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So good morning, dear professor and friends. Today I'm going to present my work which I've recently completed as part of my puzzle project.

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So the topic itself is South Endams at tipping points the case of TPM DAM in Manipur India Here, the article begins with arguments debts.

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Most of the literature on DEMs focus on the dumb buildings and it's societal and ecological effects.

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So there are plenty of literature on the damn buildings in gobbles out particularly the emerging economies.

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So in response to this literature, the study focused on the scarcity of literature on The suspension of dumb projects.

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So this study focus on the rejection of dependent done projects despite the support it receives from the governments of India and the regional level government actors.

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So to begin with. I start to focus on the global rise and falls on top buildings which has once started in the developed nations.

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So developed countries once build numerous dams for various services like the Franklin Dior School government's completed many damn projects.

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Through the establishment of the tennis Abelli authorities for at various services to build a nations. And later on, this damn generates negative externalities on riverine ecosystems.

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So as a result, they adopted the river registration policies, which were effective in dismantling DAM projects.

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To. protect the river and you call systems. In such a way the ecological narratives tend to be very strong that led to the dismantling of dumb projects.

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So this marks the end of DAMBERA in developed nations like most of the developing nations like the United States, Europe, most part of Europe, completed very stamps except Japan and Spain, who has continued to build more dams in post 1,975.

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So while the damps were wongered down in most developed economies, concurrently, a new era of dumb building began in post-core developing world like as for example the wave of decolonization in 1,900 fiftys in the developing nations.

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So this led to, you know, originally require hydro resources. To build a strong nations. As for example, the Neston builders like the Nassar of Egypt, the Negro of John Nero of India, they are Neston builders.

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They they they believe that slartsm are are a symbol of national identities. So they think that the down would increase the national economies.

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In the case of India, the 200 years of colonel rules in India So it declines the national economy.

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There are many literators to substitute these arguments like how in an economy decline from the advanced economy to the peripheral country when the British departed India.

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So in such a way the Neston builders, you know, focus large stamp, even in the planning commission in India like the Nairobi governments established the Dhammad Derveli operations and completed various stamps like the Brooker Nagle, Heroku jumps, Terry

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Dumps. And also led the foundation's stone of Neera Maradam also. During the time.

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So in such a way, a new era of job begins in post-colonial developing world. But there was a lot of, you know, contestants emerging in India's like the emergence of the silent valley movements in 1,900 seventys and followed by the Seth Narmada movements, Nerma

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To oppose the large term projects. So in this way, the social narratives immersed in the form of social displacement.

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While in the developed nations, the ecological narratives was strong that is the reason why it dismantled a large number of dams.

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So in emerging economies like India, in Pascal, Nell Time, the social displacement emerged as a core developmental issue.

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So. So this social narratives tend to be a strong slide, they're struggling for indigenous people's rights, the culture, likelihood issues of the people.

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So despite having a closed, damp still remain a developmental priorities in most developing country. So I think I should focus more on my guest history.

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So we can see the global shipment in dam buildings so it can be seized a closing on the frontiers.

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So this is the concept advanced by the fascism in the periphery settings of Israel's in which the FELTISTAN, he's a professor of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

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He talks about how the developmental project sat down in the periphery due to the multi-dimensional oppositions of in the periphery regions of the Israel.

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So we can also argue that our used whether this closing or frontiers for dam is nearing in emerging economies for dam is nearing in emerging economies like India.

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So this studies analyzed the suspension or the rejection of DAM projects. Focusing on the rejection of the forest clearance of the damps.

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But in the case of Tepang Dam, MOFC rejected the first clearance for diversing of the large amount of Lens so so I want to see how the turning point over the struggle of dams for many tickets.

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So how, sapology sense regarding a metered sense occur in the periphery settings of Manipur India?

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The study utilized analytical concepts of collision to explain the sifting in collagen compulsion leading to the policies chance of Japan.

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So I utilize ecology and how the collision forms, you know, in the Indian context, particularly in the TPM.

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So I started documenting from 1,945 until 2,045 until 2,008 and 19.

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It's how to call a sensitive between the programs and 8 and 19. It's how to call a sensitive between the programs and the anti-dump governments.

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How to call sensitive between the programs and the anti-dump governments. So at the global level we have the modernist and environmental collisions like modernise in the Western countries like the Roosevelt governments, the modernist idea of done building in developed countries.

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And the environmental collision emerged like the store home conference after the so-called press and the environmental movements immersed and recently in 1,992 United Nations conference on environment and development So interestingly, like the World Commission on Dams emerged into Thailand.

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So we can see at the global levels. The modernness and environments. So at a local level at the specific dams we have the a program and the anti-growth collisions.

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So which can be explained by the gradualism theory. So I'm not explaining all these things because of the limited time and what the global and the local collision are bridged by the concept of storylines.

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So this can be explained by the hazard discourage corpses, how the storyline, different skills like the local and the global level.

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So we have identified a storyline and anti-tam in a program. We have nation buildings which can be seen in the formative states of India.

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And the emerging economy at large like economic development, storyline, this supports the programs. And on the other side we have the environmental storyline and the social storyline which opposes the dams.

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So the storyline and the extent at which the India brings the scale is the is the focus of the studies.

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So we'll see how different actors evolves, you know, and advance different storylines over time, how they interplay and, you know, how to interplay and compete with this other, you know, is a focus of this study.

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You know a river we can see a river starting from the you know northern parts which is starting from the center of the district of Minneapolis and the Bura River, you know, there's a proposed side of the Tepami Dam.

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Depending them as it is a trans boundary it flows the awesome and then enter into a Bangladesh.

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So the struggle is not confined only to the local settings but to the regional levels because there is politics from the governments also.

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Because how do some governments respond to this diplomatic dance in the West Colonial India. I will, you know, highlight some of this.

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It has a transboundary issue also. So there's a strong opposition from the Bangladesh who wants to damage bills.

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Because the a person cut across different scale of this damp so which is a multi-dimensional So I will highlight some of the politics how some government move forward initially and all the multiple government take the responsibilities of these stamps.

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So it's qualitative guest studies, so understand the collagen formations and shift around the TPAMuk dams.

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It's a longitudinal approach, so I identified the entry and exit points of actors and followed by the collagen formations and dissolutions of collagen from 1,945.

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So I set few parameters to explain the sifting collision and storylines. The and the level at which they operates in the SIFT and area in which the conflict is played out and the argument put forward by different actors.

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So I conducted field work in Manipur, so because it's only 3 months fill out, it's a possible walk, so I do not get much time in the field.

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So I conducted 27 instruction interviews. Responding comprised a projector reasons like the you know North Eastern Eactive Power Cooperations, engineers, you know, the original coordinator of the pamphlets, bureaucrats like the ice officers who are handling the dams, politicians.

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Civil societies and indigenous groups.

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So this is all about the results. They've always an optimum down. It is categorized.

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So it is categorized into 3, so evolution. So first I will look at the program collisions, how it sifted over time since 1,945 and then how it exploded conflicts and mountain conflicts and immersed anti-demand collision in Manduru, how they operate at a different scale.

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The schoolism. And the third is over several decades of struggles how the Ministry of Enron for S and climate sense rejected the poorest clearance of the stamps.

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So how the shifting text splits. So I just represent Frem in this in the form of this figure.

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This is the result. So we can see before, 1,999, the government or some since 1,945.

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The Assam was experiencing flood and all these things. The government of Assam across a different central government agencies to control the flood on the Burat Rivers because because that was an idea that was conceived by the government of some 2 control slots during the time.

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They link up with the central level water ministries over time over time. And then handed over to the Brahma Pud.

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At the time before the 1,900 ninetys from 1,945 to 1,980 the emphasis was the damn emphasis was to control slots in in in in in that valley in a sum but the idea was opposed by the governments of Manipur because the government did not get

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benefits. So as a result, the northeastern Erikork Corporation, you know, broke the deadlock between this.

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So the NepCO chains the emphasis of dams from the felt control to the hydroelectric power.

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It's just a way the sifting emphasis of dams has takes place. We can also see the shifting storyline from the flat control story line to the hydroelectric storyline.

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So in such a way, the money poor societies like the Indigenous people think that the down would would bring economic development in the local settings in such a way the government of Manipur accepted this.

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This hydroelectric power because the concept of 1,500 megawatts was incorporated besides the flood control.

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Purpose of this dance. So the Nako took charge of this project. They conducted environmental impact assessment and environmental management plan, etc.

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So there was some politics about this, the Nko, you know, did not submit this, you know, this clearance project in times due to the lack of his credibility and all.

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And in this way, Nepal was sideline and joint venture company was formed between the National Hydropower, the National Hydropower, NSPC government of Manipur, NSPC government on Manipur and there's one, you know, SCB and there's one private

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company, and there's one, you know, SCB and there's one private company, public utilities in Punjab.

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A private company, a public utilities in Punjab. So they form a joint venture companies, you know, this all about how the collagen shift over time.

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So, in between, since, 1990, s There was an emergence of the conflicts text list, the emergence of anti-damn coalition forms.

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Since the 1990, s the indigenous peoples, the academics in Manipur, they were aware that the government of India was pushing a dams.

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They're going to commission a dance in the periphery settings of Manipur. Because as they are academics, they are educated people because the you know academics you know they conducted the impact assessment like the money for universities and most of them are geographer and geologists who oppose the dams on the results of

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the findings, you know, that on the test models they go ground and on ecological bricks. So in SAS a way, CCD was formed from 1,999 to 2,005 initially it comprised our collision over 40 civil societies between the involved as well as the hilly

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regions. So it's over 40 civil society bodies. It was started in 1,999 since 2,005 and after that with the action committee against the Pi Mudam here because the Sicily collision was dissipated and affections emerged among them because of the influence of some underground

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outfits. They want to incorporate their essence in the movements of the environmental movement. In such a way, the CCD coalition.

