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Well, hello, everybody, everyone. My name is Marcel, I'm an associate professor at the Catholic University of Paris and I'm delighted to open this session.

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Power relations and tensions about democracy. So we have 3 presentations today. Of local organizations. I'm sorry.

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We have 3 presentations today. So we really think the 3, speakers, for, accepting agreeing to present their work today. In the order.

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So first, he's researching this school of sociology in She's main recent topics are the study of thing time in Chile and Latin America, the study of political and intellectual aids.

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In Latin American sociology. He's also director of the Journal, and they coordinator in his university of a research nucleus dedicated to the study of the sociology of intellectuals.

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Then we will, She's finishing his her PhD in sociology at the free university of Berlin.

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As part of International Research Training Group, in priorities of future. In her dissertation she analyzes cool, neoliberalism, right wing creative destruction in Brazil.

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This research builds upon his, her previous work on this situation of political marketing between the new rights in Argentina and the Ecuador.

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And she's also collaborating in a project about this global strategic mobility of the atlas network that examines how think tanks shape this course and policy against the mitigation of climate change.

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So let's say akin at social science network at the Brown University. And then we have the pleasure to, we've had the pleasure to listen the team, of, Professor Susan Goodwin and Professor Helen Proctor from the University of Sydney.

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In a social professor Jessica, from the University of Melbourne. And they have working, they are working together in Australian Research Council projects.

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Which entice community organizing for education reform in the seventies and eighties. And they work across the fields of sociology history and education and policy studies.

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So. We, we have 15Â min each one of you if you are with that and I will be or maybe it Susan will help us maybe there also if she agrees of course.

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To take, to respect this, time. In order to have some time of discussion after the, 3 presentations.

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I think they may be better than the discussion. Having the discussion after after the 3 presentations of you.

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So we can we can start if you if you agree in the 3 presentations of you. So we, we can start if you, if you agree in the order.

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So one more is, you. So we, we can start if you, if you agree in the order.

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So one more more is, you will present in Spanish that's all right. Okay. And then you can maybe summarize some points or answer in English.

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Great. Perfect.

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Okay, yes. And thank you so much. As you said, I am going to present in in his Paris, but before the presentation, I can also, Then I'm going to start the representation.

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More.

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And.

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Yeah. Yes.

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L. There's one er, The, a commenter less. Yeah, Okay, I see.

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Is, The a Yeah. No, Oh, okay. Mental is, and like this is the lot party of Politico's.

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IMS, you like, in And they must, Automotive. The Larry Cousion, I saw the email.

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Ochenta and So, Loki, and the the in No matter The I wanna the last.

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Hey, And, Cambian and Estegal. The Mazi Hey, in Now, There's the separate used people at .

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On The One. I mean. Oh, When I said in the sense where there's 2 years from a red, they sent through this video for a laparo and LK.

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People. Aliensa, the and for the studios, So, So, So, It's a Yeah, and is I didn't know.

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DKE, ETHAMISIST, Are you Yeah, No. Er, Hey, One.

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The And, Come on, in a a in E, the, not at last, no.

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Okay.

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The is the Yeah, and For for Hey, Who do that and quarterly because A room element. Classic, IS.

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Thank you. Thank you, Fan Morales. Thank you very much for this interesting presentation. I think the questions will be then in English.

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May you you can you can also use the chat to put some some questions if you want if you we won't put I, you know, I have a lot of questions.

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All of these for discussion. You can Activity or micro.

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Yes, hello everyone. And I'm not sure if I should share my screen. Or if the presentation is being displayed.

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In on site.

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Maybe.

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You need to share your screen. We can't see it in the room.

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Okay, then I will start with that.

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Can you see it now?

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Yeah, it looks beautiful.

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Okay, thank you. And so I will start. My timer as well for keeping track of time.

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So thank you again for the organization of this session and thank you everyone for the presentation because I think there are a lot of resonances between the research that we're developing so that's interesting.

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I will I will start my presentation today with this images you can see on the screen. So the title of the presentation is Make Neoliberalism Cool Again.

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Right wing subject transformations in Brazil. On the left you can see a YouTube electoral ad of 2,014 with vapor wave statics and with a candidate whose slogan was to privatize everything.

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Through the so-called privatizing ray. I will come back to this. During the presentation.

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And on the right, you can see an Instagram screenshot. Of 2,021.

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Of the political education academy of the free Brazil movement. With the slogan in Portuguese.

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Join the Rebel Alliance. So this young activist that you can see on the Photoshop image were the ones that started creating innovative political communication.

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And like such as this privatizing ray campaign that you can see on the other side. And they then led mass mobilizations for the impeachment of Juma Hosefi in 2,016 and so on.

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I'm wrapping up the history of this movement for you to have a context maybe some of you already know about this and free Brazil movement.

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The free Brazil movement was close to Bolsonaro in 2,018. But then they distance themselves very quickly because the neoliberal agenda was not radical enough for them.

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So they wanted more. Pervasive, privatization agenda. What I will do today is to walk you through the main findings and the frame as well of my research.

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That I approach that graphically. So. So I had the opportunity to develop. To conduct an ethnography before the pandemic and I will share some insights about this with you.

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Throughout the presentation.

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So the aim of my research in general has been to understand how the processes of construction of right wing subjects are being transformed.

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My research question in this regard. And combines 2 elements. On the one side, subjectivation.

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And on the other side, change. I condense both. Interest in this analytical category of right wing subject transformation.

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And I will dissect both. And to offer some background about how I am envisaging this analytical connection.

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So first, I understand political subjectivation as an entangled process. And this is due. To the understanding that the politicization of individuals in the creation of collective organizational structures such as the Movement of Rasi, with a free Brazil movement, go hand in hand.

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And as you notice, I will refer to the movemental Brasili as sometimes as MBL, which is the acronym in Portuguese.

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But I'm referring the whole time to the same. So what I do is I examine the trajectories of concrete activists.

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And that are interwoven with the formation. Of the movement as I collective actor. My goal with this approach is to shed light on the interrelatedness.

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Of and the micro and the macro analytical levels. This lens I think dialogues well with the concept of this session because it is.

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Because we are interested in this role of local and local organizations and also community based. Movements and sometimes this idea of the community gets a bit lost.

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In right we movements because we look from the we look at them from far away and not necessarily with a more close up.

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Vision of what it means to for the activists to be engaged in a right way movement.

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So that would be the first element, the political subjectivation dimension and the element of the second element I mentioned.

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Is related to the notion of change. That is what the preference in subject transformation stands for.

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This concept enables me to grasp 2 central dimensions of, 2 central dimensions that I focus on.

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First, regarding the political ideological dimension, I can explain how the right is successful because it is and known it has a broad strategic flexibility.

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What do I mean by that? I mean that they are able to adapt to new situations and they are able to bridge borders and to bridge borders not only in the geographical sense of scales, but also to bridge borders between different spaces, between different actors, between different logics and also between different networks.

