. We found the opposite of vulnerability positions do not work here, or vulnerability positions do not work here, that most of those structural vulnerability positions do not work here, not provide an effect.

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And even the one that did that is subjective social class positioning worked the other way around than expected meaning that people from higher social classes have higher risk perception.

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So that was our initial intention and you know showing what didn't work is also our initial intention and you know showing what didn't work is also a result.

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No, I am going to.

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Because Thank you.

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Oh, the next the center. It's the And you're going to school about the school care are fast.

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Intersectional analysis of any porpoise in which it's false basically to prevent what we 19.

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Are you? Oh, I don't know if I pushed too buttons. We'll see. Okay.

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No, it's my recording. Can it not be the recording? I.

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Okay, it's supposed to be just playing.

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Thank you know that you have noted the recording. I uploaded both

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Hey, I'm not gonna play you a recording. Maybe I'll try to time this with the video and we'll see you this morning.

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Yeah, cause can I go to the slides? I'm sure you just have to use this button here too.

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Oh, yes. K the slides. Yeah, yeah, I know I uploaded a slide deck as well, but, I wasn't certain I would be able to travel.

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Yeah, I was working with. Worried health care provider for. Other issues? All right, so thank you all for coming today and for all the good presentations in the sessions and other sessions so far.

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My name's Tara. I am presenting on vaccination primarily during the early stages of rollout in Canada.

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And we'll see if I can make my slides work because I think they're pretty. Hopeful.

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But yeah, I don't think I was on the cover this long when I recorded it either

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So I think it's kind of stuck.

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So, okay, I'll just start by acknowledging my funding for this talk. Including funding for getting here.

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And skipping randomly ahead throughout. The talk. So Throughout the pandemic, the attribution of responsibility was placed on individuals to contain the risks of COVID.

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19 and that was really evident in a lot of the public health communications and coverage in Canada as well as internationally.

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With vaccine campaigns holding adults personally responsible for getting vaccinated. So for example, this CBC article, someone of the national news been using Canada, summarized available evidence and expert opinion about the risks of kovat.

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19 disease, vaccine safety and effectiveness and the uptake levels in Canada. And articles like this evoke feelings of responsibility to get vaccinated as well as hope that a novel medical technology may help end the dangers of disease and the restrictive public health measures that people were experiencing.

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And there were some really successful programs developed to improve accessibility in Canada. Really good examples were the ones led by indigenous communities across Canada.

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But there were still substantial inequities. And intersectional inequities in the need for resources to access vaccines and to follow public health measures generally.

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And those make it more difficult for those without resources to get vaccinated.

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So. Our analysis for this study, we aimed to explore perceptions of personal responsibility and access to vaccines when they were initially becoming widely available to adults living on the lands commonly known as Canada.

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And so that's May to June, 2,021. And our analysis takes an intersectional approach that's informed by theory and research about more regulation, risk governance, and emotion.

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And I'm just going to see if it'll keep up with me about what we're going.

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So for moral regulation, I'm referring to moral discourses, techniques and practices that are used in the governance of oneself and others by engaging in moral discourses to encourage socially beneficial actions.

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So Canadian public health discourses presented medical and scientific evidence about the pandemic to motivate individuals to identify as normative pandemic subjects.

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Who are who accept responsibility for containing the risks of COVID-19 by following individual actions. So getting vaccinated, washing your hands, wearing masks, all of those things.

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Moral regulation around health risks is also shaped by emotions in the emotional regime of the period. So using Sarah Ahmed's concept of effective economy, these feelings circulate between bodies, signs and symbols.

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So you can think about fear and anxiety being kind of dominant emotions throughout the pandemic for a lot of people.

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And those also were creating space for hope because people would direct those towards potential futures that they wanted to see.

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So the kovat 19 pandemic shifted the dominant emotional regime as I said towards feelings of risk and anxiety.

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And those feelings were deployed in ways that motivated collective responsibility to flatten the curve as a lot of us going back to that language we don't use very much anymore.

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However, many people felt that the public health measures were also restricting their personal freedoms. They were threatening life as they knew it in that way.

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And others felt hope around the potential of the vaccines to bring protection and kind of end these measures.

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So this study as a third from The third of 3 papers that were writing from the study that I'm presenting today and it's based on qualitative interviews conducted between April and May, 2,021.

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The interviews focused on anticipated and experienced challenges in accessing vaccines. And there were 3 researchers.

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I was leading myself and 2 other researchers in a discourse analysis of transcripts using in vivo software.

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And just to be clear, we selected participants from a national online survey. We invited a total of 49 all of them identified as a racialized minority or indigenous person living in Canada.

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And I agreed to participate in an interview. 27 agreed to participate and completed interviews sorry and we particularly were selecting people who identified as having barriers to accessing health care.

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So that really shaped who was interviewed because most of them did want the vaccine. All of them talked possibly about the vaccine.

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Just one didn't say if she got vaccinated herself. So participants identified among diverse ethnic backgrounds.

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They were Men and women, little bit more women and one gender nonconforming man at a range of ages with most being between 30 and 50.

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And living in 7 of the Canadian provinces between Western and Eastern Canada. So all participants, as I said, spoke positively about the vaccine.

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They wanted to do their part to end the pandemic. They wanted to travel. They wanted to avoid stigmatization in some cases.

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By following public health measures. And they talked about a lot of other reasons to get vaccinated. So we found participants demonstrated feelings of responsibility to get vaccinated, invisible and intersecting barriers to getting vaccinated and emotional and individualized work needed to access vaccines.

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That is, participants were reproducing moralizing public health discourses about individual responsibility while simultaneously critiquing the barriers to getting back vaccinated that allow for blame to be directed towards the individual.

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And especially towards people that are already systematically disadvantaged. So as you can see on this figure, this is I think the process that people think you undertake when you're getting vaccinated, you consider getting vaccinated, you consult information, you decide you're going to do it, book an appointment, walk in, you're

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done. Everything's over. So we hear this as really facilitating moral responsibility. So it's a duty to get vaccine.

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It's not that much work. It brings people together. And so for example, Adam, who identified as Iranian, explained, unless everyone gets vaccinated, not everyone will be safe.

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He didn't see a reason to not get the vaccine. And be different than everyone else. Adam's statement that he just didn't see the reason for not getting vaccinated.

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Positioned vaccination is the only responsible and reasonable response to the availability of vaccines. But that response also communicates an expectation for individuals to navigate barriers themselves.