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In such a way, the CCD collision was dissipated and Xen committee of the Parmangadan was formed.

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And I have selected some of the colleges at just like the Malipur University and the Junong community more communities.

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And these are some of the organizing that I have randomly pick of, which is larger collisions of this CCDD and SCD IP.

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And as most of them are educated people, the upscale in the power of since they link up with the Nermala but some under loans like the Metropolitan.

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And they only protest through solidarities, etc. Etc. And they link up with the solidarities, etc. Etc.

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And they link up with the Bangladeshi Bangladesh and they presented the chapter of the pyramid done in the indigenous meeting in the greenhouse meeting in the green land held in Washington DC and in Washington DC and they also rise the voice of scalar power of resistance in the United

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Nations. And they also rise the voice of scalar power of resistance in the United Nations. There was in the United Nations.

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Actually, in the United Nations, there was in the United Nations, there was a United Nations, there was a United Nations permanent forum on Indigenous peoples.

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Actually, this provides the global platform of indigenous people to rise their voices. So in such a way, the educated activists from the Mar communities, some civil societies, they visited the United Nations, they launched a global campaign against the Japan jumps in the United Nations.

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So these are how the escalate configs at different level text-placed in the context of tetrahedron down.

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So over various struggles, in 2,003, MOE FCC. Declined the forest clearance for the purposes of diverting 22,800 hectares of for instance.

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If the department dump is built this must, 22,800 hectares of first land would be.

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You know, lost. So that is one of the highest forest diversion, you know, in the history of dumb buildings.

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More than 100 times than the Everest first, you know, loss so far. So instead of building a large system with 1,500 megawatts The government recommended the small damn projects line up.

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So the combination office make outwards, which should be equivalent to the 1,500 megawatts.

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So to accept the recommendation of MOE CFC, Government of Manipur Explorer, Austin Software's more dumb.

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But for the anti-growth actor slide in Manipur, because I use the term anti-grant according to the you know Molas concept of integrals.

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It doesn't mean that you know civil societies are against the broad and all these things. So I utilize this term according to the third together, you know.

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Insights of MOOCs. So the entire growth actors welcome the rejection but still oppose small dams because even though it is small in the context of Malipur, we have a history of the failure of the small dam also in terms of displacement and all these things.

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So they have ever the Mike or Heido which can fulfill the community under the in its. So these are the discussion section.

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I will not coming all these things to discuss in the sifting storyline. We can see in 1,947 the neural led governments established in 1,947 the Nahu-led governments established the dams and all.

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Dams are the temples of modern India and all these things. The Nahu-led governments establish the dams and all. The dams and all. Dams are the temples of modern India and all these things.

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And this can connect to the flood control of modern India and all these things. And this can connect to the floods of modern India and all these things.

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And this can connect to the flood-controlled storyline in the northeastern region of India where the Tephany dam was first expensive in the Burra River in Assam.

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So the Neston building storyline, followed by the flood control storyline. Than the government of Manipur Nepko and everything.

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So I'm not coming all these things. So in the last I put the Ministry of Environment Forrest and Climate Sense, it's an anti-dumb person that took it, even though it's an environmental collagens, because the opposite Japan jumps leading to the rejections.

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Because the resistant gets of forest clearance is very less in the Indian context because MYF also rejected the I approved the forest clearance in most cases.

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So this are the sifting storyline how the different actors at the different different levels resonates in different storyline in this context.

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This is the overall the score score isn't around the Department jumps actors. And storyline. So at the top most we have seen the levels of levels which is the first is Neston building storyline which are advanced by Nehru governments and then followed by the flood control storyline.

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And the central level water ministry is an extra extra bone porter boats and then the hydroelectric storyline advanced by the Zion Venture Company and the Norwegian Electric power corporations.

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So economic development and economic loss of this. So, so before, 1,999, the governments of Manipur oppose the stamps on the ground of economic loss of this storyline and after 1,999 when the NFC, chance the emphasis of the dams to

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hydroelectricity, the confluence of Manipur except this storyline which is the economic development money for governments after 1,999.

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So these are how the different storyline of programs shifted at different level. And when we talk about the anti-damp storyline we have the indigenous people's rights and livelihoods World Commission of Dam Source established in 19 2,000 so and the United Nations you know the emergence of the US declaration of

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indigenous declaration of indigenous people's rights. A 7 strategic declaration of indigenous people's rights.

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A 7 strategic priorities of the World Commission, and strategic priorities of the World Commission on DEMSELLEs right, as having strategic priorities of the World Commission on DEMOCTORYS of the World Commission on DEMS, Etc. Extra.

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Actually, this global norms empower thes, etc. Actually this global norms empower the local structure local struggles of the Tepimuk jumps because the local the local anti-dam activists utilize this framework as their tools of resistance against the governments to oppose the dams.

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So we have the CCDD at the local levels and when we talk about the environments the storyline we have the effects river and effects on the Bangladesh because once the dam is constructed so it will have a disaster in the downstream Bangladesh.

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As for example in 1,974 the Faraca was built in Andre Gandhestery where it listed a wide-ranging effects on the Sundarban region served by the I think the 2 countries.

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So many activities in the Bangladesh says that we don't want another Ferraka in the case of Tip I'm dumped.

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So there was a resistance from the Bangladesh. So there was a resistance from the Bangladesh.

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So I do not cover much of the Bangladesh issue. From 2,005 onwards there was a strong oppositions.

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From the downstream regions. And we have the minimum way of CC effects on ecology and all these are national level you know storyline and academics so these are how the discourse goal is around Japan and jumps actors and storyline interplates over time.

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This is all about the studies results. So I'm just coming to a conclusion in few. In a few minutes.

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So, so the study argues that the question of whether the end of down building era in South Africa is contingent on the outcome of the size specific struggle.

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So the question is whether the large-scale era will be in or not. So it may depends on the different struggles against dams because dams you know there's an offset large stamp also which are not functioning well.

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The ising of large dam has become a global sustainable issues because of the aing because India will have more asing dams, you know, since Pose colonial time.

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More than 100 large sandwiches are, oscillates and all not functioning well. So this may depend on the outcome of the size specific struggles of dams.

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So in the case of Tibetan Mugam, it's located in Manipur.

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The rejection of the project is perhaps in the context of the wider closing of frontier for damps.

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So the rejection of the dependent dumps, this can indicates the closing of frontiers for dams.

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On ecological regions. But in developed economies, this causing of Francis what dams took place in the form of dismantling dams on ecological grounds.

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They got a logical narrative source strong to dismantle the damps like the protects son of Salmone Ruben in the waste but likely in the case of Tepam Dam, it was on ecological ground but on the ground to protect the forests, first lens.

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So we can see the emerging narrative storyline between the developed societies in the past as well as the contemporaries, case of TPM jumps, how the environmental storylines, you know, but in different contexts.

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So the guest today shows how the global national efficacy collision are grounded in local growth versus integrity.

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Because we can see the global national effort cases, you know, at the national and the global level. So I did not talk much about the how the tennis valley authorities were diffused in the global subs like in the form of DAMUDER WeLLY Cooperations in India.

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So we have this nexus we can see. So we have this next as we can see and at the local level we operations in India.

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So we have this nexus we can see and at the local level we have this broad collagens growth and anti-cor.

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These are focusing on the specific dumb sites. So the collision comparison and the storyline shifted over time and ultimately it was the environmental storyline we set into the atos of the National level MO FCC leading to the rejections of these dams.

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And this that is perhaps indicates shifting power relations and potential turning points. In the damn governance in India because this study simply means about how the measure How the measure Allizans, you know, and the story lines shifted overtime.

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Let's do the quality. Qualities and quality isn't. So yeah. This is how the shift takes place, you know, because that MO free section marks the turning points, how the sifting power release in takes place.

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So this is all about the scenario selected references, you know, hazard, local and models and sabotage.

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Okay, thank you very much.

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So. Reveal me a very good definition. He has focused on the . The

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Because Yeah, I would have issues. So very good. And it's just for something. I just want to ask you one thing.

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So you are not telling him hear what we class characterize collisions. Just one different class. And it's needing a Coalition.

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. So Napoli's on TRUSTARY COMMITTLE CLASS what are the classes?

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Last compare it somewhere there. If not for instance, that is one thing. To company where you are talking of these issues of programming and antidepressants.

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You know, 1,945 to 19 seventies early period you are saying that And after subsequently indigenous people's eyes, What, why I want to cross the way to see very quickly.

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See what this issue is, but this is not only for the other Big issues. The rights of Indians, people, The lack of Sorry, so therefore actually it was the protesters got so pure and people are not so clear and people are not people have experienced the authority and people are not people have experienced the authority on state.

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So.

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So you won't be yes, and then we can put it to the list, cause it's not gonna be like when you're a little bit into the back of bringing in

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We want the line to have an integer if Nobody's going to do this. The next phony question.

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So. ER, we want him.

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Brilliant. So just go stop share. Yep. And there you go.

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Yeah.

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And I'm sharing my presentation.

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Yes, please. Look.

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Okay, great, then I'll do so.

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Those budgets. Who?

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To speak to her about any of these lots.

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Yeah, if you just to share your screen now we'll be able to see your presentation.

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Yeah, I'm working on it. Sorry.

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Yeah, please, please make your presentation.

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Yes, I'm working on it. Sorry, takes a second.

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You have a peculiar inside of this project. 15Â min we are giving 10Â min So you can present for 15Â min after that we'll have some Mr. He's good.

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Well.

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I'm sorry, I think there is a problem with my Zoom. Can you just open the slides that are uploaded.

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They're not entirely up to date, but I think they should. Do the job.

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Yeah.

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Cause it doesn't allow me to open what's on my desktop.

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Are you able to see now?