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Secondly, addressing transformation enables me to show as well how contemporary struggles for hegemony or this ideas bottle that's what that one was also mentioning and is permitted by these Increasing digitalization of society.

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I'm sorry, I will just close my window. And because you have the guy being collected. Sorry for that.

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Oh.

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So now I'm back and As I was saying, the this approach enables me to show how digitalization plays a role.

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My way of studying digitization and is the following. I study social media and influencers, mimic language, not only as tools, but as political spheres as political actors and as political grammars.

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And in the frame of the construction of common sense. So this is important. This is an important switch from tools to this broader understanding of what it means to study digital culture.

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And again, struggles for hegemony and the contestation of historical narrative. The MBL has a multimedia strategy.

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On the picture in the slide you can see the cover of a book that they, produced back in 2,019.

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Which is called How a group of misfits. And over through the President and the President MBL the origin.

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So this is a book that condenses the own historical narrative of the movement about the recent Brazilian history.

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So. I will. Now address the theoretical. Approach that I am building upon.

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So in theoretical terms, I construct a concept of neoliberalism in motion. And here I draw notions from critical geography that take structural power and also historical transformation into account.

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And I enter with this perspective with approaches that So to speak, bring Nearly realism down to earth in order to place ideas in context and also to follow them in action.

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As for example, King Slovakian or the top level proposed.

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This theoretical entry is important because it enables us to trace how actually existing neoliberals So to say, are effective.

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Because they and their networks are acrobatic because they develop flexible strategies and because they know how to react to every changing political struggles.

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My main contention here is that the new Liberal project is an entangled political project of creative destruction.

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On the one hand, er, we have the moment of destruction. And this means that newly real movements such as the MBL attack left wing activists and also progressive policies.

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On the screen, on the slide you can see. A before and after meme. On the left that portrays the negative vision of feminism, for example, that the MBL shares with right wing movements around the world.

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That as we know combat so-called gender ideology or woke discourse political correctness and so on.

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So this would be the this moment of destruction. On the other hand, we have a moment of creation.

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And the MBA has been very powerful promoting a renewed political culture that is deeply related to this.

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And renewal also in the aesthetic. Realm. Here you have. On the right hand, the MBL candidate that I presented at the beginning.

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And he is using this privatizing Ray. He has and if you notice in the background where he is is Pyongyang in North Korea.

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So we have here this idea of. Cultural Marxism that has to be defeated as well.

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And for you to have an idea in the electoral ad of this campaign that was an old campaign of 2,014 there is a very catchy rhythm we are voicing off lists all public services that must be privatized.

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And even partners and friends can be turned into a better version through this privatizing rate. So humor in the sense of loss also plays a central role.

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For understanding how there is a creation moment when we are. Speaking of cool neoliberalism.

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All in all, both moments are not to be seen as Because right wing strength relies very much on and this entanglement between creation and destruction and thus on the combination of apparently.

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Contradictory elements. I finally would like to share with you how an activist of the movement stresses the turning point between boring and cool right within 4 months.

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So this is. And the quote that you have. At the bottom of the slide. I will I will read it.

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And Kim, the person who is mentioned here is one of the main leaders and also one of the main influencers of the free Brazil movement.

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So this activist told me during our interview. Kim, talks a lot about going into an a condition room to debate interest rates, which was kind of boring.

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So to speak. It wasn't something fun, something cool. And then at that time, the mean came in to try to soften it up, to improve it, to give people a new language to engage politically.

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Well, here we can see how. In this in the own construction of the political narrative of an activist that then turned, into a very core member of the organization, we see how is how there is an interplay between digital platforms, the role of a concrete figure such as this influencer and also how we can see

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this turning point between Boris discussions. That, er, were held by think tanks and by, very elitist centers of study and this democratization of the right wing.

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And if we want to use also provocative idea of how the right wing achieved to engage in effective interpolation of in this case very young people as well.

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So this interactive tools such as memes Do not only play a crucial role for mobilization, but they also shed light on this emerging political grammars.

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I'm not sure how much time I have left.

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Okay, perfect.

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You come more or less 4Â min. 3, 4 months. Yeah, maybe.

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Thank you. So I will. I will now.

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Stress some of the contributions of my research. And here. So against the background that I have presented.

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I think that the contribution of this kind of research is, located in the political, in the field of political sociology and of a political sociology of the new right that also envisages to make global connections.

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This means that analyzing a situated right wing phenomenon such as this concrete case that I am presenting to you in relation to broader political context in Brazil but then also in Latin America.

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As well as putting it in relation to all the right-wing actors, phenomena and theoretical debates around the world is fruitful for And for looking at this interconnections that there exists not only in concrete alliances, but also in the conceptual discussion about what we are looking at.

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Now as we know this processes of construction of political subjects take place in an entanglement of scales that are marked by the situation of strategies.

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It is for grasping this phenomenon that I use the concept of inter-solar situation.

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My analysis of the prototyping phase of the MBL offers rich insights into the circulation between local politics and the transnational references they had.

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The MBL is characterized by agile grassroots organizing. And what was very shocking to me and very interesting for the phenomenon is that the MBL ideologue explicitly referred to the tea party in the United States as one of the most important inspiration sources.

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For concrete. Tasks such as opening sales in several cities based on Facebook pages and WhatsApp groups, but also on the more anarcho-capitalist ideological way of doing politics at the beginning.

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So join on this example, I problematize this notion of situation, particularly in the field of right wing studies.

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Because we face, we were confronted with a challenge which is on the one side answering this question about the relation between concrete actors around the world in this case concrete right wing actors.

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And we have the difficulty that is related to how we understand circulation, how we understand interrelations.

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Here I draw an open understanding of situation that serves me as a heuristic tool to trace different levels of interconnection.

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We have inspiration, intertextuality, resonances. And relations and alliances of various kinds.

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And this category allows us to understand how the power of right wing circulation We lies already in cross references.

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As this part automatically depicted here in this picture of 2 MBL activists wearing a make America great again on the one side and this cap we will know and the green one and Reese make Brazil Zwida again.

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Waiter is a concept used for humor. So this means make Brazil funny again. And here.

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The main message is that this circulation of strategies. Says something about how the concrete right wing actors are also looking to each other and learning from each other.

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Also in moments where there is no necessary. Direct connection that we can trace between, because of encounters and so on.

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And so I think I will leave it there. I had some other thoughts I wanted to share, but we can.

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Go into more detail during the discussion and that is related to the intellectual project of radical neoliberalism and also methodological insights about what it means to do research on the right wing as women and what the gender component does with this kind of approach when we are talking of movements that are based on hegemonic

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masculinity. That also permits their ideological tenants. So I will be there and thank you very much.

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Thank you very much, Lynn. So, Susan. Goodwin.

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Thank you.

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I think you need to stop sharing. Thank you.

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Can you see our slides? Yes. Marcel?

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Definitely.

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Yeah, we can see them.

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Do you think they can see? You can see. Thank you very much. OK, that's all I needed, a little voice.