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So in that way he's kind of aligning vaccine refusal or not being vaccinated with uninformed decisions.

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And such comments like this reproduce public health discourses about doing something. By contributing to the governance of oneself and others if I undertake this action.

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So other participants, and the slides should change soon, took on self-governance when discussing responsibility to inform their vaccine decisions with appropriate information.

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Alleysi, who identified as an international student from Nigeria, stated, I don't even know the science of everything but now that they've confirmed that the vaccine does something to an extent I feel like yes I should just go for it

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In this statement, she shows that she's accepting and trusting of science and vaccines.

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Suggesting that it's possible to responsibly get vaccinated without fully understanding the information and the science behind it.

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But we saw no equivalent for refusing vaccines. Right? You couldn't responsibly refuse a vaccine without really thoroughly explaining everything and In most cases, people are still not gonna accept your reasons for refusal.

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So in this case, the deployment of choice, further governance of choice, further governance and responsibleization by establishing, further governance and responsibleization by establishing a correct choice, furthest governance, by establishing a correct choice that conforms with the moral responsibility that conforms with the moral responsibility to get vaccinated, to

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mitigate risks to get vaccinated, to mitigate risks to the community, and to oneself and a wrong choice which is the failure to get vaccinated.

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Let me think about the work actually involved in getting vaccinated and this walks you through that. So this is for your typical person without barriers.

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You consider getting vaccinated. You do all those things and you're navigating a booking process, I don't know what it was like across internationally in an online system that would bounce you out.

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People were on the phone for hours. You have to book time off work. You have to find a time you can go.

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If you don't have a flexible job that's. What I'll get into later with the systemic barriers.

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Then you have to get to your appointment. You're waiting in line. It actually takes some time.

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You're completing consent forms, you're interacting with health care providers, you receive your injection, you wait 15 min in the clinic.

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Some people had really side effects that they had to recover from after they're transitory. They're good.

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They protect you. You don't get severely sick. But at the same time, you might need some time to recover.

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So there's all these things that can actually make it hard for people to get vaccinated without systemic barriers.

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And there is that assumption about the lack of work needed to get vaccinated. That can really facilitate moralization and blame.

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But then if we add in the systemic barriers which did come up in the interviews quite extensively.

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Paradoxical to the reproduction of public health discourses about individual responsibilities. Participants really unpacked invisible inequities in responsibility to access vaccines.

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So for example, the need for resources to access vaccines, you're considering things like medical racism, literacy and language comprehension of whatever is being provided to you, pre-existing health conditions, whether there's even evidence for someone with your health conditions at the time the vaccines were available.

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And then losing an appointment because maybe you need a childcare, maybe you're not allowed to bring your children to your appointment because of public health restrictions.

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There's just a whole host of things that can come up there. The need to take time off work that's usually a lot more flexible for people in academia than people working at a grocery store or elsewhere.

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So for a lot of people that can create real barriers to accessing vaccines.

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And. Participants explained that stigma also creates challenges for asking for help with vaccine decision making. So Susan described helping, she identified as METIs, one of the.

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Indigenous groups in Canada. She described helping diverse clients at a local women's center who were uncomfortable asking for support and vaccine decision-making because of the stigma surrounding hesitancy and particularly for those already experiencing systemic racism, colonialism and other disadvantages.

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She explains, if you're a minority or a newcomer or indigenous or a single mom or whatever, it's really embarrassing to ask for help.

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She said that there's a stigma of reaching out and being like, I don't understand what this vaccine is.

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Everyone expected that they'd already had made up their decision at that point. She found that she had to prompt and encourage people to receive help and commented that most people outside her work didn't even realize what these barriers were.

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And that feeling of embarrassment that she's mentioned can really stick to people. It can make them feel like they're failing to make a decision and that makes it really hard to reach out and ask for help and also can facilitate more blame for their failure to act responsibly or perceived to failure tact responsibly.

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Similarly, Maria, a recent migrant from Brazil, felt that the province of Alberta's legislation for employers to allow paid job protected time to get vaccinated wasn't accessible to everyone.

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She explained that newcomers often work more hours with inflexible schedules. She said that when booking her husband's vaccine, she didn't know if she would book for a time that he may be working because he doesn't know his schedule far enough in advance.

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And individuals as such as him could be uncomfortable asking for time off because they don't know about informal repercussions.

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And then a few participants mentioned vaccine acceptance as a means to avoid stigmatization and discrimination.

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So Jazmar, a 19 year old international student from South Asia, explained, I feel as a person of color, as an immigrant, I feel given my identity if I don't follow pandemic regulations in some way in a public place.

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I will be judged or assessed more harshly than a francophone. She was living in Quebec.

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Or a white person or a Canadian citizen. Jasmine's account shows how systemic and intersecting.

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Jasmine's account shows how systemic and intersecting inequities create feelings of personal responsibility to create feelings of personal responsibility to overcome distrust as well, systemic and intersecting inequities create feelings of personal responsibility to overcome distrust as well.

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So that's just that emotional labor coming in of personal responsibility to overcome distrust as well. So that's just that emotional responsibility to overcome distrust as well.

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So that's just that emotional labor coming in of the health system and to overcome distrust as well.

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So that's just that emotional labor coming in of the health system and to get vaccinated to protect oneself from both the pandemic and potential mistreatment, including medical racism.

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And I'm gonna pause it on this one. So these accounts show how systemic inequities simultaneously create more work and barriers to getting vaccinated while also attributing responsibility to individuals who experienced those barriers.

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So vaccine uptake is often attributed to individuals. That's how we talk about it a lot when you hear all the talk about vaccine hesitancy that hesitancy does include barriers to access to some extent.

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But it's shaped by intersecting, should say intersecting, not interesting inequities as well.

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And there's a need to attribute responsibility also to governing institutions with more access to resources.

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To try to make vaccines accessible. And I'll stop. Thank you.

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At the songs. Oh

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Is this?

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Thank you very much and I would like to ask If they reported some experience like objectively exposed to different treatment from I don't met like clinics or like because what you presented here it's rather the perception that they would be treated here it's rather the perception that they would be treated differently but that they reported also they would be treated differently but they reported also the situations where

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they reported also the situations where they were reported, the situations where they were reported, where they were treated.