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Yes, perfect, but I cannot click through, right? Someone else.

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Yeah, I can do it for you.

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Okay, thank you so much. Okay, so.

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You may have to say next you may have to say next then just tell me yeah

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Okay, okay, we'll do so. Thank you so much. Sorry for the technical glitch and thank you for having me on the panel today.

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I'm really excited to present my PhD research, and even though it's already quite late here in the Netherlands.

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And so specifically I will be talking about my third PhD paper that's on the topic of local resistance to big science in Hawaii.

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Please next I will jump right into the introduction given the limited time available. So first of all, I would like to clarify a term that I will probably refer to.

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Several times throughout the presentation and that's big science. So what I mean by big science is expensive science projects so in the 1 billion dollar class that typically but not always revolve around expensive large and complex instruments and these type of projects are usually embedded in a local host community.

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First of all, through their physical imposing infrastructure, but then ideally also through their economic contributions. Now, policymakers kind of tend to frame these science projects as a win-win situation for everyone involved, including for the local host community.

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But there are actually quite a few examples where the local community was not that happy with the big science project being located in their neighborhood.

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We, I listed a few example here on the slide. I will not go into too much detail, but typically from the literature we know that this type of resistance or position to big science is rather short-lived.

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The exception is really, Kmona, which is the Hawaiian word for protectors of the mountain and they have been opposing the 30 meter telescope.

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I'm sure TMT on Hawaii, for roughly 10 years. Next, please.

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Now, This is actually not ideal because I'm starting now with my research question.

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I wanted to give you a bit of background. So, but given that, you know, I've mentioned that local opposition is not always or as tends to be short lived.

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And I wondered why in the specific case of the TMT and Hawaii a local opposition was so, was so pronounced and persisted over 10 years.

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Next please.

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Now coming to the background, I know that probably not everyone will be familiar with Hawaii. The 30 meter telescope or Pi Mona the opposition group that I'm talking about so next please I will give you a bit of background information on all of this.

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So, Monaka is a Dormant volcano on Hawaii island that's circled and red here.

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It's the biggest island in the Hawaiian island chain and the mountain on IKa stands about 4,200 meters above sea level.

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And it is of great cultural, spiritual and ancestral, significance for native Hawaiians. At about 18 stories high, the TMT would be the biggest addition to the already 13 existing telescopes on you see that he has circled in the picture and the reason why they are already so many

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telescopes online IKEA is that the mountain has a very stable, dry and cold climate that really ensures that astronomers can make pristine observations on the mountain.

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Tmt itself is an extremely large astronomy project. It has a 30 meter mirror to do observations and it's being designed and developed by the TMT International Observatory.

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NTO is a nonprofit partnership. Consisting of US American, Chinese, Japanese, research institutions as well as Canadian and Indian quasi-governmental agencies and according to TO TMT would allow astronomers to as many open and fundamental questions in a astronomy for example related to extra planetary systems but

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also to the properties of matter. And originally in 2,009 when the project was proposed. And it was planned to begin construction in 2,000 14 and then to complete the project by 2,021 but local opposition considerably stalled project development.

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Next please.

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And, yeah, local resistance really comes from, the group that I've mentioned at the beginning.

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It's a group that I've mentioned at the beginning. It's a group that's largely but not exclusively composed of native Hawaiians.

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And they have a post construction of the telescope for roughly 10 years. Opposition began to, yeah, arise around 2,011 right after TU was applying for a construction permit or rather the University of Hawaii on behalf of T was playing for a construction permit.

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And back then our position was mainly like voiced in the courtroom so in legal challenges we had a few Native Hawaiian culture practitioners and environmentalists that engage in contested case hearings on TMT and their main argument was basically that a TMT with threatened pandemic plant and animal species on the mountain

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Yeah.

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it would contaminate the islands aquifies and watersheds and they also contended that TMT would infringe on native Hawaiian rights and culture practices.

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Opposition Lang grew from 2,014 onwards and at the time he was tracking to breakdown.

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And at the time he was tracking to break ground for the time he was tracking to break ground for the project but a group of native Hawaiians spontaneously to break ground for the project but a group of native Hawaiians spontaneously decided for the project, but a group of native Hawaiians spontaneously decided, to interrupt the ceremony so it couldn't

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go forward and to interrupt the ceremony so it couldn't go forward and a position then really peaked in 2,015 and to interrupt the ceremony so it couldn't go forward and a position then really peaked in 2,015 and 2,014 and a position then really peaked in 2,015 and 2,019 when we had as you can see in

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the 1,015 and 2,019 when we had as you can see in the picture really thousands of native Hawaiians, NKA coming to the mountain blocking the Axis road so that crews couldn't a cruise construction crews couldn't go up the mountain and start with the construction of the

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telescope. Next please.

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Now, keeping in mind my question how, this group was able to sustain opposition, I approach that question from 2 kind of point of views.

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And so, I combined social movement theories quite classical ones with the concept of place attachment in an eclectic mode of theorizing and in line with what prominent scholars like Mc Edin and his colleagues argue I also assume that the fact is that lead to opposition, help it to persist over time.

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So this is why I use, yeah, permanent approaches to social movement theory, for example, political opportunity structure and resource mobilization as a first theoretical lens and yeah I complement these 2 approaches with the concept of place attachment that's pretty permanent in the literature on opposition to renewable energy projects and it shows this specific project

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because while big science projects and renewable energy projects have quite different socioeconomic and human development purposes.

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They have one really important aspect in common, and namely that opposition to them is quite moralized in the sense that green energy and science tend to be perceived as inherently good.

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And generally place attachment. Can be defined as and I'm quoting here now emotional bonds between people and places where place refers to space that has been given meaning through personal group or cultural processes.

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And it basically challenged this assumption that opposition to renewable or any kind of big project can be explained by the not my backyard phenomenon rather theories and working in that tradition argued that It's the opposition is driven by place.

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Protective attitudes, which do not necessarily need to lead to opposition. They only do so if individuals with a strong attachment to a place.

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Perceive a project to have a negative impact on that place or to be imposed without engaging them generally in the process.

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Next please.

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Now the research approach that I took in this project was that, next please. First of all, I was constantly, reflecting on my own positionality and the project.

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Obviously I'm a white female European non-indigenous researcher. So, it was really important for me to reflect on that position and to make it clear that I was contributing a non-indigenous outsider perspective which comes with certain advantages.

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But also obviously with disadvantages and given that such an outsider perspective or a non-community coming to an indigenous community doing research has been and continues to be problematic for a lot of indigenous communities.

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I wanted to make sure that my research is ethical. I took several precautions that are listed here.

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Next please.

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And the data that I draw on in my project is, mostly comes from semi, structured expert interviews that I conducted online and offline with astronomers, native Hawaiians, community members, but also policymakers.

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I use interviews that were conducted with KI for a Hawaiian publication and also transcribed testimonies from 2 documentaries and obviously I used to the academic and grade literature on the issue.

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I analyzed all of this using flexible coding and the qualitative data analysis software MXQDA.

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Next, please. And next now, talking about my findings, analyzing the documents and my interviews, I identified 5 factors that were decisive for the resilience of opposition in this specific case.

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And these are multi-generational beautiful organization, rescued resources, versatile tactics, local and national political opportunity and and place attachment driven commitment.

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Next, please.

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And I'm illustrating every point with the quote from my interviews. I've highlighted the very, to the point passages because the quotes are quite long.

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So first of all, we're able to sustain momentum because the efforts were able to sustain momentum because the efforts were supported to sustain momentum because the efforts were supported across generations as the efforts were supported across generations as the quote on the slide shows.

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Multi-generational support was important for them because it, yeah, made the effective organization, of the effort of the struggle easier and, yeah, having different generations involvement, that care were able to contribute different skill sets and experiences to the struggle.

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We had, for example, so-called kapuna, which are the eldest.

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And they were able to contribute their knowledge of what had worked in previous Hawaiian struggles. And then on the other hand, we had the younger generations that were able to raise awareness on social media and get more people involved and both was really crucial to stall project development.

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Next slide, please.

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Still on the same point, were able to sustain momentum because their struggle was led by several yeah, or by a larger group of, leaders.

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And we when we have multiple leaders that, share power and drive collective decision making, we speak of leaderful organization.

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And forKI distributing. Leadership responsibilities among a larger group of individuals was crucial, because allowed them effective tab to engage in effective task division and it helped prevent burnout among leaders over time.

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And last but not least, for organization was also important because it made possible and made it possible for KI to capitalize on different skill sets from different leaders.

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Next, please.

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Now, local opposition third persisted because a steady flow of grassroots resources, which came directly from the community, ensure that KI could engage in protest activities on and off Manaka.

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No.

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Hi.

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Most of these resources were in kind. As the 2 quotes on the slide show, in addition to these in kind resources, material resources were of course important, money, donations, food.

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And because without both the inclined and the material contributions, KAY would not have been able to engage in the legal challenges and they would also not have been able to keep up their presence on the mountain.

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Next please.

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Now third, okay, I managed to maintain a position to TMT because they employed versatile tactics that on the one hand help them sustain public support for their cause and also put those in positions of power under continuous pressure.

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Some of these tactics were borrowed from previous Hawaiian struggles but also from other indigenous efforts to protect indigenous land rights and associated culture practices.

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One of the interviews here for example mentioned standing rock. And as the second quote shows on the slide, The tactics that, yeah, use were combined and changed over time.

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So first it was mainly legal challenges that the group and, engaged in and later with social media campaigning and non-direct violent action which erased widespread attention for the struggle on the mountain.

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For the And this attention ultimately help them to recruit new supporters and activists for their struggle.

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Next, please.

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Now fourth KI succeeded in sustaining momentum for this struggle because, as political opportunity suggests, the local as well as the broader national political context in the US was conducive to their struggle in 3 different respects.