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I'd like to acknowledge that I needed a little voice. I'd like to acknowledge that I'm speaking today from a little voice.

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I'd like to acknowledge that I'm speaking today from Aboriginal country of Naomi.

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Orically grounded analysis of mobilisations of conservative grassroots groups. That aim to challenge the progressive reforms in education and schooling in Australia in the 19 seventies and 1,900 eighty's.

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The analysis that we are going to present today is part of our larger research project on community organising for education reform in the 19 seventies and 19 eighties which is really exploring how and why people organise from below to bring about education reform.

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So in this presentation we described the grassroots conservatism that we found in our survey of community organizing in this period.

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Before proceeding to raise some questions related to the panel topic, which is tensions around participatory politics in the liberal democratic imaginary.

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So the 19 seventies and 19 eighties was a significant period of community ferment surrounding education across the globe and was also a time when participatory politics as an idea and as a practice took particular hold and shape in Australia.

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The idea that citizens, parents and community members could and should participate in the shaping of education was supported by various rationales both from above and from below.

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For instance the new social movement demands for change in schools and education systems were situated in the context of new debates.

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The democratic legitimacy of the Australian system of representative democracy. Which was newly cast as exclusionary and undemocratic.

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Demands for change were accompanied by demands for more participation in policy processes and in some areas of policy and for some groups these demands were met by the state through an official discourse of participation.

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So conceptualisations of participatory politics. Which is what is really at the heart of our presentation today, were clearly connected with the desire for policy reform and the possibilities for progressive aims of social movements being met by the state with a real central focus on power, voice and inequality.

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And indeed really vibrant forms of participatory politics surrounded, encouraged, fought for and created the conditions of key reforms, particularly in the education sector.

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Enlivened by new or renewed claims to rights, identity and recognition you can see feminists, gay and lesbian liberation groups as well as disability rights groups, migrant groups and so forth all laid claims during this time on the state for changes in its ways to integrate the people in its practices.

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Of course, it's important to point out that in the Australian context, indigenous calls for self-determination and community control which emerged during this time were part of a long term indigenous resistance and protest movements asserting Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people's rights to land, culture, political power and

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autonomy, actually to indigenous sovereignty, complicating in a sense any presumed possibilities for reforming the state via participatory politics.

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So as mentioned, this paper is based in a larger empirical study of community organizing for education reform where we were looking for community groups that had as their focus education policy advocacy or education change really broadly conceived.

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By their nature the kinds of groups active in the past can be elusive and fragmented in the public record but large numbers have left their traces even if as small as a name in a list of submissions.

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To a public inquiry or a pamphlet in an archive. Indeed, the production printing.

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Posting and self publishing of written text was a key feature of grassroots community organising in the 19 seventies and eighties before the digitization of this kind of politics.

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So the images on this slide are exemplary of these kinds of practices. Their image on the left.

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Is from a newsletter produced by a group called Gay Taz. I gay teachers and students group in 1,981.

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They're calling for help. The bigots are trying to abort the kit on sexism and homosexuality, it says in that very small print.

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The image on the right, which you'll agree is pretty similar in terms of style. Is from a news centre produced by a conservative.

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Grassroots group. The group was called Stop and Care. The Society to Outlaw Pornography and the Committee Against Regressive Education.

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And this newsletter was outlining community organizing actions required to sustain the family unit.

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Now finding groups like stop and care in the archive that we were plowing reminds us that the 1,900 seventys and early eightys which is often represented as a critical time for radical and progressive reforms was also a critical time in the making of a new iteration of Australian conservatism.

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As a growing body of scholarship has begun to chart at this time the rise of a new right rallied against what is understood to be the permissive society and a range of social and religious conservative activists attempted in their view to save the moral, social and political fabric of Australian society.

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And in this politics, schools were and continue to be central battlegrounds. Some of the conservative groups we discovered were ad hoc and almost impossible to trace while others grew and grew even into political parties.

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The list of some of the groups that appear in lists of community groups that made submissions to government education inquiries gives a flavor of their conservative concerns.

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The anti Marxist Education Committee. The creation science education foundation, get us out of the United Nations campaign.

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Their mother's union society to outlaw pornography. Women who want to be women all gives you a sense of the conservative groups acting during this time.

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So what we're really interested in were the key concerns of the conservative groups that we found and many of these will resonate with some of the things we see today.

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This, as mentioned, this paper. Oh, finding group slack, stopping care. Oh, okay.

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In the public pronouncements, some groups represent themselves as responding to these well-organized conspiracies of the international left.

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For example, through re battles of UNESCO for the global spread of humanist secularism or by referring to progressive education reforms.

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As a strategy for Marxist revolution. For example, in this image, the poster in the background depicts a nuclear explosion and the student on one side of her lapel.

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The radical side of the representation of the student. Whereas a nuclear disarmament party protest badge as well as the women's liberation movement protest badge.

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So for some conservatives grassroots mobilizations around even the threat of war and for the integration of things like peace studies in the Australian curriculum was cast as part of this anti capitalist conspiracy that would threaten the nation.

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Secondly, our grassroots conservatives mobilized as parents. And this was a key way in which conservatives lay claim to being communicating organizers.

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The notions of parental authority and parental rights were deployed as central tenants of conservative organizing and it appears that this is was what provoked the cause for organizing.

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The apparently inalienable rights and authority of parents were often framed in opposition to the education bureaucracies, the schools and the school teachers, which according to the conservatives had been captured by the left.

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Thirdly, a key point for conservative organizers was the maintenance of traditional gender rules. And conservative thinking rested on the need for conserving the nuclear heterosexual family in which traditional sex and gender roles could be inscribed and confirmed.

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Sex was a huge concern. Conservative groups campaigned to hold teachers to account of moral community standards by ensuring gay and lesbian teachers were not employed.

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They mobilized to ban sex education in schools and to censor books and curriculum materials that were considered pornographic.

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Intervening in sex and sexuality through parental advice and through policy advocacy.

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Christian thought and activism was also central in shaping conservative thinking throughout the 19 seventies and 19 eighties at a time when humanist secularism appeared to dominate new policy views of citizenship rights and belonging in the modern liberal democratic state.

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We found that righteous Christian groups understood their community activism as an extension of their faith. And it's essential for the health and future of the settler nation.

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We also found a conservative politics that was not connected to Christian religion but to a defense of traditions. And here we are together 2 lines of conservative concern that are often separated educational standards and community standards.

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In doing so, we demonstrate our declarations on the need for more and better educational standards are intertwined with moral and political claims about community standards.

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So it does appear that grassroots conservatives key concerns were very much around the perils of the progressivism.

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They were sing. So I want to turn now. Can you see? Got a couple more minutes to sort of the implications of conservative mobilizations and what they might pose for.

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Our understandings of participatory politics and democracy. The key conclusion that we've drawn so far is that the existence of participatory conservative politics complicates.

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The notion of participatory politics in liberal democracies such as Australia. I'd be interested to know how this appears elsewhere, but participatory politics is often represented here as having an underlying inherent commitment to democracy and inclusion.