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I think there's a bit of a mix at the community level for sure there were some communications of the community level for sure there were some communications of things happening where some communications of things happening where 3 of the participants were actually, we would consider them kind of communications of things happening where 3 of the participants were actually, we would consider them kind of key informant

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type participants where 3 of the participants were actually, we would consider them kind of key informant type participants where they worked with populations that get labeled vulnerable or higher exposure.

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So one of them was a first nations public health worker and she talked a lot about the intersecting issues that people are experiencing.

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Colonialism, medical mistreatment. So these are all, there's evidence that they happened.

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But in terms of happening specifically to her, she didn't talk about it. Jasmine is the last example there is a recent recently came to Canada for international to study as an international student didn't talk about anything specifically that she experienced.

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It's more the perception that it's that perceived risk. But I know you were talking about with climate change as well.

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So that was coming up a lot. And then honestly there's It would be a lot to expect people to unpack those experiences with us in these.

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Short interviews that are not really intended to be that emotionally heavy. So we didn't hear as much about that and did in a subsequent study a little bit, but the attribution of what counts as racism is really tricky for people to PIN down and it's hard for them to trust us with those accounts.

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Thank you very much for the presentation. I have a very small question concerning the sample. I didn't understand what was the presentation. I have a very small question concerning the sample.

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I didn't understand what was their relation to the vaccine. I mean, did they make the vaccine or did they just were going to make a vaccine?

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Because if they have taken the vaccine, the narratives were more about the civilisation of their decision.

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If they are going, then they have taken the vaccine, the narratives were more about the civilisation of their decision.

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If they are going, then there would be vulgarization while they do or they do not do what.

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Yeah, so the timing was around when vaccine appointments were just opening to the Canadian public at large. So some people had, around when vaccine appointments were just opening to the Canadian public at large. So some people had appointments.

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Some people had taken the Canadian public at large. So some people had appointments. Some people had taken the vaccine.

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I think it was 10 that had appointments. Some people had taken the vaccine. I think it was 10 that had at least one dose of the vaccine. I think it was 10 that had at least one dose of the vaccine.

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They were often prioritized for the vaccine. They were often prioritized for early vaccination, for example, they were often prioritized for early vaccination, for example, as an indigenous person.

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And then one didn't mention whether she intended to get vaccinated or not, but she was the person working in public health with First Nations and spoke very positively.

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We assumed she got vaccinated or intended to, Can't say. So you really don't believe that there's my influence there.

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Their explanation of the flaw and the ideas of responsibility where whether they have already done all the just side. Think they would have talked less about barriers to accessing the vaccine if they didn't want to get it.

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So this sample is absolutely people who were interested in the vaccine. Yeah.

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I wanted to ask about this, So have these been acknowledged by Canadian authorities and have there been any measures introduced or become those?

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Yeah, we published the first paper we just published from this because it is an interdisciplinary team with fairly descriptive health sciences kind of paper summarizing a lot of the barriers that came up in these qualitative interviews, but there were a lot of programmes put in place but they weren't centralized.

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In the way that I think would be you know there'd be a program for sex workers to access vaccines or program for homeless populations, but it's kind of in a city or one community and it's not.

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Necessarily country wide. And it's not necessarily with the initial roleout to ensure that people can overcome those barriers when that rush is happening where you have a grocery store worker who can't get vaccinated early.

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He's presumably highly exposed. That kind of thing. So I think it's not enough and it's not.

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Necessarily being taken on by the institutions with the most resources. First Nations and it and METIs initiatives were like there were a lot of really good ones that and they're kind of an exception.

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Yeah. Yeah. Or disappointment. Ask the question here in a way.

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Well, thank you so much for your presentation. I find it very interesting and I was wondering about this.

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Relationship between. Or the race. Aspect and social class since you mentioned this example of the woman who's putting it time for her husband and There is that is from Sweden that showing that for example people who have very onsecure they don't mark a situation they also went to work although they were not well.

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I mean it's a similar. So do you do anything with this? Intersection between Reds and class in the analysis.

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Yeah.

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I think that there's absolutely an association with class. However you define it whether whether we're looking at education income some mix of different things.

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We didn't unpack it at that level. I think the attention to the areas where people are working being a grocery store of worker versus a house where people are working being a grocery store to the areas where people are working, being a grocery store of worker versus a healthcare worker.

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There's often a class difference between what a lot of the healthcare professions would have been, especially those prioritized for early vaccination.

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But we don't really get into it in this study. I yeah, absolutely relevant though.

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And

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Yes, so.

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Yeah. Towards yours, you want to talk about the risk with sharing suffering in a.

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In global environments. Student homeless vision. Yes. Hello, good afternoon.

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My name is Joanna. I'm a Brazilian economist that is transitioning to an anthropologist.

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Imagine that. So I'm kind of in love with all this and I had a chance to study the homeless people in Brasilia, the homeless people in Brasilia, the capital.

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Within a group effort of the place I work. Which is an institute of applied economics research linked to the federal government.

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And we were interested primarily in the relationship between the homeless and, let's say, the giches of public offers, benefits and services, but we wanted to cross the fence to the homeless side and do really some dance work with homeless people and understand their narratives and their negotiations with the government categories and concepts to try to go in and

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access things.

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But in the whilst doing this, this is the first, let's say, the first thing that I was amazed about and I tried to theorize a little bit about.

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And it's a more epistemological, let's say, worry. But it has to do with risk.

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And it's the risk of seeing suffering. And by this, reproducing inequality.

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So allow me to take you back to the city where I live and where this study took place. Some 14,000 kilometers from here to the center of the center of Brazil Brasilia.

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Come with me, please. So Brasilia, of course, you know, was founded in 1,960 to be the capital and internalized development.

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It was built in the middle of the Sihado Savannah today one of the most endangered Brazilian Beomes.

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So 3 million people live in Brasilia and 3,000 are homeless. This is Brazil, it has the shape of an airplane.

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Inspired in the modern modern project architectural modernists. And the place where I studied is right in the center of the center of Brasilia called the South commercial sector, SCS.

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So let us go but get close to partially see and not see all. That's these are all okay epistemological claims of feminists and post-colonial epistemological claims claims.

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So to partially see as Hway puts it. To get a nimpression as Ahmed puts it of where the self commercial sector is situated.

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Where around 150,000 people circulate every day. To partially connect as Abu Lugoth would put it with the 135 homeless people living there and with which I interacted for 9 months 3 times a week every morning.