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First, as this quote on the slide shows, F to protect a place of great cultural ancestral and spiritual significance to an indigenous population really resonated with the greater awareness for Indigenous land rights throughout the US.

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And then next slide please.

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Second Hawaiians that were in favor of TMT were not as well organized or a media savvy as the Ki and importantly they also experienced quite a bit of pushback.

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From some community members for their Pro TMT activism. As one of the 2 slides here shows and third still on the opportunity structure the response from local authorities was quite piecemeal and not conducive to easing tensions around the whole TMT controversy.

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We had, for example, authorities, Yeah, manhandling, kapunas or eldest and that really galvanized the movement even further.

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Next, please.

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Now, finally the fifth point, a local opposition to TMT persisted because over time, AKI remain committed to the objective of preventing further astronomy development on and their commitment.

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I think now we also need to go to the next one to the next slide.

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That commitment was strengthened through, first place attachment and also second, through a strong community, attached or like a sense of community.

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And the place attachment in the interviews was voiced in different but strong ways. So for example, one, interviewee called Manakea and their Pico, which is the Hawaiian word for and umbilical cord, other said that the mountain is sacred to them.

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And, then there were also interviews who mentioned that they engaged in activities on one IKEA because they fell connected to other community members by, yeah, supporting the struggle.

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Next slide, please. Now what I would like you to take away from the presentation is that.

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Yeah, local opposition to big science. Comes up quite frequently, but it's usually rather short lived.

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The exception is the case that I've just presented so came out opposition to the 30 meter telescope on Hawaii.

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Yeah.

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And there are 5 factors that explain why this in this case opposition was so long lived. First we have multi-generational leaderful organization, second grassroots resources, third versatile tactics, fourth local and national political opportunity, all of these 4 factors correspond with the structural assumptions in resource mobilization theory and political opportunity

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structure. And then there's a fifth factor place attachment driven commitment that's adding an ideational element to these 4 previous factors.

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Thank you. And now please, to the references next slide.

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Thanks.

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Okay, thank you. Brignderson. I must tell that he has with them to the paper on the operation to 30 meter telescope.

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Went on with reference to how I, where he is throwing the points. That how this movement is sustaining for a quite long time and she identified her resource based on her empirical resource as I'm up with some factors, 5 factors which are responsible for the resilience of this moment.

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Like some structural kind of components, some additional elements.

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A place adjustment-driven commitment that he's characterizing as a kind of additional element whereas The other poor factors.

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Like multi generational leadership, grassroot resources, versatile textures, local and national political opportunities.

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These are structural components. It's a very good kind of presentation and now we can Take 2 questions.

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So please be online. We will have some discussion for some time. Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Dr. Doland, what happened finally to the telescope? The telescope project was happened finally to the telescope the telescope project was abandoned or it Continued.

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Yeah, that's a really good question. So at the moment it's kind of in limbo.

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So there was a lot of controversy until Corona hit so people had to leave the mountain and the situation kind of diffused.

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And policy makers used that opportunity to get a kind of reform process in terms of like the governance of the mountain going, they set up a working group that's composed of different community members.

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Business, Native Hawaiian, policymakers and so forth. And they came up with the reform of the current governance system of the mountain to get more native Hawaiians involved and give them a say in how the mountain is being used.

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And based on the working group's report, there was a new law passed quite recently. Which, kind of.

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Says that the old governance system needs to be dismantled and there's a transition period of 5 years where the governance system will be handed over to a group that's quite diverse also on representing the different local stakeholders.

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And there are obviously different opinions as to how successful that new governance authority will be in representing different stakeholders interests.

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So.

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When I see like what my interview said, I would say that 50% were carefully optimistic that the new authority would be in a better place to represent.

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Local stakeholders interests, whereas the other half was, seeing this more of a symbolic act to a piece.

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Those not in favor of the project and to calm tensions. So I think it's a matter of time, you know, time will show what effect this reform has and if it can really help ease the concerns that some local stakeholders have around not just the TMT but astronomy development in general on the mountain.

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So the telescopes are still there. The the installations are not withdrawal. Am I right?

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The existing ones are still there. At the moment they're discussing whether they could take down a few of the older telescopes to make kind of space for TMT.

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And also to show to the local community that they're willing to make cutbacks at the astronomy community because it has become clear from the local protest that people are sick of new telescopes being developed when they have been promised in the past on several occasions that old ones would be taken down that the next

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telescope will be the last. So I think, yeah, they need to be telescope decommissioned and it will be decommissioned but they are ongoing discussions as to which ones this will be.

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S.

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So what is the cost and benefit of this? Whoa, project. Cost and benefit who were the likely beneficiaries and who are the likely

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So in terms of like just economically economic costs, the telescope will cost approximately 4 billion dollars and the funding is not yet entirely secured.

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So, The nonprofit. Organization.

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No contact in the looters, the losers, those who are making loss or those who are affected are there homogeneous kind of population or there are some differences among them in terms of economic interest or economic presence.

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Right.

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Yeah, I mean, there are different state local stakeholders. It's hard to, and to speak of them as a entity.

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We have native Hawaiians, culture practitioners that are concerned that the telescope will infringe on their rights to practice certain, you know, traditions that are attached to the mountain, then you have, I mean, social like socioeconomically deprived communities on the island that just feel like that, communities on the island that just feel like the, telescopes don't benefit them in a

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socio

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No, but I, yeah, okay. I just want further contribution. Is there any dip principle response of these different stakeholders to this moment or all of them are in investors are opposing.

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I'm not and I am not entirely sure if I understand your question. So at the moment they are kind of

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No, is there any difference? Among these community in with regard to the response for this. A project or all of them are in unitedly they are opposing This

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No, so not all native for wines. opposing the project. And as I said in my presentation, you actually have a part of the community that's in favor of the project.

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Oh

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And they're less vocal, and less well represented on social media, but and they are also, experiencing pushback from the local community.

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So there, you know, certain. Yeah, it's like certain repercussions.

315
00:53:25.000 --> 00:53:29.000
It's holding them back in that sense. So you cannot speak of just one block of people that are against it.

316
00:53:29.000 --> 00:53:46.000
It's very new and who's in favor and who's against it and for very different reasons why people are for or against it.

317
00:53:46.000 --> 00:53:47.000
Yes.

318
00:53:47.000 --> 00:53:57.000
And this moment you are saying that it has been there for the last 10 years. Do you find any kind of change from the beginning of the moment till the rise of the murmur still now that maybe is there any chance in the pattern or in the same pace it is continuing.

319
00:53:57.000 --> 00:54:21.000
So there's definitely change when a opposition first came up. It was a small group of native Hawaiian culture practitioners and environmentalists that were not in favor, they were mostly engaged in lawsuits and then later this this entire movement gained more traction and we had a lot of younger native Hawaiians getting involved in it especially when there was action on

320
00:54:21.000 --> 00:54:40.000
the mountain, they would promote it via, you know, Twitter, Instagram and the like. And this really helped to broaden the movement and we had a lot of also transnational connections where people from Polynesia, from New Zealand, from Australia, from the US mainland we're flying in and I think what was really key

321
00:54:40.000 --> 00:55:04.000
in the change of how many people participated was social media and getting the word out and informing people and because obviously with social media you can reach a huge audience.

322
00:55:04.000 --> 00:55:05.000
Yes.

323
00:55:05.000 --> 00:55:06.000
And these 5 factors you are identifying poorest structural components and the last pupilana's arousal element.

324
00:55:06.000 --> 00:55:11.000
How do you think that these are 2 different kind of things. There is some overlapping, these ideas in an element.

325
00:55:11.000 --> 00:55:20.000
What do you say? It has, it is also related to the structural elements. How do you, how to differentiate between these 2?

326
00:55:20.000 --> 00:55:28.000
You know when you are telling that place attachment-driven commitment That also sometimes related to grassroots resources.

327
00:55:28.000 --> 00:55:32.000
And BASED at other things. So it is related to that. How do you make a kind of distinction?

328
00:55:32.000 --> 00:55:41.000
Yes. That's a good question. I would say these 5 factors are not entirely separated, but they're interlinked, right?

329
00:55:41.000 --> 00:56:05.000
One kind of few, not all of them, but some fuel each other, right? You will have, I mean the resources for example and the organization obviously very closely linked the resources won't have an influence on like how this organization or of protests goes about But I do think that the place attachment is a bit separate

330
00:56:05.000 --> 00:56:16.000
from the rest in the sense that it's a much more emotional and element that also kind of came, that became very clear during the interviews how people talked about the mountain.

331
00:56:16.000 --> 00:56:38.000
I would ask them specifically how they feel attached to the mountain and you could tell that it was a very emotional bond between the interviewees and the mountain, which I think is quite different from, you know, how do you organize this protest and where do you get your resources from, and just by seeing at the interviews responses, I think it's

332
00:56:38.000 --> 00:56:50.000
quite clear that One is more of an emotional element and that's very personal also to the interviews and that was voiced in very different ways but equally strong.

333
00:56:50.000 --> 00:56:51.000
Whereas, for example, when we were talking about resources, the answers were quite, uniform.

334
00:56:51.000 --> 00:57:08.000
It was quite clear where they were coming from, why they were instrumental. So I think that kind of hopefully helps to, disentangle the factors.

335
00:57:08.000 --> 00:57:25.000
Okay so yeah I have 2 questions one is I mean you talked about the cultural history political opportunity structure. And there you say that I know recently the indigenous movements are taking place and that is kind of supporting these moments.

336
00:57:25.000 --> 00:57:38.000
But, if you see, conceptually the political opportunity structure also talks about the state politics. Okay, how that is responding to the movement.

337
00:57:38.000 --> 00:57:49.000
So do you have any data regarding that how the state mechanism is responding to these movements and is there any change over time in the response of the states?