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And this has been aligned with movements for equity and justice. And of the marginalised. So we think of participatory politics.

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As progressive politics. But what we found in our research was the emergence and solidification of a range of conservative publics that understood themselves as marginalised and oppressed and fighting this rising tide of humanist secular progressivism.

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It's clear that conservative activism of the 19 seventies and 19 eighties did embrace an ideological commitment to the democratic right to participate.

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I'll be it in the struggle for anti progressivism. So we're suggesting that this produces some tensions for the way we think about participatory politics.

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As tensions which might indeed reveal deep fissures in our liberal democratic imaginary of participation itself. I think I might finish there.

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We do have one further slide.

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That we'll finish with that finding.

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Right. Thank you.

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Thank you. Thank you very much. Suzanne, Wolverine for this interesting presentation and thank you all of you.

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All of you, for very much for respecting the speaking time because we have a now I think we have a more or less, 45Â min, I think, to, discuss.

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So it's right. I don't know if there is any question, in the, in the room.

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I will ask, Susan, maybe you can. Collect the questions if there are any in the in the room from the from the public.

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I have a certain number of questions so I would like to maybe at first thank you very much for your 3 presentations which are which are really interesting.

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I have a I have a lot of questions of to understand your your objects which are which are really complex but I'm I'd like to put questions of, to understand your, objects which are, which are really complex, but I'm, I'd like to, put some, general question and then

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maybe so this this session, and to, to. To grasp, to understand the relationship between local mobilizations and, and authoritarian, effects of results for.

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Oh, when I, what we. The idea was, putting in compare and relating, the local mobilizations which, which are, most considered as progressive moralizations which, which are, most considered as progressive moralizations in the literature.

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With some some that maybe you can conserve at EFX or some some political effects which have not the the effects are we thought they will be.

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So I'm for. I will I will try to make it clearly but I mean the place occupied by local organizations and movements.

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I was wondering in what sense they be the challenge in the power relations at work in these local organizations.

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One of the main questions of this session was the one about the conditions of possibility of this normalizations and the the my interest was about the practical configurations we can observe.

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In this sense, we can observe. In this sense, 3 of you, you can, you, you can observe.

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In this sense, 3 of you, you can, you, you can observe. In this sense, 3 of you, you can, you, presented some, 3 objects which are which are really difference between the community organizing, about education, the social movement in the case of Berlin and the think tanks in the case of

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one, but 3 of them are we can address the same question. I mean we which are the conditions of possibility for these mobilizations and which are the practical configurations we can observe and but in using where we, what, approach.

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I mean, in one case, it's an endographic approach. The case of Belen Dias, one is more like the use of the concept of field which I which I found really interesting and in the case of Susan and your team, I think you use a both.

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In an graphical approach and maybe and social historical one also if I understood your your presentation and II think it's really interesting.

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Combining both so the history this historical approach with a with an endographic one. And I have some some questions maybe some specific questions for each of you.

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In the case of of one it's really interesting your, your, your, your framing.

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I mean, your, theoretical theoretical framing. I was wondering in, how you, did to distinguish the 4 generations of think tank that you presented.

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You, said in your, aspect that you're this, generation are not you, you cannot distinguish this, 4 generations of think tanks in Chile.

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In, in any case, this, this distinction is not ideological but maybe another one.

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I would like to know more about this distinction. It's not ideological, but maybe, another one.

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Well, I would like to know more about this distinction. And then precisely the concept of fields make it possible in my point of view to understand intermediarity, this concept which is really important to grasp the relationships between social movements, community organizing, associations, local associations, and other fields like the administration states that means the public

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administration but also private sectors and other actors from private sectors like enterprises and another and also the relationship between social movements and media, social movements and other institutions, political institutions as political parties, for example.

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So this concept of field I think is really, really interesting. I'd like to know more about how do you manage it in one in your research how do you construct your moisture now your your population yes in.

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Well, and as you mentioned, they are members of this association, the theme times there are circulating between social movements and the administration and we like to know more about these trajectories maybe.

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To, I really appreciate the demographical approach. I would like to know more about this.

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I would like to know more about this demographical approach and and above all how do you manage to enter these groups.

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This, right means groups, conservative groups, this social movement as a woman in order to do your your observations your notography this is a question and you said that we cannot explain the role of this movement without understanding at the same time the trajectories of activists and that is that is the main point and I'd

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like to know more about who are them. Are them women are them men and which are they are they are they are socialization they are political and so yeah they are their resources in fact to invest this kind of movements.

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I would finish in 1Â min. I'm sorry. It takes a lot of time, but I really appreciate your your presentations and there are a lot of subjects that are in connection with my own research.

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About, the associations and social problems in Argentina. So I really like.

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Your presentations. So, Susan, if I, if I understood you highlight this tension between the community organizing and the IDs that we can we can thought about them as progressive ones, but you discover progressively that they are developing the conservative ideas.

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About a lot of things that you presented in your presentation. And I think they are this this attention is really interesting and I'd like to know more about the concept the the way you use the concept of community organizing.

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You said why this concept of community organizing to, to understand the, this kind of associations is they they name them themselves as community organized nor is it is a concept that comes to your you as a new school concept to grasp this distinction.

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And then II had a lot of questions about the relationship in Australia, which I don't know the educational system, but the relationship in Australia, which I don't know the the educational system but the relationship between these community organizations and the state, the administrative public administration in fact, which are the relations and how who are the persons

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which are involved, this parents and where are in fact this. So I thank you very very much again for your free presentations and then we can maybe take some other questions if you if you want.

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I'm sorry. Thank you.

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Thank you Marissa for your questions and for your comments. I'll try to.

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Okay.

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Do answer your door. The third one in a general point of view. I found that my presentation also is very related with the And also with, presentation in the sense that the a conservative movement here and in in Chile.

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And there are also. Yeah, representation in the theme tanks that, we can see for the sample.

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In the case, II present the case of, from the This system was create in the in 1990.

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In the PGF and the TED Transition to democracy. To keep the constitution of the. Economic model and early-ear economic model here and Chile but not only the conservative elites and the create this thing done.

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Also, they create another organisations like, a for example, foundations. And a organization for the civil society and also a university, universities to a er to maintain the neoliberal ideology that a keep a lift the economical model here in Chile for the sample.

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They were main, the main ER, the rate or one of the, er, creator of the,, He was there a Ministry of Finance of, er, I was stopping at in the during the in the eighties.

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Later he was a presidential candidate in the Lexi's in 90 89.

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And then. Later in the democracy he create the you were tough in thearro and also he is now in the board on different How do you say?

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Nice.

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II forgot the impressed as holdings, er, economic groups. And here in in, but also he's in the board in different university that they create in the 19 for the sample when you a, that they try to keep the No, IA movement but also the conservative movement because here in Chile, Benoni.

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VERAL. A implement of the democracy but on the Nearly a model he was busted in the Chicago boys that they a study in the 50 s in the economic school of Fitticawa, but also missing with the, conservative tradition or Qatar religion.

