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the

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well, thank you so much for being here. Welcome to this session The title of this session is social justice and emotions. It's good. I'm a to be the chair we were discussing about having

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erez agmoni 20 min for a presentation. I mean 15 min of of presentations are 5 min left for questions, and we are going to be very respectful of the time scheduled in order to give a hub final some minutes at the end to discuss all of them all the presentation and more questions. 250.

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We are going to start

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with the acknowledgment of country. You can read it.

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Yeah. And we're going to start with. a pre-recorded presentation. I think San Francisco Francisco is the surname. it's a very popular name in in at least in Latin American countries. so we are going to start with Francisco a presentation. It's a pre-recorded one. I think if he's online, he yeah. He would answer some questions after the the presentation. So

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it's talking

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good day, everyone. For today. We will be talking about emotions and social men's, particularly the role of emotions in social movement activities in the Philippines, and this is the case of the borderline of people's Alliance.

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for our introduction emulsions are usually dismissed as completely irrational or largely ignored in the greater social move as literature, as a force that drives people to mobilize and continue mobilizing.

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Much confusion still exists as to how to conceptualize a most funds at our presence in social movements due to 2 problems according to Jasper. And first, is an overcorrection to a previousal dualism between emotions and rationality.

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and the fact that the words we have for some emotions often carry a whole array of feelings within them, and at times these feelings may be entirely different from one another.

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In addition to this, scholars have focused too much on emotions that aid social movement participants but paid very little attention to others.

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And so our problem for this particular research is what role do emotions play? The various activities of a social movement organization and the research of research of questions are.

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what emotions are expressed and deployed in the formation and continuity of the paddling of people's alliance. In addition. what reflex and shared emotions does the Cpa. Employ to respond to moral shops and political opportunity structures.

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What emotions are expressed in the Cpa's collective action frames. and also our effective loyalties and moral emotions produced within the Cpa in its latent activities.

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So now for a discussion, a short background. On the Bordelier people's Alliance for the Lyra People's alliance was formed in 1,984 in bond of Mountain Province. After 150 delegates from 27 organizations met

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for the Pardilian, a People's Congress. The founders recognized a particular need to strengthen the mass movement of indigenous peoples in the Pardil era to work for the promotional recognition and defense of indigenous peoples, rights and human rights. Most of the organization's founders were indigenous leaders and activists

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who participated in opposing the World Bank funded them projects in the region and the logging done by certain corporations during the Marcos regime.

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And so we also go into a discussion of organization activities. So Malud, she puts forward a distinction between what he calls latent and visible activities, latent activities or activities that are usually not witnessed by the public

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while visible activities on the other hand, are more external. These are activities that a social movement organization shows to the public.

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And when talking about a Mosa, on the other hand.

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the motions could be effective commitments or loyalties, these can be attachments or a versions. And then another long-term kind of emotion that will be present in the discussion or moral emotions, to judgments or feelings of approval, approval, or disapproval based on moral intuitions and principles, but also include the feeling of fulfillment when we feel.

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feeling of a fulfillment we feel when we do what we think is the right thing.

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The so-called emotions also are emotions that group members feel for each other. These are close, effective ties of friendship, love, solidarity.

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and loyalty, and the more specific emotions they give rise to shared emotions are the name implies emotions that people have in common. But the object of these emotions are not other group members.

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and when it comes to the emotion-lated phenomena that we will observe.

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part of this is what Jasper calls a moral, for Jasper defines a moral shock as the vertiginous feeling that results when an event or information shows that the world is not what one had expected which can sometimes lead to the articulation or the thinking of moral principles.

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In addition to this. political opportunity. Structures may be thought of to influence mobilization not only through cognitive but also emotional means.

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This can be thought of as thinking about how events and political ties influenced a movement's collective emotions. Political opportunities are consistent, but not necessarily formal, permanent, or rational sets of clues

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that encourage people to engage in contentious politics as opposed to constraints which are factors, repression, but also the capacity of authorities to present a solid front to insurgents that discourage contention.

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Now, when we talk about collective action. Frames. frames according to government, are schemata of interpretation that enable individuals to locate.

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perceive, identify, and label occurrences within their life space and the world at large.

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Movement goals as well could be construed under the and also the phenomena that we will observe, because movement goals can also be shaped by emotions. And vice versa. Some movements

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even attempt to change rules around the emotions of their expression

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 okay.

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so when it comes to our methodology. the Cpa. Was taken as a case in this study. Qualitative case study design is considered when subject of inquiry. Zeros in on the Howard Y of the phenomenon at hand and to an earth, the context to all conditions relevant to that phenomenon.

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since its research aims to understand how emotions influence and shape social movement activities and vice versa. Qualitative research will best capture the nuances and a thick description of how

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social movement organizations employ emotions in their various activities of mobilizing resources and frame alignment to respond to political opportunity structures.

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case studies are often obtained. are often often employed to obtain an in-depth understanding of situations and meanings for those involved qualitative case study design will be used to examine how and why emotions are employed in the Cpa social movement activities and what contextual conditions led to Cpa to employ those emotions in their everyday rhythm and routine.

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The for our data sources and data collection strategies.

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Most of this research looked into the wide range of events and activities in a relatively long 38 year tenure across shifts in political opportunity structures almost 4 decades worth of collective action frame for issues or for recruitment and relationships between members

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which will allow us to gain enough insight to provide an answer to the inquiries at hand. and while the Cpa. Is one case, there are divergent and convergent emotions due to coming from different indigenous groups, different allied organizations, different chapters in different sectors.