338
00:57:49.000 --> 00:57:58.000
Yeah, I think I can only partly respond to that question. So we do see, for example, when the protests were going on around 2,015.

339
00:57:58.000 --> 00:58:05.000
We had some presidential candidates tweeting, their support, for the movement.

340
00:58:05.000 --> 00:58:28.000
So was there was definitely, it was an issue of national, awareness that, even, you know, on the US national level people were aware of and they realize the significance also for the presidential race to show a support for the movement And I also asked my interviews about to what extent that's an issue

341
00:58:28.000 --> 00:58:44.000
that's being debated for example in Washington and they said that there senators are very aware of this and raising it a lot of native Hawaiian or some native Hawaiian organizations have a presence in Washington.

342
00:58:44.000 --> 00:58:58.000
And there are also lobbying for this. This issue of course. And in in a broader picture, it's just that, native, native rights, Native American rights.

343
00:58:58.000 --> 00:59:08.000
Have kind of got some traction on the national level. We saw that with the standing rock movement, I got a lot of attention.

344
00:59:08.000 --> 00:59:30.000
And more awareness that there have been a lot of past wrongdoings that need to be addressed and that's my argument that this awareness helps to raise also attention to to the struggle on Hawaii and, yeah, gives attraction.

345
00:59:30.000 --> 00:59:41.000
Okay, so the second question is about, you know, the place attachment. This is the, any displacement or development induced displacement movements.

346
00:59:41.000 --> 00:59:48.000
Will have this characteristic of place attachment. People don't want to leave the place because they have attachment to their land.

347
00:59:48.000 --> 00:59:49.000
Yeah.

348
00:59:49.000 --> 01:00:00.000
So is there any unique factor in this movement? Which is creating their place attachment which is different from the place attachment which is found in other movements.

349
01:00:00.000 --> 01:00:01.000
Or it is similar.

350
01:00:01.000 --> 01:00:12.000
Yeah. I think that's a great question. I agree with you that, that this is an element that will probably appear in a lot of displacement like in movements that.

351
01:00:12.000 --> 01:00:25.000
Go against a displacement but I do think that in the case of Hawaii, it's voiced in a very, like in a very specific way that probably You will not see.

352
01:00:25.000 --> 01:00:45.000
Elsewhere. So, I mean, obviously culturally, the way that interviews spoke about the mountain and was quite special maybe it's comparable to other indigenous populations on the US mainland.

353
01:00:45.000 --> 01:01:01.000
We see similar struggles for example around Mount Graham in in in Arizona. I think it is. Where the indigenous population also refers to the mountain as a sacred place.

354
01:01:01.000 --> 01:01:11.000
But, from, lot of red at least, I think in the Hawaiian case, It is being voiced in a very special way that's special to that case.

355
01:01:11.000 --> 01:01:21.000
But I think the overall concept of place attachment as you said yes will probably come up. More broadly in other movements.

356
01:01:21.000 --> 01:01:22.000
Okay. Okay, okay Dr. Ruland, thank you so much. Thank you.

357
01:01:22.000 --> 01:01:27.000
With a similar goal and Yeah. Thank you.

358
01:01:27.000 --> 01:01:34.000
Thank you. Thank you. Now we'll go for the next present.

359
01:01:34.000 --> 01:01:37.000
No.

360
01:01:37.000 --> 01:01:45.000
Yeah, go.

361
01:01:45.000 --> 01:02:08.000
My.

362
01:02:08.000 --> 01:02:15.000
Alright, good morning everybody. So, I am the Taxi Kumar Nike.

363
01:02:15.000 --> 01:02:32.000
I'm working as an assistant professor. At Indian Isle of Management in though. And my topic of presentation is the revival of a protest movement the struggle of Indian village A villages against a mega development projects.

364
01:02:32.000 --> 01:02:44.000
So this is, another this actually research has happened in, in one of the Eastern Indian state called Odisha.

365
01:02:44.000 --> 01:02:52.000
So if we see the history of development and displacement, it is a contested trend. Why?

366
01:02:52.000 --> 01:03:01.000
Because initially when In the pre-independent era, the British started to displace the people in the name of development.

367
01:03:01.000 --> 01:03:07.000
So that was for the Mason building. So if you oppose the the project then you are against the nation.

368
01:03:07.000 --> 01:03:16.000
So you will be kind of international. So, that was very easy for them to displace people and then do the development projects.

369
01:03:16.000 --> 01:03:36.000
But gradually. I know the human rights and the rights of the indigenous people, rights of they you know the sound of the soil so those kind of things came up and then the opposition started to be more stronger in case of this displacement moment.

370
01:03:36.000 --> 01:03:53.000
Then there arised another complexity. Before, When some projects used to happen The people, either the people who are affected directly they would be protesting for themselves.

371
01:03:53.000 --> 01:04:05.000
So that was a protest. For enough by the people. And then what happened when the emergence of strong civil society organizations or non-government organisms arised.

372
01:04:05.000 --> 01:04:26.000
So they started to protest for the people, for the people who are affected. So initially it started with protest by the people then it went on to become the protest for the people where the people themselves, the affected people are also involved but it was kind of you know guided they are mobilized by the external agencies called you know social movement

373
01:04:26.000 --> 01:04:38.000
organizations. And then the third stage of this kind of movements is the protests using the people for the ulterior motive of third party.

374
01:04:38.000 --> 01:04:51.000
So, here are our, CESen organizer of Sabina Potenk has already written extensively on these matters which cause the politics of development where they affected people may not.

375
01:04:51.000 --> 01:05:07.000
Actually have the serious concerns about the external agencies that manipulate them because of their alternate motifs to continue with the movement vigorously and that may lead to the scrapping of the projects.

376
01:05:07.000 --> 01:05:19.000
And then, The is also the next. The thing is the the movement revivalism. And a movement happens for some reason for towards some projects.

377
01:05:19.000 --> 01:05:29.000
Then in the course of the movement. So at the moment again revived because it doesn't die down after sometimes.

378
01:05:29.000 --> 01:05:40.000
So we have a different kinds of life course that you know all the different moments they go through. One of the life courses, the movement starts.

379
01:05:40.000 --> 01:05:47.000
It achieves the objective. It dies down. Second, life course can be, you know, the mobilization happens.

380
01:05:47.000 --> 01:05:57.000
Moment takes place. And then the objective is partially achieved. And then the movement can be converted into political party.

381
01:05:57.000 --> 01:06:04.000
Like, you know, we have Ahmad Bimbati in Adelaide, which is the outcome of one of the anti-carrison movement.

382
01:06:04.000 --> 01:06:23.000
And then the movement settle down, settles down and it loses it's bigger. And then the third kind of life course can be movement the mobilization takes place and the movement starts then movement may achieve its objective but again the similar kind of issues may come off in the same place.

383
01:06:23.000 --> 01:06:32.000
And then the moment revives itself. And then you know it goes on it can take any life course on the basis of its outcome.

384
01:06:32.000 --> 01:06:41.000
So, the kind of movement that I will be talking about is a revivalist movement where there was a movement before.

385
01:06:41.000 --> 01:06:49.000
The moment achieves its objective, but again the same issue came off and the movement was revived. So what is the phenomenon I'm starting?

386
01:06:49.000 --> 01:06:59.000
So this starts from 2,020 acrylics, so sorry the year is wrong that is in the mid January 2,022.

387
01:06:59.000 --> 01:07:08.000
Because the government administration demolished a little vineyard that called Pana Barraza in the Dinka village of the Ersa block of Folisha.

388
01:07:08.000 --> 01:07:20.000
India amidst the position of the owners of the and the land in cushion where the metal vineyard was there which was demolished.

389
01:07:20.000 --> 01:07:35.000
Was given to JHW the general southwest an Indian multinational conglomerate having strategic partnership with Japanese company called JFE by government of Fisher to establish a steel plant of 13.2 million ton per atom capacity.

390
01:07:35.000 --> 01:07:48.000
So because the land is given to Jindal and the people who are not living the land, they are still having the land, they were still having their cultivation, this span is not living the land, they were still having their cultivation, they were still having their cultivation there.

391
01:07:48.000 --> 01:07:52.000
So administration had to forcefully demolish the. So administration had to forcefully demolish. So, administration had to forcefully demolish the battle vineyard and then the people opposed it.

392
01:07:52.000 --> 01:08:06.000
There was a class between the Polish administration and the people and then that led to violent A struggle by the people, violent clasps, between the people and the Polish administration.

393
01:08:06.000 --> 01:08:13.000
So they entrances to those villages were closed by the villagers, outsiders were not allowed to enter into the villages.

394
01:08:13.000 --> 01:08:22.000
And, if not even the police. So that kind of a struggle happened. So this is the picture you can see in the left.

395
01:08:22.000 --> 01:08:32.000
This is the Beetle vineyard which is taken by me when I was in the field and the second one is from the newspaper.

396
01:08:32.000 --> 01:08:41.000
We is the struggle between the people and the police administration. Oh, who are demolishing the metal vineyard?

397
01:08:41.000 --> 01:08:54.000
So, the land in Gosion that was around 2,000 at 2,700 acres of land was previously acquired by POSCO which is the Korean steel giant.

398
01:08:54.000 --> 01:09:03.000
For a proposed steel plant there. The POSCO asked for almost 4,000 acres of land. He was promised 3,800 acres.

399
01:09:03.000 --> 01:09:12.000
But it was of 4, it was offered 2,700 acres because the people of these 3 villages is Dinkya, Nuaga and Partana.

400
01:09:12.000 --> 01:09:21.000
They they did not agree to give their land so that is why the 1,100 acres were not given to Moscow so it was given only 2,700 acre.

401
01:09:21.000 --> 01:09:33.000
But I know although POSCO was allotted that much of land. And, people of those people who acquired those land were kind of agreed to give that land.