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But walking there through one of the many subterranean passages, you might let ourselves be affected as Favresada would put it and learn to notice it would put it and learn to notice the signs of life of inhabitants practices, and learned to notice at seeing, would put it, the signs of life, of inhabitants practices, remaking bodies

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cities. As Grush would put it. So you might notice eating, smoking, practices, sleeping on top of the discounted LPs of the famous Romantic singer Hbertto Carlos.

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You can see his face there. Or we might panic in the face of pollution, disorder, and the worst of all bodily fluids, human thesis.

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As Douglas Mary would put it, sensing danger to body and social identity we shut our noses look away and walk faster.

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I did all that. Despite original modernist intentions of the fiftys, the social commercial sector, now we were entering it, is currently considered a decadent, degraded social and urban space.

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The city design and immense social inequality contributed to the concentration of the homeless in this area. So there was an intense migration to Brazil of the future city.

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Baziya. But there was also a planned social spatial segregation for government securities.

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Security reasons and so poorer households were left too far away from central areas. Today the source of commercial sector is a ruin at Singh Wood put it off of commercial capitalism dominated by crack cocaine activities crack lanes as we call them in the 2 thousands.

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It is a territory in dispute as zone of constrain. Where social cleaning operations by the police urban regulation and social assistance operate.

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It is a risky landscape. But there is plenty of life in these ruined streets that flourishes illegal small businesses, commercial activities such as apparel, electronics, foods, drugs, prostitution, donations, NGOs, all businesses, and the homeless will meet next.

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So we're going in. It's exactly there. This is the real photo. So welcome.

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Yes, we have arrived at the South commercial sector. Here, we have arrived at the South commercial sector.

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Here, Corusia is the current commercial sector. Here, Corusia is the current boss, just like the.

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Here, Corusia is the current boss, just like the famous Colombian Pablo Escobar.

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Corusia is a homeless man. 81% of homeless in Brasilia are men. So this is census data.

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A mixed race, his mixed race, 71% are blacks and mixed race of the homeless and has recently arrived from his latest passage through the system that is prison.

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46% of the homeless have. He is a very friendly fellow. At least while we are in the company of his long lasting friend Zuma, a harm reduction NGO leader that has grown up with Carusia on the same streets and is now mediating our field work.

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But for some reason this morning, Corusia is desperate. He is sitting down on the floor still altered by some substance consumed during the night.

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His head is resting in between his hands and bended knees. He's sincerely crying.

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He looks at us. What to do? What can we do?

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Juma deviates from him and leads us somewhere else. Why? Isn't she a friend?

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Couldn't she have given him some comfort, advice, resources?

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This is a photo from the South commercial sector and the streets say. Keep your head up. Don't.

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Stay this way.

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Why risks and which risks? The language of risk seems pertinent to me not only because this population is under constant threat of annihilation but also because we are implicated in the daily doing of such dangers and risks as researchers.

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Following Hway, we are responsible for the research effects on risks.

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So my hypothesis is that I suggest that seeing, feeling, writing about suffering constitutes a specific risk.

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A risk to reproduce inequalities. In the face of emotions aroused and circulated by certain homeless visibilities, we risk failing into a trap.

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Typical of the forces that structure some of us researches as white as me I'm saying as white upper class socialized in Christian morality.

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Certainly my case. Such trap is to establish relations of charity. With the Sabbath and others.

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That operate a moral economy of the victim aggressor type. Based on guilt and reparation. This in turn reiterates in equality.

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This trap toldizes and fixes the other as the who only suffers or that who only suffers and us me as that who has the power, the good heart, the agency to choose to end that pain.

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Assuming we are all human, we supposedly identified with that pain, we know that pain. Furthermore, based on guilt, allegedly recondite and mysterious sinful human nature, we are required to act to redeem ours and others sins alike.

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To come to Thames with God by offering sacrifice. The sacrifice of attending to another people's need to other people's need.

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So this is basically the Christian guilt kind of trap. Regarding charity. But differently from the Christian morality of charity support, we might experience something else if we open up to Zuma's my intermediary on the field to Zuma's teachings.

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She walked away from Carusa, remember? Wasn't she being cruel? Has she no pity?

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Actually further along the way we met another 2 homeless women that also deny entering certain exchanges with us even though they need things.

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So one of them said, footsteps to give me and I said oh no not today no I'm so sorry I can get you a plate of ready made food.

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Let me get it for you. No, no, I don't want that. Oh, okay.

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Well, good luck then, I said. And she says, well. You saying that? I already have luck.

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I don't need that. I'm laughing inside. I love that. Let me and another like 2 months later I would say to meetis.

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Sorry to Rebecca. Let me help you with that. No, I don't need your help.

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I know much more than you do, girl, she's saying to me, Rebecca.

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I'm graduated in the University of the streets. 6 months of intense work later. Rebecca, you have forgotten that today is your benefit appointment that the social assistance office.

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I can't help you. I can help you with that, I said. And then I said, oops, sorry, I know you don't like that.

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Maybe I could accompany you, I said, and she laughed. So she was her calcutrent as the other one wasn't was also when I wished her luck such as constituent actors.

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Objectifying to my almighty generous charitable response to their needs. So in the beginning I was very confused by these.

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These reactions and then I try to understand them a little more. This is the stuff from a lady that lives there called India, Indigenous India.

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She's taken as a bit of an accumulator, let's say. And this is a police operation just 3 days ago, 3 days later of that photo that took all her stuff away.

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So bringing here Sarah Ahmed to our conversation in the cultural politics of emotions. The circulation of pain and suffering relative to wounds could follow at least 2 routes with very different political results.

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First route to identify, to emphasize with another Spain, to put ourselves in their shoes exactly in the same way operated by sacrificial discourses.

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These kind of this route, right, mobilises the desire to restore the existing inequality between that who could feel the pain in case the actually occupied the position of the suffering other and the object of pain who putatively is pain.

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Here differences are raised and disrespected. In the imagination of feeling another Spain while inequality is reiterated by subjectifying the potent sees all know-all, savior and objective find the impotent victim.

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But pain is always a mediator sensation. It's redone at every encounter with the world.

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The experience of pain is constituted in a radically contingent connection of bodies with the world. There is no universal pain.

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There isn't one and only pain. Neither is there an entirely mine or your pain. Second round would route would be instead of ignoring the wounds or fetishizing them as fixed, timeless, comparable, measurable.