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That was lived by TIME. Was the intellectual leader. That create the constitution in 98.

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Oh.

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This minister between the economical, neoliberal group and the conservative er, and, a create the legitimate and the intellectual disc or of the And then in the democracy they try to, er, keep light in the in the democracy period.

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In the second question it was about at the methodology. I understand. In my, I percent.

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The resource. And, and so I'm more, interpretative and theoretical, a point of view because this research we have a presented 11.

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A, a bachelor and now there are a 3, a student or master degree that they are.

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Conclusion is a master degree. And we have a study different cases. And in this case, We have to study.

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Around 14 or 15 theme tans. In different ways for example qualitative way and graphical way and also in mystery methodology and missus methodology that we for example in a case that we study as pathoplico that it was a theme that I said before is very important in this body administration.

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We make, miss it, a missing methodological approach that we, make, miss it, a missing methodological approach that we combined a social analysis networks and also a interview to members of a missing methodological approach that we combine a social, methodological approach that we combine a social, er, analysis networks and also a interview to members of the Pythopolitan.

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I can a result of this research that show how the people of in this case for a progressive, a thing that, and also it's correct with with the Third question that you made me and Mari sell the new a networks and then I the new networks the new institution the new links between this thing tans and organization

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or the civil society for example. A movement from a climate change movement for a a, a, gender, aanda, feminine, etc. Etc.

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For example, in this case, if they, they, showed you, we can see. I can present this result.

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And you can say this methodology. And you can say. In this Fintan we analyze all the, er, network or distant time that they create between, er, 2,013 that we create this, this, er, theme ton.

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Until a 2,022. This a network so are different clusters or different people than they are connected with different a sense events and a suggests very important for the example treatment change.

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Like a constitutional change and also the gender agenda. I'm a different person of this, er, theme town.

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As I said before, like for example, a They are now ministers in the Boric A and also we, er, Can, Carto, Rafia, this, this in that also we, did.

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This similar, approach in, in the case of a several, theme for the right for the sample.

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And for the the And, for the They all sort us. We have working. Also, er, for me it's very important, the, theory of fields of, er, here, BA and also in this in this group we also have a discuss it and also read the words for example for Thomas Meet death or the case

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of the in the in the United States and also his point of view that how the theme tanks are spaces and are institution that create spaces of the connection between difference, a different fields for example.

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The economic fields, the political fields, the academical fields, the mass communication fields and also this is a great approach for and to conclude my comments.

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The new generation of this intans, I got a present, I as I present with the for the, the less.

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Er the less same time is this a a role to create a new articulation of a. Yeah, how you say, a progressive and LED and also a cluster of 10, Nicholas, then, er, then, and then they, er, want to super the, And in the other hand, the

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right, pipe, the right chance. Then you just set it generation or the right, it's correct for this, aggressive discourses like Balin before and from, this, Python that they are, er, with, combative,

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discourses and also they use a lot of the social media, and also they use a lot of the social media, that they are, er, with, combative, discourses and also they use, er, a lot of the social media, And right now is, like,

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Doca Star Intellectual for the, Thank you so much. And sorry for my English.

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Thank you. Thank you very much. No, I don't know. It's okay.

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Thank you.

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Thank you very much. I found that really interesting. Hi, if you if you want to take some time to answer the questions or complete.

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Yeah, thank you also very much for my site for all the observations and the comments. And so regarding the connection between the conditions of possibility for mobilization and also this practical configurations that you raised at the beginning.

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I think one important that for understanding the right way phenomenon not only in Brazil but also in the region and also on a global level is to see politics, er, with a relational lens, understanding that struggle is there in us has been posed in the 3 cases that we presented.

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And we have this battle of not only of ideas but his political battle that expresses in different realms and between the left and the right between conservatism and progressive and progressive movements or ideas.

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And I think that's very important to understand. Also and to situate what happened in Brazil in this case.

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And what the these conditions of emergence of this kind of movement and way so If we think of the of the recent past in Brazil, we had this very big clash between a left of center government and that came to be seen as posing too, too many threats.

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To conservative or to right wing ideas. And then we had a very violent reaction that started to be conceived with these small steps.

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So the example I was presenting to you with this very old videos from 2,014 and

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This example is not relevant as such like this candidate or this very unknown figures. But they set the ground for a process that was to radicalize in the upcoming years.

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So this shows how there is this interplay between threats or what is conceived as a thread in this case by the right one sector and the reactions that emerge.

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On different levels. And so we know that there was this big discussion about backlash and the backlash of the right wing against feminist movements against and the black movement and so on and I think what is striking and what makes it very difficult is to understand that the backlash is not always just negative as how it is presented.

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And then we have this creation moment. I was mentioning. Because we have this community creation moment as well where we have this movement or this political organization that is based on very radical, very violent ideas that They are presented to newcomers.

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As a very light ways of relating with the world. They are not necessarily so ideological. And at the beginning, so people get to have the experience of solidarity.

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As well, like solidarity of The marginalized as they like to see themselves as well. Like they think that in Brazil for example that they were marginalized during the government of the workers party because at universities there were too many progressive visions being transmitted and being right wing was So to say, not well

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seen. So there is this idea of how they were the outcasts and they were the ones that had to build solidarity bonds for being able to exist.

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So. And here. Like going completely into your question about the the trajectories of the activists.

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So who are they? It. We have a core that is composed of the founders, the ideologues, the main leaders, the creative heads.

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Got it. Urban meetleoper classes. And so they are well connected and they have different forms of capital.

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And it is interesting to point out that many of them didn't finish. For example, you, so they have also this rejection of university and not necessarily of intellectual debates because they are very keen on them but of how universities are to progressive and this is a debate that we have seen also in other parts of the world like how universities

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are to left leaning. And so we have this core. And then the strategy in what is very powerful of this kind of conservative and right wing movements is that they try to spread the strategy to more popular sectors as well.

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They talk they reflect on this and they develop political strategy in order to and achieve more people that they weren't able to achieve before.

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And this turning point I mentioned in the presentation. Between, think time discussions and the use of social media for getting into new audiences is very relevant to understand as well.

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Why these movements are so, are so appealing. So finally I would say a few words on the methodological issues and the gender.

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Dimension of it. So not all movements, but in the right not all movements in the right wing, but many of them are dominated by.

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By male activists in this case. In they are proud of that. They use masculinity as well as the core inspiration that gathers them together.

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Yeah, here we have very complex historical associations they themselves made of themselves. And I didn't raise this point, but maybe you saw it in the in one of the slides about colonialism because for example When you ask the activist of the free Brazil movement, how they see themselves and how they understand their group, they will very

314
01:23:45.000 --> 01:24:03.000
rapidly say the main core of this is like a Buddha shaft. The fraternity idea of how, of how men get together and build very strong social bonds and then There is also a wave of mute.

315
01:24:03.000 --> 01:24:12.000
Of a fascination of militarism. And of the idea of a tribe and they refer to in the European tribes and also to for example the night stemplars.