402
01:09:33.000 --> 01:09:50.000
But still POSCO left because the POSCO did not get the manual clearance and why did not get what is the political dynamics again, Manarangjan Das and Trojan Patinak has extensively written about those things in politics of development.

403
01:09:50.000 --> 01:10:07.000
So the same land. Which was given to Posto because Poskol left. By not getting the environmental clearance from the central government which is the actually which actually permitted the project in association with the state government, but later it declined then Mundo clearance.

404
01:10:07.000 --> 01:10:21.000
So the postcolpt. So the same land with addition to 1,100 acre which was not allotted to the POSC I know from these 3 4 villages like Nazans and poor Dinka and partner so they were assigned to JSW.

405
01:10:21.000 --> 01:10:27.000
So JSW got more land. It was 27 acre plus 1,100 acre.

406
01:10:27.000 --> 01:10:33.000
Which includes Lantrum, Dinka, Partner, Nwaga and Narangan Pur which are not aqued previously.

407
01:10:33.000 --> 01:10:45.000
And people of these villages, they protested against POSCO and they also, when the POSCO went away, Jindal came in, they restarted the protest.

408
01:10:45.000 --> 01:10:54.000
Okay, so when they restarted the protest the police started latter charging so they surprised the moment for timing.

409
01:10:54.000 --> 01:11:11.000
But again, the social movements social movement organizations which were created at the time of POSCO movement They re marched at Jendal Prathyroth Sangram Samithi and they supported the people and they resurrected the movement.

410
01:11:11.000 --> 01:11:20.000
And then JW and government of Odisha, they came to the people for negotiation. So the negotiation took place.

411
01:11:20.000 --> 01:11:30.000
The price of the land was fixed. The people got more price than POSCO gave. So most of the people agreed.

412
01:11:30.000 --> 01:11:37.000
So it was kind of, it was thought, OK, now that everything is settled. But then there happened external intervention.

413
01:11:37.000 --> 01:11:45.000
Some non-government organizations again came in and they pump some money. To restart the movements.

414
01:11:45.000 --> 01:11:56.000
But the police administration are so strong the state that instruction was so strong at that time the further surprised it very easily and they started some renegotiation.

415
01:11:56.000 --> 01:12:10.000
And now the moment is I know the sentiment of the moment is still there among the people, but people have people are not starting people are not doing any any protest at the present moment.

416
01:12:10.000 --> 01:12:23.000
So the objective of this paper is to analyze the revival of a movement against development-induced displacement in the light of new social moment theory, politics up development and structural hegemony standpoint.

417
01:12:23.000 --> 01:12:31.000
So methodology, it's a qualitative study. I had used in-depth interview, non-partisan observation and focused group discussion.

418
01:12:31.000 --> 01:12:41.000
Why? Because when I was taking in-depth interviews, so I could find that they are not able to speak the truth because there is an element of fear.

419
01:12:41.000 --> 01:12:46.000
Oh, around. So I wanted to observe what exactly is the phenomenon why they are not telling the truth.

420
01:12:46.000 --> 01:12:51.000
But then some people from the field, they came up and they wanted to tell the truth. So I had some focused group discussion.

421
01:12:51.000 --> 01:13:05.000
So these are the methods that led to other. And then my field is villagers such as Dinka and No, my field is villagers such as Dinka and Noaaa and Erin and poor partner these are the ground 0 of proposed J blue plant.

422
01:13:05.000 --> 01:13:13.000
Sorry, I had only because at the quality we study I had only 24 individuals for in-depth interviews 2 groups of 5 and 7 for a focus group discussion.

423
01:13:13.000 --> 01:13:25.000
And secondary data was taken from news articles and existing literature. So now coming to I know that the phenomenon that whose land these were.

424
01:13:25.000 --> 01:13:35.000
This is a very interesting issue. I know the land that were occurred for the Hw plant was not registered in anybody's land.

425
01:13:35.000 --> 01:13:52.000
Anybody's name. So these are not private lands. These are actually government land. Okay, but Although these are government land the Pata registration is not there with anybody's name but these lands actually provided livelihood to the people.

426
01:13:52.000 --> 01:14:01.000
Okay, so Like those who are living in the forest. They make a livelihood out of the forest products.

427
01:14:01.000 --> 01:14:15.000
I don't like the animals live in the jungle animals don't have they right over they don't have a registration of this jungle in their name but still their search tendency is the jungle so we can't say that animals don't have right over the general.

428
01:14:15.000 --> 01:14:20.000
So like that, these people are living in the land. They're using those land for little vinyls.

429
01:14:20.000 --> 01:14:27.000
And they are making a livelihood out of it and that is why I know they were entitled to those lands.

430
01:14:27.000 --> 01:14:34.000
That is why they were striking. And then, Postcode did not acquire the land in present moment site, but within the Lacard.

431
01:14:34.000 --> 01:14:53.000
But then why they purchased that, which I just explained it, the land not registered in anybody's name, but POSCO proposed to occur some private land, but it did not because I know by the time it could occur and give the compensation so it went away so this private land was not acquired.

432
01:14:53.000 --> 01:15:05.000
However, these land provided livelihood to the people in 3 ways. So first, this Lands were used by the people for Beetle vineers so they they call it pan.

433
01:15:05.000 --> 01:15:22.000
And the nearby area of the sea. The, when, when they, they, proposed planned we would not be there, then people would have direct access to the C and from the sea they can get fees and that would also provide them a livelihood.

434
01:15:22.000 --> 01:15:33.000
And then their own private land would, you know, that they would produce done or rice there. So they they gave a slogan in that moment, pan-dan min.

435
01:15:33.000 --> 01:15:40.000
Okay, so all 3 provided the livelihood so they were getting from this land and taking the land will take away all 3 from them.

436
01:15:40.000 --> 01:15:56.000
And others who did not have land who did not I know, do the little vineer who did not fish, they were working in those metal vinewards as you know ways workers and they were also getting a livelihood.

437
01:15:56.000 --> 01:16:03.000
So, then next question comes if Grumman and Jj double are compensating the people then where is the problem?

438
01:16:03.000 --> 01:16:21.000
The problem is that in a POSCO gave only â‚¹1,200. Per decimal that is around 430 to square feet And, JJ gave 17,500 Indian rupees which is which is approximately 230 in US dollar in current price.

439
01:16:21.000 --> 01:16:27.000
For a decimal and one vineyard would be around 10 decimal or 20 decimal.

440
01:16:27.000 --> 01:16:35.000
So, they would be getting one person maybe getting $2,000 for the whole Weinard and

441
01:16:35.000 --> 01:16:46.000
It will be spent very easily and after the money is spent they don't have any livelihood and those who are wage workers that are the permanent source of income for them.

442
01:16:46.000 --> 01:17:00.000
But they were given only 80,000 Indian rupees which is around 1,000 US dollar. And it's very easy to spend that 1,000 US dollar when they have it and then after that when there is no waste there is no work then there will be.

443
01:17:00.000 --> 01:17:09.000
Starving so that is why It is a problem. Although it is compensated, although the land doesn't belong to them, but still.

444
01:17:09.000 --> 01:17:28.000
You know, it's taking over the land is a problem. So how did this spend money when they got the money most of them spent the money in marriages of their daughters or sons are giving gifts to their relatives marriages and then when there is some money they spend it in the household expenditure.

445
01:17:28.000 --> 01:17:40.000
Building houses or buying vehicles But when I asked, has anybody ever used this money? To do some income generating activities.

446
01:17:40.000 --> 01:17:46.000
The answer was negative. Nobody among my respondents could in and invest the money in any income generating activity.

447
01:17:46.000 --> 01:17:54.000
So it shows that once they get the money they are not going to have that money forever that is going to go very soon.

448
01:17:54.000 --> 01:18:03.000
So what are they for now? Most of them are searching for job outside the region. There's an interesting incidents when I was doing my field work.

449
01:18:03.000 --> 01:18:23.000
I lost my ID card. And then somebody found that ID card and recalled me that I have got your ID card and he wants to he wanted to return it to me so I said okay we just send it to my postal address but while talking to me you was also asking can you find me some job wherever you are working?

450
01:18:23.000 --> 01:18:32.000
Hi, so everybody is in sorts of sums of And it may be an old or young. So I'm waiting for the plan to be set up.

451
01:18:32.000 --> 01:18:39.000
Hoping to get some employment at least there. So now the land is not there with them. And the plan is also not there.

452
01:18:39.000 --> 01:18:53.000
So they have neither the livelihood, not the job. So then, but. I know as, Montesar was asking about the dynamics of the indigenous people.

453
01:18:53.000 --> 01:19:00.000
So here in this movement it's not that everybody is opposing the plant. There are some supporters as well.

454
01:19:00.000 --> 01:19:09.000
And some supporters and some oppose it. So why people support? Because of the political dynamics of the village and an an opportunity to take revenge.

455
01:19:09.000 --> 01:19:16.000
So what is that phenomenon? I know this, Nuaga Paten are these are smaller villages near the bigger village Dinka.

456
01:19:16.000 --> 01:19:30.000
So, Dinka is Wembley opposing the plant but these smaller villages they are always dominated by the big So now they want to take revenge, they say okay anyway you are not allowing us to do anything You are always troubling us.

457
01:19:30.000 --> 01:19:35.000
We'll just give the land and when we give the land you will be forced to give and will take revenge revenge.

458
01:19:35.000 --> 01:19:41.000
So that that is kind of political dynamics. I know I'm on the power dynamics among the villages.

459
01:19:41.000 --> 01:19:54.000
So that is also taking place. So, that is why they support the moment and the bigger villages, they become more violent and they are trying to kind of suppress these people more but they have already given their land.

460
01:19:54.000 --> 01:20:05.000
And then the also the promise of Jove and financial gain to these people the company the government of 40 said this okay we give the land so we'll give you more finance we'll give some jobs to you so that and because you are influential you can give the land first and then we can convince others.