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It would be possible to release the hold of histories of pain by remaking them politically. In such politics of remembrance, histories of suffering are actualised.

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They don't merely repeat themselves. So, thus pain is a sociality between surfaces and my research participates in the sociality as it brings to the surface.

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As it when there's suffering visible. Representable, readable, seeable.

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Another thinker about emotions is Donna Hway in when species meet. She also takes the 2 route kind of explanation.

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So what does sharing, she has herself. Watch this sharing suffering would look like between those that somehow bear the effects are the victims of our decisions, the aggressors.

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First route would be taking the place of the victim. This, like in Sara Ahmed's case, this obliterates agency, these positions, virtualities and responsibilities that do not fit the portrait of the structurally determined suffering other.

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The second route would be shareings, she says. I quote, sharing suffering is about growing up to do the kind of time-consuming expensive hard work as well as playing.

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Of staying with all the complexities for all the actors. Even knowing that that will never be fully possible, fully calculable, staying with complexities.

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Does not mean not acting, not doing research, not engaging in some indeed many unequal instrumental.

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Functional, let's say, relationships. It does mean learning to live and think in practical opening to share pain and mortality and learning what that living and thinking teach.

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So, going back to to what we were talking about the homeless how would we escape the risk of reproducing inequalities in the face of suffering.

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So the controversies and objections as well as enormous non-generous responses of Juma, the one, the mediating person of the NGO that took us to the field.

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And she was in my eyes, in my view, in the beginning she was very non-generous.

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She was very harsh with the homeless and I'm like, what's happening? So after all these objections and non-generous responses, These might teach us a different type of relation, not charity, but a moral economy of sharing, not charity.

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Zuma perceives when to give, when to help, when to say no and when to be angry.

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This practice manages the risk of reproducing inequality. Sharing food access to services, money, jobs, favors, embedded in a morality of reciprocity means it is conditioned and on noticing the complexities.

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Different rhythms, emotions and opportunities of responding in such a way that we can connect, affect and be affected, come into composition with the homeless of Brasilia.

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Or not. With no ready-made salvation recipe in sight, Zuma conducts a radically imminent support.

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She exchanges idea as she says it. She gives the letter as she says it. That is, not only give out information or objects, but carefully listen to necessities, emotions, exchange notions, worldviews, reinforce readings, give out privileged information.

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In some she makes a difference on the way to solving problem bundles.

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And she also gives out systematic and useful support, meaning people need to be consulted on what they need.

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In the present moment she says you should ask in the present moment what's wrong and not come you know talking about God or something.

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Everyone has their, she says, I quote, everyone has their own objectives and dreams. You people always already want to take people out of the streets.

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But this is your desire, not to ours. We also have some opinions on how you should live your lives.

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So I'm finishing here. I risk suggesting that Zuma's home reduction work depends on its more than partial connections with the streets.

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Connections that make exchange idea as she puts it possible that is enables being in the presence and that isabel Stranger's concept.

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In the presence of all the complexities around homeless lives and problems. Working on the thin layer between agency and necessity between freedom and moral rules.

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This the risk of being seen as creditative, that is, distant, uninterested, unimplicated, unequal, threatens the effectivity of Zuma's work as well as her own subjectivity.

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When she walked away from Corusia, she was actually showing a deep respect for the bosses moment of suffering.

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She didn't want to expose his feelings to our unimplicated ready-made solutions.

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I additionally suggest that violence protection is the very force that shapes such an economy of sharing as moral.

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Embeds it in a moral cushion, builds and enforces moral rules in homeless lives than this has, I mean, violence and the necessity of protection, that gain.

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So even though Zuma and her NGO workers try to find room for agency, there are in numerous times when moral barriers are elevated in a rationale of violence protection.

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In that moment, connection is made impossible. So it is an imminent practice indeed and as such limited.

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It's not a salvation. Given the enormous train and risk involved in homeless modes of lives.

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Creating the conditions of possibility for sharing with them will not entail salvation, but it is suddenly a miracle.

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The time has come to say goodbye to the suffering steps of Brasilia. Thank you.

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Okay.

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Hello, I'm Paolo Klei from the University of Toulouse in France.

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I have 2 questions. Question number one, why was corrosion? Crying in the end because I mean bosses don't cry he did so why is that number one and number 2 Perhaps you said it but I'm a little bit of a time warp due to jet lag etc so if you already said it excuse me

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for that for my question but the question would be What was the design? The intended design of your research was to observe some people and then tell us something about lifestyles, habits, works.

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Workers, sex workers, etc. Or what who you really started was the population in order to look at yourself.

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It's a big population. I'm not sure I'm clear. That's OK.

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So the first one I have no idea. I didn't go to Carusa. She deviated us from him.

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So I have no idea. But you know the suffering thing also came to me later on I saw it a lot.

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But then reading about other, especially bourgeois and Philippe in this immense study that they did in the US regarding the homeless and crack addicts and heroin addicts.

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They were talking about suffering a lot and I'm thinking did I see any suffering then? Well it all came to me I spent a weekly suffering then wow it all came to me I spent a week crying but it was because I was very close to me I spent a week crying but it was because I was very close when I was to

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the field. But it was because I was very close when I was to the field and then I realized I was very close when I was to the field and then I realized when I was to the field and then I realized how difficult for us researchers is to see suffering.

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Environments. We were studying the relationship between the homeless and public offers of benefits and services. So what we were doing is we were following this NGO of intermediary NGO of harm reduction.

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But harm reduction nowadays is a lot larger than than drug abuse kind of focus or sexuality focus. It has a lot to do nowadays about the integrity of health services and of educational offers and that kind of thing.

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So we were with an intermediary doing the way to the public service. Our idea was actually to follow the agent.

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To the Dichie. But what we found is that neither the agent exists pre-exists. Nora the Guiche pre-exists, let's say, because they they work and with the intermediary also they work to find themselves as subjects of rights and a public offers.

355
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Both open up in so many ways to make it possible because nobody is a homeless, a typical homeless beforehand.

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With everything that the public sector needs to to inscribe someone in in a conditional cash transfer or whatever.

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So this is what we were trying to see. All these negotiations, it's more of a Latter kind of network kind of looking.

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To see how socialities happen and how they do not happen. In so many ways and the risks there involved.

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But on the way to that, the first result was this, an autoreetinography of trying to understand how to deal with emotions when you deal with such disadvantaged objects, let's say.