316
01:24:12.000 --> 01:24:29.000
So instead of looking back to the Brazilian history in this case to black and indigenous People's when they Think about Brazilian history, they refer to The Portugal colonization in an apologetic sense as a positive.

317
01:24:29.000 --> 01:24:42.000
As a positive legacy they have. And then very much to this idea of men that are the vanguard of So, and he will have again the defense of traditions and of hierarchies.

318
01:24:42.000 --> 01:24:58.000
And so in like being a woman doing research in this movements is very contradictory because on the one hand it is of course difficult to get access and there are many challenges about to like what harassment means, what misogyny and how misogyny is expressed.

319
01:24:58.000 --> 01:25:15.000
But on the other side, and this is very interesting, like there is a strategic man's planning and I call it like that because this is also a tool for of data gathering people will explain a lot to you and in the combination of credentials as in my case like not being Brazilian.

320
01:25:15.000 --> 01:25:26.000
And being Latin American from Ecuador but studying in Germany and going there to do a like to do research on the right wing.

321
01:25:26.000 --> 01:25:33.000
It kind of makes all for all borders blurry for them and women are not seen as so challenging or so.

322
01:25:33.000 --> 01:25:46.000
And harmful for their purposes. So there is also that to it. So what I want to say is there are a lot of ambivalences in this in the same negotiation of the field.

323
01:25:46.000 --> 01:26:02.000
And how they see the role of researchers doing research on them because they are aware that people doing research on the right will not necessarily share their ideological visions.

324
01:26:02.000 --> 01:26:06.000
Great, thank you. Thank you very much.

325
01:26:06.000 --> 01:26:18.000
Thank you. That was really interesting. Responses from both of you have really fit with the kinds of things that we're looking at and fantastic questions thanks. I wish you could be here.

326
01:26:18.000 --> 01:26:23.000
I wish we could all be together in the one room. So just really briefly, I suppose we're considering those 3 questions as well.

327
01:26:23.000 --> 01:26:39.000
Fantastic questions, Mariselle, on what were the conditions of possibility and the suggestions in our talk were the rise and existence of the progressiveism around education.

328
01:26:39.000 --> 01:27:05.000
So it was the perils of progressivism to which the conservative grassroots movements responded and in the Australian context the conditions of possibility included the development of these participatory policy-making structures that created official spaces for community groups to fill within policy making and educational policy making.

329
01:27:05.000 --> 01:27:15.000
The second question you asked was about well Is it community organising or why we use this idea of community organising?

330
01:27:15.000 --> 01:27:36.000
And obviously that's, you know, nuanced and difficult ascertain for certain but it looks to us like these groups that we've found in the public record had the same kinds of forms of organising and mobilising and sociality that the progressive groups had as well.

331
01:27:36.000 --> 01:27:50.000
Obviously like the progressive groups, they may well have been puppets from some part of some international conspiracy that's for us to find as we go on.

332
01:27:50.000 --> 01:28:00.000
And in terms of who are they, that's Who were these? Who were these conservative community organisers and these conservative groups?

333
01:28:00.000 --> 01:28:09.000
We know who some of them are and we know a bit about them. We know many of them were Christians.

334
01:28:09.000 --> 01:28:25.000
Most of them were white. And that's part of our ongoing project to find out more about these people.

335
01:28:25.000 --> 01:28:38.000
Thank you. Thank you very much, Susan. I don't know if, some of you will maybe put some other questions maybe in the public there are some questions that we can collect.

336
01:28:38.000 --> 01:28:40.000
Any questions? Yes, we have one question from the floor.

337
01:28:40.000 --> 01:28:47.000
Right.

338
01:28:47.000 --> 01:29:06.000
How much do you have? That's important. Hi, thank you for those presentations. I'm Mark Jennings from the University of Divinity here in Australia and also.

339
01:29:06.000 --> 01:29:20.000
Wallace and Theological College. I enjoyed, I only got here for the second presentations and enjoyed the second and third presentation very much in the responses to questions.

340
01:29:20.000 --> 01:29:26.000
I, because I think I work for an Anglican college, not Dank and Diocese of Sydney.

341
01:29:26.000 --> 01:29:53.000
But I'm based in Perth. I get this hilarious emails. I don't know why they keep coming, but probably because of that email address from a home schooling organization and they keep telling me that they have an antidote to woke public education.

342
01:29:53.000 --> 01:30:16.000
And some of my research is a little bit related to this as well. I've been looking at the split in the Anglican Church down here in in Australia between the the arch conservative Diocese of Sydney which is anti gay anti trans and anti ordination of women and quite masculine.

343
01:30:16.000 --> 01:30:31.000
So anyway, long preface to the question, but just in terms of the identified in my own research and hearing it in terms of the identified in my own research and hearing it in those 2 presentations and hearing it in those 2 presentations kind of a the evidence of hearing it in those 2 presentations kind of a the evidence of a discursive clash over

344
01:30:31.000 --> 01:30:37.000
truth. And so the question really is probably for all of you but as I say predict particularly directed to the second and do presentations which I heard.

345
01:30:37.000 --> 01:30:49.000
Is it fair to say that the history of these discursive clashes and the new emerging shape of rhetoric and approaches from the right indicated in the second presentation by Belen.

346
01:30:49.000 --> 01:31:12.000
Is there a need to reframe naive progressive ideas and rhetorics. I keep hearing get on the right side of history for example as this kind of an example of this kind of naive rhetoric from from the left or what remains of the left.

347
01:31:12.000 --> 01:31:27.000
Is it is it more appropriate perhaps to reframe this in terms of a contest that given your historical analysis will never be over will always have to be contested and if so because that's a close question the open question follows.

348
01:31:27.000 --> 01:31:31.000
How can this be done?

349
01:31:31.000 --> 01:31:38.000
16.

350
01:31:38.000 --> 01:31:53.000
Just Yeah, Hi, I'm one of the co authors Jessica, hi. Fantastic question.

351
01:31:53.000 --> 01:32:09.000
I'm one of the co authors, Jessica. Hi. Fantastic question. And we were giggling along as you were asking a question because we were giggling along as you were asking a question because we as a team and I in particular are giggling along as you are asking a question because we as a team and I in particular a bit obsessed with home schooling and

352
01:32:09.000 --> 01:32:25.000
home opting out of the school system entirely for a whole range of actors, not just conservative actors. But look, I think that you've highlighted the what we've been thinking about.

353
01:32:25.000 --> 01:32:44.000
In relationship to the the particular politics of the period as an ongoing tussle around what it is to be to like to put it in a kind of a philosophical kind of mode that this isn't just as you've said an overend done kind of.

354
01:32:44.000 --> 01:32:49.000
We just need to win the debate and move on. But this is a kind of an ongoing question about what it is to be, how society should be organized, how do we relate to each other and so on.

355
01:32:49.000 --> 01:33:09.000
And I think one of the things that we've tried to work with and this is not only us seeing it many people have said this is to work against this presumptive modernist impulse of that march of history.