461
01:20:05.000 --> 01:20:16.000
So those kind of dynamics are also there. And then why office? Of course, you know the loss of livelihood and fear of displacement.

462
01:20:16.000 --> 01:20:25.000
They say, okay, now the government land is taken away, but the time will come when there will be need of the expansion of the plant, they may take away our Private land and our home.

463
01:20:25.000 --> 01:20:33.000
So that is why they are not. Very eager to or they don't agree to give the land.

464
01:20:33.000 --> 01:20:39.000
So then what did the dynamics of the revised when there are 2 dynamics? There is a side A and side B.

465
01:20:39.000 --> 01:20:55.000
What is their side A? The Somos, these social movement organizations Which were there in the previous moment while POSCO was there, those SMOs were revived and they were renamed and they came into play.

466
01:20:55.000 --> 01:21:11.000
And in order to delete the moment again. Okay, so like POSCO, Birot Sangaram Samiti has been written as Jindal, Pratiho, Sangaram, Okay, so they they come in and they help you people to start the moment But the people are

467
01:21:11.000 --> 01:21:20.000
divided. Okay, before also they were divided but now they are very poor unpolarized Some supported theSMUS and others supported it.

468
01:21:20.000 --> 01:21:30.000
Some say okay why we should allow the outsiders to take control of us. We will start our own moment because now we know how to Continue a movement.

469
01:21:30.000 --> 01:21:38.000
They have already taught us. So we already know. So what is the need of them? So, we do not need them and others said no no we still need them because I know they have better linkages so we can utilize their linkages.

470
01:21:38.000 --> 01:21:51.000
So in terms of theSM was also people are divided. People are now confident to carry out there most of the people are confident to carry out their own movement.

471
01:21:51.000 --> 01:22:12.000
As they have already learned the technique. One respondents said that you know we know how to put the children in front then women then old people and then we will be at the back so that police will not fire police will not literature towards the children are women so we already know the technique so why why do we need So now, all of them, all

472
01:22:12.000 --> 01:22:19.000
of the people who are part of the movement are constituents. They have a stake. Okay, they are directly affected people.

473
01:22:19.000 --> 01:22:27.000
Because being opposed by most of the people the SMOs then lived the place and they are not leading the moment the people themselves are letting movement.

474
01:22:27.000 --> 01:22:32.000
They didn't want outsiders to direct them so that they decide A. And what does the side be?

475
01:22:32.000 --> 01:22:41.000
The state mechanism has prior knowledge. So this is from the movement constituents perspective. From the state mechanisms perspective, the state mechanism has prior knowledge of the movement.

476
01:22:41.000 --> 01:22:52.000
What they did. Okay, what kind of practice they were having how they you know were able to force the Costco to move.

477
01:22:52.000 --> 01:23:00.000
So they have also intellectual power and thus devised better methods to carve the moment. So having those devised better methods to carve the moment.

478
01:23:00.000 --> 01:23:03.000
So having those knowledge prior knowledge now they have they are trying to have better. So having those knowledge prior knowledge now they have they are trying to have better better methods.

479
01:23:03.000 --> 01:23:04.000
So having those knowledge prior knowledge, now they are trying to have better better methods to go out the movement.

480
01:23:04.000 --> 01:23:17.000
And they are also having optimum use of police and paramilitary force. Okay, so during posta movement police registered number of criminal cases against the people now they use these cases to threaten them.

481
01:23:17.000 --> 01:23:22.000
That's okay if you don't give your land you have 14 cases against you all of you will be in jail.

482
01:23:22.000 --> 01:23:39.000
Okay, so decide whether it will be in jail or Anna you will get money and leave the land And then they also bring influencers people to support the project by offering money and promising jobs for the kings so so that they will influence others everybody to give the land.

483
01:23:39.000 --> 01:24:01.000
So when these people afford their lands, others would be forced to gay. Okay, so here if you compare these 2 sites from the movement constituents perspective and from the state mechanical perspective the state mechanism often you know has a you know higher hand So others suppose become they became angry.

484
01:24:01.000 --> 01:24:20.000
So when state mechanism used this status so they use these people to give their land fast the incl people to give their land fast so the others They became very angry and they vandalized the homes of those who supported the project and consequently In a state mechanism.

485
01:24:20.000 --> 01:24:25.000
So I asked them with criminal charges of vandalization, rape, molestation, theft, outraging modesty.

486
01:24:25.000 --> 01:24:32.000
So all the charges they put against them. So they were given options either give the land or face the sentence.

487
01:24:32.000 --> 01:24:41.000
So government servants are threatened to be removed based on criminal charges. The state imposed its hemony by following Ava's tactics.

488
01:24:41.000 --> 01:24:54.000
Okay, so this way those opposing voices were completely silenced. Okay, by all these mechanisms. So now the normal current situation, either they have land nor the industry.

489
01:24:54.000 --> 01:25:10.000
No livelihood. Bosco went to Supreme Court now. Now they were hoping okay now land is gone gindle can establish the project and then we can have some livelihood, but POSCO went to Supreme Court that, okay, if you did not give me the environmental clearance, ZHW is also in

490
01:25:10.000 --> 01:25:17.000
the same situation. How do you, know give clearance to JSW if we didn't get?

491
01:25:17.000 --> 01:25:20.000
So, JJ W is still waiting for the environmental clearance. The case is spending in the court.

492
01:25:20.000 --> 01:25:25.000
People are waiting in despair ready to take extreme steps to reoccur lost middle biners.

493
01:25:25.000 --> 01:25:41.000
This is okay if General did not. Jinle would not establish the plant then we would break the barrier And then we will reappear our land and start the bidders again.

494
01:25:41.000 --> 01:25:52.000
So there are some uncounted news that some voluntary organizations from Delhi are sending money to the account of the people to restart the moment, but they fail to do so because of the extreme separation of the police.

495
01:25:52.000 --> 01:26:01.000
So, this news says that everybody is getting â‚¹1,500, â‚¹2,000 in their account telling that okay we are giving you money you just start the moment.

496
01:26:01.000 --> 01:26:19.000
All right. So we can. So the conclusion is, the social moment organizations are essential part of any social moment organizations are essential part of any social moment but they may be restricted due to the new dynamics among the constituents of the moment like that happened in this revivalist moment.

497
01:26:19.000 --> 01:26:24.000
A revival movement may not follow the mobilization to the institutionalization because that has already happened in the previous case.

498
01:26:24.000 --> 01:26:31.000
So it may become intense in short period of time due to past experiences, existing networks, SMOs and solidarity.

499
01:26:31.000 --> 01:26:39.000
Then politics of development always plays a role, but party in power may have an upper hand, especially the state mechanism.

500
01:26:39.000 --> 01:26:46.000
And the establishment will have an upper hand due to the position of intellectual capital, legal authority, police administration.

501
01:26:46.000 --> 01:26:54.000
Because the strategy is better and utilizes utilized power powerful tactics as to carve the moment based on their past experiences.

502
01:26:54.000 --> 01:27:06.000
So this will be a new addition to this or moment literature. It will be a guide to the activist of a revival movement regarding what we expect and how state mechanism can respond in these cases.

503
01:27:06.000 --> 01:27:20.000
And it will also be helpful to the corporate trying to establish a new plant. Who can expect okay what are the you know problems the troubles that we can face and how the people state mechanism as to people stay dynamic.

504
01:27:20.000 --> 01:27:29.000
Can affect our project so that can be a learning from them. Thank you so much. Thank you.

505
01:27:29.000 --> 01:27:44.000
She would have ready to put in. Do you have a for the revival of the protest moment? Under how the moment actually which died down for some time again it is revived with a new partner of Mobilization.

506
01:27:44.000 --> 01:27:55.000
We give a very good picture. Now we can. Discusser. Thank you.

507
01:27:55.000 --> 01:28:03.000
So tell us, the leaders of these new moments. At the same door we were, there are many other, these are the new places.

508
01:28:03.000 --> 01:28:16.000
Okay, so there is a difference actually before. Sir? Yes, yes, there. So some of them actually when the revivalist movement started All those old leaders were there.

509
01:28:16.000 --> 01:28:27.000
All the old organizations were there. All the whole activists were there. Then the people themselves took the chance.

510
01:28:27.000 --> 01:28:33.000
They said why should we involve those external organizations like Posco Prapil, Sangram Samithi.

511
01:28:33.000 --> 01:28:45.000
The management was and nobody was there from the local area in the management. When Mother Butter came with that, you know, Nahava Vasa on the land, like we also went to the money pool.

512
01:28:45.000 --> 01:28:53.000
Okay, so nobody from the local area was in the management of those organizations. So now they say they have taught us.

513
01:28:53.000 --> 01:29:01.000
How to do the movements so why should they why should we involve them now the literacy changed now now the SMOs are not directly leading the movement.

514
01:29:01.000 --> 01:29:12.000
Now the people themselves from the local area and those leaders those who are supporting the moment at the time but they become the main leaders now.

515
01:29:12.000 --> 01:29:18.000
So where is that starting? Is it siding with the pipers in the? Of course Zinda.

516
01:29:18.000 --> 01:29:42.000
Yes, state wants is in there to come. They have, you know, the land which was given to come, they have the land which was given to the land which was given to the You know, that was a very unique dynamics during the post war.

517
01:29:42.000 --> 01:29:56.000
In center there was Congress government. In state there was BisITY government. The Congress government monarching gave the clearance the permission to establish, there was a cooperation between these 2 because that was the highest largest FDI for indirect investment.

518
01:29:56.000 --> 01:30:07.000
Until that date. So a central government did not want to lose that. And it was happening in the state government state government also did not want to lose the opportunity to take the credit.