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And it for me it was a big surprise that they would respond to me not in the typical victim kind of position.

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And that they would object to all my very generous Catholic white standing so and that Juma was completely different from him from me because she lived on the streets for 20 years and she was still friends with these people she wouldn't I mean she wouldn't dare to be charitable or so it was very good for me to open up to these

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epistemological concepts and to rethink how to do risk research really. And seeing that both the the offers of Zuma and the intermarriage of the streets and there are many NGOs that work with the homeless with many NGOs that work with the homeless with many offers that work with the homeless with many offers.

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They compete in those rationalities. They compete in those rationalities of services. So some of them are really, they compete in those rationalities of services.

364
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So some of them are really, really religious and charitable and of services. So some of them are really, really religious and charitable.

365
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So some of them are really, really religious and charitable and the soup people let's see.

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Freedom and moral rules just not like oh you do whatever you want but she's not oh you should get work and go back to your family just like the social assistance people do.

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She's in the middle. She's just like the social assistance people do. She's in the middle.

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She's listening and she's trying to interact with the complexities. She is in the presence of these people.

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That's it.

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Thanks very much. That was very interesting. My name is Jeremy Dixon. I'm a social worker by background as well and So it was quite interesting.

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Victims homeless services for a few years as well. What you talking about producing planes through political action? I was just wondering if you could tell us a bit more about what, sorry, I think you had a phrase.

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Getting slightly wrong but talking about recognizing pain and making some sort of political oh yeah Ahmed's remembrance politics.

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Yeah, but in practical terms what would that mean? Yeah, but in practical terms what would that mean I mean it was interesting to hear you talk about a person with lived experience being able to navigate the role.

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People who are going to be working for NGOs are going to be able to have political experience.

375
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So, personal experience rather. So practically what might people do, so that phrase, it sounded interesting but I wasn't quite sure what you meant there.

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I'll try to respond and then if you have any more questions Is this okay? Oh, that's me.

377
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So yes, what she says a lot about politics of remembrance, it can come out in so many ways.

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But to have actually on the streets where where I worked, to have people talk about their problems as she says it when she asks, today what's wrong?

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And just open yourself and let people narrate and navigate through their own memories and remake memories as you reward things and your sufferings and your it's it's like of a work of listening and trying to prioritize this this is how do you say this?

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The problem bundles come very complex, right? And she tries to prioritize things and put it in an order.

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That's the kind of, it is a politics because there is a political reading also that she comes with and that she interacts with the object I hate that but with homeless.

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And there's a political reading about what is what he should do, what is exactly his identity, that is her identity.

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She also does a lot of identity work. So, you know, to know that, oh, you were an object of racism.

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You should go back there again. And, and the, yes, that's true. Papa has a black woman, a little, so this is politics as well to put yourself in different identities so that you can claim your rights.

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So it is a politics of remembrance in that sense that it it go backs to members and it and it rewards them and works upon them.

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Does that respond? Yeah, it does. I mean it's it's interesting to see how people with experience are able to

387
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Reflect that back to others and and work in different ways. But I suppose I was thinking in my head, if you were teaching this to students, what would you do?

388
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They're not all going to have lived experience and personal experience of being homeless. So if you were giving it advice to an NGO or to people who were, what would you say to them?

389
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How should they act? And and they they weren't homeless before right yeah okay so I would definitely say that today I could work with Zuma on the streets even though I would definitely say that today I could work with Zuma on the streets even though I wasn't homeless.

390
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Yeah, okay. So I would definitely say that today I could work with Juma on the streets even though I wasn't a homeless.

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I could work with Zuma on the streets even though I wasn't a homeless. Of course, she's there as a leader and everything that could happen. I can go back to someone like that.

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And that's why, you know, in contract terms, nowadays, every contract outsourcing contract that the public sector does for those kind of works like I don't know if you have it in Britain, you're British.

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And that not social workers go for active search, to reach out and to accompany people on the streets and talk to them and this is in Brazil it's outsourced.

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And they make sure that in the contract, 30% of people have street background street beggar I don't know what that means but many of them have been through the street or had parents that were homeless.

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And this is important. Today I think it's really important. Before hand I was just saying, oh you know because it's so difficult to get to these people and you know but now I know why it's important really no in this sense very sensible sense sensitive sense of engaging in connecting in a very horizontal level.

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But, for the others that didn't have that experience, of course you have to, I would say that it's basically working with problem bundles.

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Listening a lot having that openness to listen and maybe as it as I was saying no salvation in sight.

398
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This is very important and no recipes inside for the first for the first few conversations and just really trying to find some entrance.

399
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Where you can prioritize problems and solve some of them, not all of them. It's so complex.

400
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Everybody that has worked with people on the streets know that so many overlapping problems on the streets know that so many overlapping problems that you can know that so many overlapping problems that you can only try to do.

401
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Little I think. It's being non-ambitious.

402
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Okay, so thank you so much.

403
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Good CPU. Thank you. Right, so. And the last speaker today.

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Or at least at this session. So I, this presentation is. Based on a paper that I writing together with my colleague Susanna Airmen.

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Cause, And the as some of you know, this is part of a special issue in the journal Journal of Risk Research.

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And I'm very happy that some of you have contributed so far. It's still possible to.

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To participate in this. Special issue on intersectional analysis of risk. And the background is that we've been working on this.

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A subject for some 10 years maybe and got curious about how has this field developed and when it is start and so on.

409
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So we took the initiative to study this a bit. More in detail. And what we wanted to do was to kind of look at how these 2 quite different fields.

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One, the risk research field is quite objective. Or at least it was. A lot of psychometrics studies and objective studies about risk.

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And the theoretical background with all these classical theories of Urichpek and Mary Douglas and so on and so forth.

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Are old man that we like to reproduce. And as you hear, I'm a rich researcher myself.

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And then, Katarina for example, my colleague, she's from more critical studies and gender studies.

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And I think Just as we 2 met and got curious about what we could learn from each other. That happened also among a lot of different other researchers around the world.

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And the other part, the intersectional.

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Framework you would say. As you know, it's based on the A lot of research over many many years and it was Popularised by Kimberly Crenshaw in the late.

417
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It is. And it's become so popular. And the aim of this presentation is just to map the development within this combination of intersectionality and risk research.

418
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Yes. So Quite new for us, we did a biblometric analysis of our publications.