356
01:33:09.000 --> 01:33:34.000
That there's just this we always progressing forward everything is always moving to this better better better point and I think that you know having a historical eye on this in a contemporary moment which can feel quite overwhelming is really helpful for reminding us that actually these things are a part of a much longer standing debate about about what it is to be.

357
01:33:34.000 --> 01:33:44.000
I do think it's as as existential as that. I don't know about what we do about it.

358
01:33:44.000 --> 01:33:51.000
Sorry, I'm going to dodge that question. Perhaps we can we can discuss it later but I don't know if anyone else wants to chime in.

359
01:33:51.000 --> 01:33:59.000
Perhaps we can discuss it later but I don't know if anyone else wants to chime in.

360
01:33:59.000 --> 01:34:00.000
Maybe I could.

361
01:34:00.000 --> 01:34:03.000
Okay, so do you want to wait? Yeah.

362
01:34:03.000 --> 01:34:15.000
Yeah, maybe I could jump in. So yeah, it is a pity that we're not able to be there because yeah, that would be amazing, but thank you also for coming to the microphone so that we have an idea of who is in the room.

363
01:34:15.000 --> 01:34:30.000
Otherwise we have again this pandemic feeling of talking to the screen, right? And yeah, thank you Mark for that question and for the for the considerations also afterwards.

364
01:34:30.000 --> 01:34:47.000
I think there is something very essential to this understanding of truth and to the diet or the dichotomic relation between how between truth and lie and knowledge this information that is more complex.

365
01:34:47.000 --> 01:34:57.000
And then just for example the bigger public debate about fake news and so on because it also implies specific census of how the right wing and this right wing ideologues and activists.

366
01:34:57.000 --> 01:35:13.000
Portray the world and how they mobilize around these notions of who is on this right side of his history and how the other side is.

367
01:35:13.000 --> 01:35:41.000
To be understood and is also to be defeated or treated in a general way. So And you can education here we see that there is also an interconnection between the different cases because but like but also the movement that I study and then the research that you are doing with this historical lens on campaigns and then the research that you are doing with this historical lens on

368
01:35:41.000 --> 01:35:57.000
campaigns on campaigns on campaigns on for education reform or for conservative and moral issues around education show how education reform or for conservative and moral issues around education reform or for conservative and moral issues around education show how education is also a battlefield that is very relevant in my case and that was also one of the central results of my research.

369
01:35:57.000 --> 01:36:19.000
Education gets to be seen as this realm where politicization and takes place. And as a place where they, in this case, right when young activists and present themselves as being the ones who are right about a very large number of things.

370
01:36:19.000 --> 01:36:27.000
So for example, they, really use this dichotomy between who is building on science and on knowledge.

371
01:36:27.000 --> 01:36:46.000
Against the left wing because the left wing is presented as an old school and outdated and just repeating dogma or like using Checkavara t-shirts and so on, but not necessarily understanding the problematics of the present on a scientific base.

372
01:36:46.000 --> 01:36:59.000
And I was, I was very, I wasn't actually looking at education as one main dimension of my research, but it came up in almost all interviews, how they see themselves as being the ones who have the data and the facts.

373
01:36:59.000 --> 01:37:10.000
And while the other side. Is just repeating. Things that are not necessarily relevant anymore and not necessarily, scientifically founded.

374
01:37:10.000 --> 01:37:33.000
So when they Attack the feminist movement. They relate to a discourse where they try to kind of construct a narrative for showing that gender issues and so on are treated only only 2 ideologized way from the left wing.

375
01:37:33.000 --> 01:37:48.000
So with this, what I, what I want to Stress is that We sometimes see that there is of course in other movements and an anti intellectual Guys, but this is not always the case.

376
01:37:48.000 --> 01:38:03.000
So the right one also sees itself as producing knowledge. And this is different in this. Is related to how influencers and writers are perceived also by the public as legitimate.

377
01:38:03.000 --> 01:38:10.000
A knowledge producers who are developing theory or who are to be seen as organic intellectuals of this field.

378
01:38:10.000 --> 01:38:27.000
And in Latin America, you have, for example, a lot of, books being produced by influencers that are related to Broadway, Thing Tank Networks and so on and they then influence how elections are to be faced.

379
01:38:27.000 --> 01:38:42.000
And this is important for understanding how. Also intellectual recognition. Is relevant if we want to try to think of what could be done.

380
01:38:42.000 --> 01:38:55.000
Because right wingers also like and I'm referring mostly to young people. They also are lacking of this intellectual recognition of their own ideas and of their own visions of the world.

381
01:38:55.000 --> 01:39:17.000
So we have a way of political subjectivation that goes through this need for being regarded as. As legitimate partners of an interlocutors in more complex discussions.

382
01:39:17.000 --> 01:39:28.000
Thank you, William. I don't know if it's too soon. Do you want to answer, the question of Mark.

383
01:39:28.000 --> 01:39:29.000
No, I think Jessica answered on my behalf. Thank you.

384
01:39:29.000 --> 01:39:34.000
Susan, are you there? Okay. Oh, it's a good. Right.

385
01:39:34.000 --> 01:39:36.000
Some other questions maybe?

386
01:39:36.000 --> 01:39:42.000
Any more questions?

387
01:39:42.000 --> 01:39:47.000
No we're finished with The questions are finished here. Thank you.

388
01:39:47.000 --> 01:39:58.000
Okay. Do you have some other questions maybe?

389
01:39:58.000 --> 01:39:59.000
Okay.

390
01:39:59.000 --> 01:40:21.000
I would have one question. Like for Sousa and Jessica and the colleagues over there. So I found fascinating how you one of your conclusions about the periods of progressivism And I wanted to ask you to maybe elaborate a bit more or give us a bit more insight about how you are finding in the

391
01:40:21.000 --> 01:40:51.000
archive. And this this clash and this. Antigone, yeah, this antagonism between what was conceived as, to come like communist or to progressive and how they represented themselves like in the archive or in the complete like like material culture of what they were spreading in their community.

392
01:40:52.000 --> 01:41:12.000
Throughout the presentations we had this. This observation about the challenge we face when we think of social movements when we think of community organizing as being positive or as being progressive or being democratic and then what the right wing poses to us or conservative associations of different kind.

393
01:41:12.000 --> 01:41:32.000
And when they also enhance or they create participatory spaces but this participatory spaces have and a different direction and this book actually this means for us that we have to rethink our own tools, actually this means for us that we have to rethink our own tools and our own own categories.

394
01:41:32.000 --> 01:41:40.000
It is the same for the social movement category. Where we think of social movements are being kind of, I've been social and there being left wing, but nowadays that doesn't hold true anymore.

395
01:41:40.000 --> 01:41:53.000
So how do you deal with this conceptual issue and what have you found in the archive about yeah this material culture as well.

396
01:41:53.000 --> 01:41:59.000
Great. That that gives us a great deal of solids because it's clear you understood the point that we were making and that it resonates for you.