519
01:30:07.000 --> 01:30:14.000
So both are But then what happened the Congress government in this state became necessary Congress party in this state. A foreigner become uncomfortable.

520
01:30:14.000 --> 01:30:23.000
They say if the project is happening, basically taking away all the credits. Although the center is supporting but in this state will not gain anything.

521
01:30:23.000 --> 01:30:30.000
But they are not also directly opposing it because center is supposed supporting. So after these jandles project.

522
01:30:30.000 --> 01:30:43.000
Do the people again. One to revive, does that do a thing like that? Even when a Posco or Jindal who ever come you just come and set up

523
01:30:43.000 --> 01:30:52.000
We need to because land is anyway is not going to be given to us. So we need at least enough plan to waste up this movement.

524
01:30:52.000 --> 01:30:57.000
The way we are and anybody come It may be possible, maybe Gindal, you just come and establish the plan.

525
01:30:57.000 --> 01:31:07.000
If you don't, then we will take extrem steps. That was the situation now. Yes. Thank you.

526
01:31:07.000 --> 01:31:11.000
Thank you. Thank you so much.

527
01:31:11.000 --> 01:31:26.000
Look at that! From this v.

528
01:31:26.000 --> 01:31:42.000
He can.

529
01:31:42.000 --> 01:31:54.000
Yeah.

530
01:31:54.000 --> 01:32:04.000
So Respected organizer of this session, respected chat person and esteemed a paper presenter, school paper presenters.

531
01:32:04.000 --> 01:32:16.000
Today in this session I would like to present my paper on constructive development and everyday resistance. Solidarity and people's movement in the global south.

532
01:32:16.000 --> 01:32:30.000
Though, as a little bit I'll change my, like say, approach here because since the past 7 and second season we have been listening about the people's movement and solidarity movement.

533
01:32:30.000 --> 01:32:43.000
So I'll focus more on the constructive development economy and the global capital, the politics of global capital in this context.

534
01:32:43.000 --> 01:33:06.000
So taking cube from Paul Gibbts that idea of altered state developmentalism, I would like to Argo that how the state the developmental state has changed East Coast from the developmental taste to altered Deb state developmentalism.

535
01:33:06.000 --> 01:33:17.000
What we have seen throughout the movement of various global capital, mostly the success story of A/C and Tiger, so Singapore, Malaysia, Taiwan, Japan, South Korea.

536
01:33:17.000 --> 01:33:33.000
So what we have seen that house state itself became the ascent of development where we know it as like a state developmental state.

537
01:33:33.000 --> 01:33:53.000
And in the developmental state, a state also focuses on health, education, livelihood, and including the growth because as we know without growth a state cannot maintain in's welfare mechanisms or developmental programs.

538
01:33:53.000 --> 01:34:07.000
Because of this new adventurous ideology, neoliberal leverage, state in the market they started proposing the idea of deep marketization.

539
01:34:07.000 --> 01:34:17.000
Coton good deep marketization. Where? The whole idea of land, forest, natural resources and mineral resources.

540
01:34:17.000 --> 01:34:32.000
These became the part of this. Extractive economy. So the market-oriented policies of the state that we know these neoliberal policies.

541
01:34:32.000 --> 01:34:55.000
They started dismantling the whole notion of developmental state or the idea of developmental state. Again, if we can go back to the whole developmental model where we can refer to the world system theory, what we have seen that the how the position of poor periphery and symmetry, they play out one significant role in the

542
01:34:55.000 --> 01:35:10.000
flow of the global capital and the raw material from one country to the other country and the how the unequal wage labor also contributed to these disabilities.

543
01:35:10.000 --> 01:35:20.000
So most of these semi peripheral development, the developed countries They are based on resource extraction.

544
01:35:20.000 --> 01:35:35.000
And these developed countries, they are based in the on the basis of the resource attraction they they get they they started developing their own economy at the cost of the global south.

545
01:35:35.000 --> 01:35:57.000
This is the major argument that we have seen from the dependency theory and the world system theory. Whereas these modernization theories, those who propagated the whole idea in sixtys and seventys like including Rostose idea of the 5 stages of economic growth or Denial loan on Damian bail by proposing that if we want to go move away from

546
01:35:57.000 --> 01:36:10.000
the traditionalism or the backwardness that we have to adapt the growth and the growth will only be possible because the traditional societies they do not have proper infrastructure, they have minerals and natural resource.

547
01:36:10.000 --> 01:36:30.000
So we have to bank upon them. So the whole idea of the global south and global north it was not vogue in literature means we used to use the world like the first world third world country later became that we started using the idea of a developing and the developed countries.

548
01:36:30.000 --> 01:36:44.000
So recently schoolers have started using the whole idea of global south and global on the basis of various kind of complex geopolitical location, including the wealth and the capital.

549
01:36:44.000 --> 01:37:02.000
So in the whole idea of this altar state developmentalism or alter state development approach it has the combination of these new liberal market strategies and the states idea of trickle-down approach.

550
01:37:02.000 --> 01:37:11.000
Like DERRISM or DERGIST model where the state has the control over the resources and also for the market.

551
01:37:11.000 --> 01:37:18.000
As opposed to the whole idea of lesser fare model when a proposed by Adam Smith and other liberal economists.

552
01:37:18.000 --> 01:37:36.000
Developmental state again. Based on its own control over natural resources. They try to help the people or they help try to help the community where India also started following that model.

553
01:37:36.000 --> 01:37:46.000
But what happened to the ASEAN tiger like say Japan, Taiwan, South Korea and what about the idea of resource cars?

554
01:37:46.000 --> 01:37:50.000
Like there too much of extraction of either oil, petroleum, timber, coal, whatever, that becomes a burden on the particular country.

555
01:37:50.000 --> 01:38:10.000
Because most of the surplus or the profit, the when raw material is produced it is taken up by the developed countries where the place where it has been extracted that country they suffer.

556
01:38:10.000 --> 01:38:28.000
So if we look at the whole idea of the case of a landie god or Ne'am ghi or even in dinka we can see how there are layered of players are involved like the multinational corporation those who are the main stakeholder then bureaucrats and politician then also come the

557
01:38:28.000 --> 01:38:39.000
petty bourgeois and then the marginalized section of the population, which we are inhabiting that places by using the resources and like maintaining their livelihoods.

558
01:38:39.000 --> 01:39:05.000
Like here we can see how these people are also influenced by the whole project. Similarly, my previous speaker presenter, he has presented the idea of Jindal Southwest still limited in the Dinka and also in the first session we have seen Surrey have presented regarding the whole movement.

559
01:39:05.000 --> 01:39:16.000
So I do not want to go and repeat it whether I'll we can have that in the Q&amp;A section that how these Protests.

560
01:39:16.000 --> 01:39:34.000
They are sometimes self-generated and also externally influenced. Like again and again we have been discussing what are the factors that how certain protests they leave for the longer period of time and certain protests they die of.

561
01:39:34.000 --> 01:39:53.000
So in this context, what we have seen. Like in Dinka in a job of Singapore like say 1,173 hectares of land were supposed to be taken away by the JSW for the establishment of the project where there's more than 40,000 villagers were supposed to be affected by this

562
01:39:53.000 --> 01:40:11.000
project. A similar thing also happened what we have seen from the presentation like what happened to the POSCO and the how one after another like the characteristics that change and the general Proterora Bitamati Sora Cassomi came up with that.

563
01:40:11.000 --> 01:40:13.000
Similarly, Niomiiyzura Casumati came up with that.

564
01:40:13.000 --> 01:40:20.000
Similarly, in Nianghi what we have seen, the whole idea of what happened in Yanghai when the state wanted to, the state wanted to take away the project.

565
01:40:20.000 --> 01:40:35.000
The interesting thing happened that in MOU was assigned in 2,003 Quit as before taking the forest clearance.

566
01:40:35.000 --> 01:40:42.000
So, MO was signed by the government.

567
01:40:42.000 --> 01:40:50.000
Yeah, we have some time like 6Â min more so should finish at 1020. And 100'clock.

568
01:40:50.000 --> 01:41:03.000
Okay, OK. In primitive self-inness it, yeah, 2Â min.

569
01:41:03.000 --> 01:41:20.000
So in in, yeah, what would I would like to, conclude here is that the whole idea of life in James Scott sense that this If you day resistance like what we call it that infra politics.

570
01:41:20.000 --> 01:41:38.000
In everyday resistance, though it is not very visible, how like in Neumaraja part of the Neumaraja part of the organize every year in the month of February or even in Dinka like small size or palm plate poster in every day like they gossiping or in everyday conversation, how true in

571
01:41:38.000 --> 01:41:59.000
a certain way people start processing like they start registering the movement. It may not be very open, it may not be that strong, but in everyday life they start registering it which can be like frame in the work of it like what other people have also termed it in the everyday form of registers.

572
01:41:59.000 --> 01:42:09.000
So with this I'll end my presentation. Thank you. And that's tell us how, when you were, looking at the radio perma resistance.

573
01:42:09.000 --> 01:42:21.000
See, in in in in sociology or in political science, mostly that we consider the large-scale movement which is visible.

574
01:42:21.000 --> 01:42:39.000
But in anthropology and sociology also we are interested to look at the micro politics, the everyday politics, how people in that everyday level there through their culture through interacting with others through their food, through their body, language, gesture, and also religious practices.

575
01:42:39.000 --> 01:42:43.000
They try to keep that up so that there will be a opportunity. Okay. We have more time now.

576
01:42:43.000 --> 01:42:51.000
Will you end up here? Thank you, Dr. Das. Thank you.

577
01:42:51.000 --> 01:43:02.000
And also the We never make. Presence and also about giving me the opportunity. Thank you. So much.

578
01:43:02.000 --> 01:43:05.000
Thank you.

579
01:43:05.000 --> 01:43:06.000
Thank you.