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So we used scopus which is a platform that provides a lot of statistics about publications. So it's possible to create like a corpus of articles and we used very simple search risk and intersectionality.

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Within titles and abstracts. Within all publications in this platform. Like ever.

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And we did one limitation that was We did it within social science, humanities, health, psychology and arts.

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So. That's the only limitation. And we used tool which is called Bose viewer it's a software where you can create networks or actually you can analyze the findings.

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Through like it creates in. Images of how connections are between different sources and and publications. And what we used in Boss Viewer to Analyze the findings is the water keywords.

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So that means Something to remember when you write your articles is quite important what you put in the keywords because we found out that we ourselves not always use risk and intersectionality in the work even though that is actually what we are doing.

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So, right.

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Anyway, so this software to the voice viewer creates you could call it clusters by Identifying.

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Connections or co-occurrences between publications. Right, just some descriptions. We found the first article doesn't mean that there were no before but at least we found the first one published in 2,003 20 years ago that's why we have the name of the paper.

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But as you can see, very few articles the first 10 years. So that we decided to divide this period into 3 sections or 3 periods.

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The second section from 2,012 and to 2,018 you see quite clear increase but the real large increase begins after 2,018.

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And you see the drop in 2,022 is just due to that we didn't include the whole year so it's It's just half 2,022.

431
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We add all the articles published to 2,022 it will be even higher than. 21.

432
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So that's kind of a We need to add some articles.

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If we look at all the Journals that was publishing articles including both risk and intersectionality.

434
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You can make it. Picture like this through this those viewer tool. And the bigger the.is, the more articles and the different colors, red, green, blue and yellow represent 4 different clusters.

435
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So they are interconnected. Same. Kind of words reoccur in these articles. For in these journals the publications in these different journals.

436
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So as you can see. Social medicine, social science and medicine is the journal that published the most articles during this time and that's related the publications are similar in other journals that are more into public health and health research.

437
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You see the Glue cluster is also quite a lot about public health but also environmental areas and environmental research.

438
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We have the red cluster which is more about or it's it's focusing more on social science.

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Social science publications. And you find the General Risk Research, similar. Other journals as well.

440
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And the green ones is more within this area of psychology and journals that publish. Research in psychology.

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So that's just one quite difficult. A picture of how the channels that published research looked like. To look at the time as well.

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This is why you shouldn't be sharing.

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And presenter at the same time. Okay, so just a few words on each period. So the first period was from 2,003 to 2,012 as a you remember it was very few articles so When we analyzed the Publications, mostly articles.

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We found only one cluster and the cluster was identified through these 3 words intersectionality, gender and race.

445
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And this first period, you could almost. But risk and health risk was the same. So everything was about health risk.

446
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It seems like this interest in combining risk research with intersectional perspectives originates from empirical studies of HIV.

447
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Away you also have a interest in in gender and sexuality and race. And it's not so surprising maybe because this is an area where there was a lot of critical studies already using intersectional perspectives.

448
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Moving into more risk research. And at this time in intersectionality was often called like a busword.

449
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It was used in so many different areas. But what's interesting here is that in these first articles it's not like a bus where it's not like well we investigate gender race class etc.

450
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It was like but it was really in that. Research combining this fields. Is also during this time that Kelley Hannah Mofat and Patomali published their book on gendered risks and also included some intersectional perspectives.

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So. It's definitely, it's not that many articles but It was a very serious start of this.

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Research. The next period, 2,013, 2,017. There are more articles and more clusters.

453
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I won't go into the different items but

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What we found when we look deeper into this image of the clusters is that These 4 clusters or at least 3 of the 4 clusters can be traced back to the first one from the first period.

455
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But they are now more They are developed further, so health inequalities. Is combined with studies of violence.

456
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See that gender identity and mental health is Also, an important or important. It's a cluster.

457
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And we have HIV, as I mentioned before, together with sexual health. And all these are also analyzed through gender.

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And race and sexuality. And then we have the fourth cluster which is focusing on African American and black.

459
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And I also want to add that During these 2 first periods, the US dominance is huge. Almost all the articles, particularly those who are very much cited are published.

460
01:32:13.000 --> 01:32:25.000
Or based on on American studies. Right, and the last period, 2,018 to 2,022.

461
01:32:25.000 --> 01:32:35.000
You remember this extreme increase in number of articles and the same happens with the different clusters. We now find 11 different clusters.

462
01:32:35.000 --> 01:32:58.000
A hundred different items identified and I haven't said anything about the items but It's actually, you could call them themes and they are identified by this software if there is more than 30 articles incorporating or including this

463
01:32:58.000 --> 01:33:06.000
Concept. Among the keywords.

464
01:33:06.000 --> 01:33:17.000
And I want to go through every single cluster. I just want to give you a feeling of what happens during this third.

465
01:33:17.000 --> 01:33:32.000
Period. What we see is that There are both new clusters. But it's also as from the first to the second period a transformation of clusters.

466
01:33:32.000 --> 01:33:36.000
And the old ones are

467
01:33:36.000 --> 01:33:49.000
Transforming into more detailed clusters and that includes health inequalities and violence for examples that divides into 2 different clusters.

468
01:33:49.000 --> 01:34:04.000
We also find new clusters focusing on minority research and climate change. And then age becomes very topical.

469
01:34:04.000 --> 01:34:17.000
We have no claim. We can just speculate, but we think that at least to some part it's associated with the pandemic at least when it comes to aging.

470
01:34:17.000 --> 01:34:38.000
But we also see a lot of. Key words related to children and mental health. Right, so something else that indicating that this field is maturing is that it we find reviews as a cluster of its own.

471
01:34:38.000 --> 01:34:55.000
So that means that there's a lot of enough previous research to. To find or to make collections about.

472
01:34:55.000 --> 01:35:07.000
Like overviews and so on. Yeah. Lost picture. Image

473
01:35:07.000 --> 01:35:15.000
Conclusions or yeah conclusions and limitations. First of all.

474
01:35:15.000 --> 01:35:31.000
I think it's interesting and and Nice to see that. The concepts of intersectionality and risk has spread from this initial focus on HIV risk to several other fields, but that is.

475
01:35:31.000 --> 01:35:43.000
From the start been a true combination of of 2 different fields. On which to bring together new perspectives.

476
01:35:43.000 --> 01:35:57.000
And over time, we also see that the research is spreading or is happening all over the world and not only in the US as during the first periods.