397
01:41:59.000 --> 01:42:20.000
Because halfway through the talk I thought maybe this is an Australian thing where we think of participation more participation as more democracy you know maybe it's an Australian thing where we attach participatory politics to a progressive ideal.

398
01:42:20.000 --> 01:42:37.000
But you started the question with a question about what we found in the archive and so I was going to ask Helen to answer that in terms of what we found in the archive in relation to this perils of progressivism.

399
01:42:37.000 --> 01:42:49.000
Thanks. So I'm Helen. I'm the other. Person of that first paper, sorry, the third paper, so hello and I very much enjoyed Juan and Berlin's presentations too.

400
01:42:49.000 --> 01:43:09.000
So thank you very much and lots of resonances across the through the 3 papers I think. So look just to say very quickly that I mean I think there are 2 things other than what Sue just picked up Berlin in your question and one is what did we find in the archives about the relationship between these sort of progressives and

401
01:43:09.000 --> 01:43:31.000
conservatives and the other thing I think you're talking about material culture and I found that very interesting about your talk the development of these memes and this kind of cool progressiveism and actually next week I'm giving a different paper from this project at a historical conference, an Australian historical conference.

402
01:43:31.000 --> 01:43:56.000
About a book. I don't know if the little red school book is something that people have heard of beyond the historical field, but it was a book produced by a couple of Danish school teachers in the early seventys or the late sixtys rather, which was obviously riffing on the idea of Mau, Chairman Mao's little red book.

403
01:43:56.000 --> 01:44:12.000
And it was issued to school students. It was aimed at school students of around 12 years old. And it was very frank about sex, about contraception, about sex as a sort of pleasureurable experience rather than a sort of, you know.

404
01:44:12.000 --> 01:44:28.000
Mechanics of reproduction approach and also had a lot of exhortations to young people to become politically to become politically UN politically aware, not unaware, politically aware.

405
01:44:28.000 --> 01:44:34.000
And to organise to mobilise for progressive social change and to become aware of things like racism.

406
01:44:34.000 --> 01:44:42.000
And so this little book which also used, it was originally published in Danish, it was translated into English.

407
01:44:42.000 --> 01:44:58.000
And it created an international fi. I don't know if it reached the Spanish speaking world. I do not know but someone will know but it certainly was throughout the English speaking world and the Nordic world and there was an obscenity trial in England.

408
01:44:58.000 --> 01:45:09.000
So what I'm getting around to is that was it was translated, it came to Australia and was, so this is the progressive left distributing this book.

409
01:45:09.000 --> 01:45:23.000
You know, it was banned in one of the states here. It was debated whether it should be banned in Australia entirely and in this question about material culture, activists kind of got piles of these books and distributed them free to school students and things like that.

410
01:45:23.000 --> 01:45:52.000
But the paper that I'm giving next week is about a book called The Little White School Book and so the conservative group various conservative groups mobilized against in reaction so they wanted to be cool right so this little red school book was very cool and it was you know all this sort of young people's language of the time and so the

411
01:45:52.000 --> 01:46:01.000
little white school book in Australia there was a white school beacon Diana. Denmark there was a black and white school book published in England by Moral Riam at which historians will know what that is.

412
01:46:01.000 --> 01:46:31.000
But, but in a Australia there was a sort of I don't know if the word avankula translates into Spanish or Portuguese but it's like an uncle or an aunt so an uncle sort of a fatherly figure, a minister of religion who was, you know, had a radio show and he he was of

413
01:46:33.000 --> 01:46:41.000
the parent generation, but he was trying to be cool with the kids. And so he wrote this book called The Little White School book that said, you know, don't have sex before you get married.

414
01:46:41.000 --> 01:47:02.000
But it was kind of cool to talk about sex, because he's talking to the kids. Man to man face to face saying, look, you know, sex is a thing, it's great, but you know, research shows that if you have sex before you get married, you're probably going to get divorced later.

415
01:47:02.000 --> 01:47:14.000
But he also, so he would have seen himself as a kind of friendly conservative, not an extremist.

416
01:47:14.000 --> 01:47:22.000
He would have seen himself as in the moral ground. The middle, the sort of sensible moral middle.

417
01:47:22.000 --> 01:47:39.000
And so this kind of coolness was, so he included these sort of I guess humanistic political messages in with this kind of conservative so but again it's this little book messages in with this kind of conservative. But again, it's this little book.

418
01:47:39.000 --> 01:47:57.000
It's in this kind of 19 seventies cool font with this core language. So that's an example of the kind of material production that that we're looking at and Sue particularly, I mean I think all of us are looking at print culture and the use of printing and publishing these books and

419
01:47:57.000 --> 01:48:04.000
pamphlets. I hope that answers a little bit your question. So thank you.

420
01:48:04.000 --> 01:48:10.000
Thank you very much. It's really interesting. I don't know how about the time we will finishing into yeah 2Â min I think but I don't know if it is Suzanne you do. Yeah, 2Â min.

421
01:48:10.000 --> 01:48:23.000
I think but I don't know if it is Suzanne you do, I think, but I don't know if it's Suzanne you do you we cannot see the people in the room and this is frustrating for me.

422
01:48:23.000 --> 01:48:24.000
Sorry about that.

423
01:48:24.000 --> 01:48:33.000
But when I really I'm so sorry because I won't be able to be there. In fact, this, yeah.

424
01:48:33.000 --> 01:48:45.000
Well, but you, I mean the 3 presentation view well were great and I really appreciate your involvement and your well and the discussion was great.

425
01:48:45.000 --> 01:48:46.000
And I really appreciate your involvement and your well and the discussion was great about we're great and I really appreciate your involvement and your well and the discussion was great.

426
01:48:46.000 --> 01:48:58.000
I really appreciate your involvement and your well and the discussion was great about we we could take enough time to discuss our ideas and we can push so we can continue discussing if you want by email or other means.

427
01:48:58.000 --> 01:49:06.000
So thank you all of you. And, well, I don't know if you want to say some work.

428
01:49:06.000 --> 01:49:13.000
Susan, thank you very much to you for, opening the Zoom session and being there in person.

429
01:49:13.000 --> 01:49:14.000
It's important for us.

430
01:49:14.000 --> 01:49:20.000
That's OK. Thank you so much for organizing the panel for bringing us all together. We'll stay in contact with the panel.

431
01:49:20.000 --> 01:49:21.000
For bringing us all together, we'll stay in contact with one another, no doubt. We'll stay in contact with one another, no doubt.

432
01:49:21.000 --> 01:49:24.000
Yeah.

433
01:49:24.000 --> 01:49:30.000
We'll meet again. One another, no doubt. We'll meet again and thank you for the participants in the room and particularly my colleagues.

434
01:49:30.000 --> 01:49:33.000
And I hope you for the participants in the room and you particularly my colleagues and I hope you all have a lovely evening.

435
01:49:33.000 --> 01:49:34.000
Great. You too.