477
01:35:57.000 --> 01:36:10.000
We can also notice that there's a lot of focus on risk groups, risk contexts and risk behaviors which also makes

478
01:36:10.000 --> 01:36:27.000
Categories quite visible still in this. Corpus and that also means that unmarked categories particularly upper class or whiteness is quite invisible in these studies.

479
01:36:27.000 --> 01:36:37.000
So that's something maybe for future research. And then lost. A limitation of the studies that it doesn't take.

480
01:36:37.000 --> 01:36:54.000
It doesn't consider that these different research fields are different in size. So for example, there's so much more publications in public health and health research compared to the sociology of risk and uncertainty.

481
01:36:54.000 --> 01:37:11.000
By definition, be a dominant field. In the research. Yeah, that was a short overview of of this past 20 years.

482
01:37:11.000 --> 01:37:17.000
Yes, please.

483
01:37:17.000 --> 01:37:27.000
And Summer. I was just wondering with this papers that you were getting at, what's the sort of breakdown between theoretical papers and empirical papers.

484
01:37:27.000 --> 01:37:42.000
It doesn't. Since it's just keywords. But what we've done in practice, I didn't go much into that but what we've done in practice I didn't go much into that but we after identifying the clusters we come back because we get all the references.

485
01:37:42.000 --> 01:37:53.000
We come back to reading as much as we can, particularly among the most cited papers. So in that way we can.

486
01:37:53.000 --> 01:38:03.000
Discover which ones that are theoretical and which are more empirical. Yeah, thank you.

487
01:38:03.000 --> 01:38:14.000
Thank you very much. You have a very small technical question concerning the nature of the clusters. What is it about?

488
01:38:14.000 --> 01:38:26.000
So how does the square define this cluster based on what? Because when you show pictures of these clusters there are links between items and what are the links?

489
01:38:26.000 --> 01:38:41.000
I mean, what is the idea behind it? For us to better understand the results of the organization. Yeah, I would like to say that I wish I knew because this is quite simple tool so it's not like a statistical method.

490
01:38:41.000 --> 01:39:06.000
So it's more identifying reoccurrences of the same words. Or I mean. It's keywords in the clusters within the different periods, but when it came this huge picture picture of all the journals it's connection between the journals and so yeah.

491
01:39:06.000 --> 01:39:16.000
These clusters are based on the keywords in this paper. So they do not, the keywords in this paper.

492
01:39:16.000 --> 01:39:25.000
So they do not, bring invitation for the Laurese and words used in the extras also also also.

493
01:39:25.000 --> 01:39:39.000
Now, just key words. Yeah. That's definitely. Limitation, yeah sure.

494
01:39:39.000 --> 01:39:47.000
I also wanted to ask about some methodological steps you took. So after identifying the articles from Scopus.

495
01:39:47.000 --> 01:39:56.000
Did you go for a screening stage? Did you have exclusion and inclusion criteria of the articles and if yes to what were those criteria.

496
01:39:56.000 --> 01:40:17.000
No, we actually included all articles. What we did was we removed some journals depending on this selection criteria that it should be.

497
01:40:17.000 --> 01:40:30.000
Arts, humanities. Some interdisciplinary but we did not include scientific papers. So that was the only exclusion we made.

498
01:40:30.000 --> 01:40:55.000
My experience of working with another topic yet on attitudes and behaviors, conducting systematic literature review has brought me very different experience of excluding the journals or the fields of science as irrelevant because even if that felt very social science no topic to be analyzing attitudes and behaviors I found that so many of the articles were

499
01:40:55.000 --> 01:41:14.000
published under the even you know materials the earth sciences and whatever else so just to highlight maybe the limitation and also so would I understand it correctly that your sample included non-language articles?

500
01:41:14.000 --> 01:41:24.000
Good question. No, I think we excluded non-English. Articles.

501
01:41:24.000 --> 01:41:34.000
Okay, because maybe, I mean, in the system, the keywords are usually ascribed from the Tazarus which is English and other languages.

502
01:41:34.000 --> 01:41:51.000
So Scopus might index non English article with English keywords. So that's something probably for you to explore because if it would include non English articles that would be great, that would be the real academic field, not just the English separatism.

503
01:41:51.000 --> 01:41:59.000
Yeah, I'm not really sure because it's No, I wasn't the one who was responsible for this one as you here.

504
01:41:59.000 --> 01:42:09.000
It was the son who did that part. So this morning she sent me the information about this. It's very fresh.

505
01:42:09.000 --> 01:42:14.000
So this morning she sent me the information about this. It's very fresh. So I'm not totally sure, but let me say that.

506
01:42:14.000 --> 01:42:35.000
So I'm not totally sure, but let me say that. The selection of research areas was mainly to avoid medicine because Yeah, of course risk is a big Is it a often used keyword in medicine and there's so so many publications in that area would like swamp all.

507
01:42:35.000 --> 01:42:46.000
The rest so it wouldn't be possible to analyze. Anything almost so that's why we did it but I agree it does have a impact on on the results.

508
01:42:46.000 --> 01:42:52.000
Definitely. Thank you. No other question. Well, thank you so much for it.

509
01:42:52.000 --> 01:43:13.000
Yeah. What about me saying that focuses were made on wise name. This is a really fascinating area that perhaps could initially be finding Judith and the theory.

510
01:43:13.000 --> 01:43:28.000
But being practicing areas actually we extended an expanded Having this in. Yeah. I've written a little bit, you know, follow that detail of how Mary got this.

511
01:43:28.000 --> 01:43:38.000
Can be used in Yunction means sectionality to explore that level of classification. So apply it to Catering.

512
01:43:38.000 --> 01:43:48.000
Brothers examined how it has functioned to produce the equality, but how the categories themselves are created. Relationship to being one wife.

513
01:43:48.000 --> 01:43:53.000
And this is a really personal area where we'll be able to do more about Yeah, I totally agree.

514
01:43:53.000 --> 01:44:06.000
It sounds very interesting. What you have done. Yeah, I think also in other studies that we made, we found this that We are.

515
01:44:06.000 --> 01:44:14.000
Boxing part of this. It's always the privileged categories. That's that we don't look at.

516
01:44:14.000 --> 01:44:24.000
Yeah, thank you for that comment. Okay, thank you so much and yeah, thank you all for coming here today.