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and these. So this research will also look into how these emotions were dealt with and were expressed in the level of the Cpa.

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This case study employed several qualitative methods, such as participant observation, documentary analysis, and in-depth interviews.

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When it comes to the campaigns of the Cordillera People's Alliance. The Cpas campaigns focus on but are not limited to the promotion in defense of indigenous people's rights, human rights, social justice, and national freedom in democracy.

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The Portuguese alliance is at the forefront of the struggle for the defense of ancestral domain and for self-determination, and as a result, most of their general calls are once regarding

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the land and live

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as stewards of biodiversity and cultural diversity, and the fact that their culture and identity are tied to the lands that they reside in

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a defense of their conceptual domain comes as necessary because a defense of the land could also be construed as a defense of life itself. and

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the land must often be defended against what most of the respondents have called the interest of extractive industries or businesses, such as mining times, energy, and logging among others, and as we see, as we have seen in our history, what has been witnessed and dealt with by Cordelia and communities, and the Cpa. Those who seek to extract something from the land, or those who seek to take from the land

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itself and take the land itself, do not come alone, and these processes would not be possible without the approval, or at the very least, some intervention from

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the Government through the National Commission and indigenous peoples. In addition. these companies usually come with State security forces. So they have military and or police officers with them

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the extractive businesses would usually pose displacement as a possible future for the communities that presided in the areas where the aforementioned extractive work would be done.

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and the alterations that we, these would do to the environment could also pause disasters such as landslides. Later on, these businesses, together with the cooperating, cooperating forces in local governments and the National Commission and indigenous peoples

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and the members of State security forces that would be deployed into the affected areas would often also threaten the lives of community members.

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But advocating for the rights of indigenous people's poses. he risks as well. Human rights advocates in general are also subject to threats of violence.

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usually in the form of death threats, and via an anonymous account, and social media platforms, such as Facebook, you know, or actual violence, such as killings, abductions, and enforced disappearance. But they also become potential targets of red tagging and terrorist tagging.

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The tagging or red beating is a practice where in an individual or a group, usually those critical of the government is accused of being a Communist, or of being allied with armed Communist forces.

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and while it is stated in our laws that there must be no discrimination towards anywhere, regardless of sex, gender, religious and political beliefs, among others. being thought of being connected to Communists, comes with negative connotations as well. Even in the Parliament's, where the new People's army played a large, large role in helping communities resist against the older markers. Regime

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decades of this information and historical distortion have turned the people against Communism as an ideology, and any one who may be associated with it regardless of the truth of the matter. Some have even started to claim that activism is a gateway to terrorism.

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The law is also weaponized against the members of the Padilla mass movement. Members often find themselves arrested because of trump-up and false cases like

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libel, murder, or even rebellion in other son, the fader of people's alliance. not in any way affiliated with the new People's Army and the Communist party of the Philippines.

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but the false declaration of people in the government and the false trump of cases are enough to so distrust and still fear, and inside further violence. While these are escort proceedings, would later on through false.

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It already does some damage to the organizations, the members and the Cordelia Ramas movements in general.

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And so, according to the

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international covenant on civil and political rights and the international covenant on economic, social, and cultural rights, all peoples have the right to self-determination. By virtue of

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of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social, and cultural development. The right to self-determination can be interpreted as the right of people to go in themselves without external impositions.

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Members of the Cpa often state that the best way to address the apparatus concerns regarding land and life is pursuing. Genuine regional autonomy is an expression of the right to self-determination. After all, having the Pardonians be in charge of the land they residing also ensures the protection of their way of life

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and protection of their lives against corporations, corrupt dopal government entities and State security forces. and this has been part of the particular people's Analysis campaign since the beginning.

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because a statement of the former proposal for the establishment of a pertilian autonomous region was made as early as 1984 in the Cordiliana People's Congress that led to the formation of the Cpa.

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Regional autonomy shall mean the recognition of the Fjiliara people's distinction as one people, their commonality in geography, history, traditions, and current situation dictates. They be treated as one political body as one region

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in answer to their problems, needs, and demands

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and being granted. Genuine regional autonomy is seen by the organization, and it's members of something that could properly deal with the with the other concerns of the particular people.

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as one of the members says, when we talk about Chamber regional autonomy in the peril, that the first thing that they should foster is a right to self-determination and theatrical land

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in more concrete terms. That means it should alleviate or address the particular problem of indigenous peoples in Cordiller, which is national repression. When we talk about national oppression, it is a systematic exploitation by big business, for example, the the mines, the dance, etc.

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The ruling class owns these businesses, and they do land grabbing in those areas. But that's how we define national oppression.

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And the Cpa. Has campaigned for the creation of the pendulum region as one geopolitical entity in recognition to its character as the homeland of the Pardilia indigenous peoples, and towards the formation of

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a Cordeliera autonomous region. Unfortunately, despite attempts of the paddling Ramas movement, assert their right to self-determination, especially during Coronavirus, there, as President, the attempt to have an autonomous region was hijacked by traditional politicians, causing confusion to the general public and harming the campaign overall, which

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ultimately meant that the autonomous region never materialized.

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Well, we have to interrupt the presentation as the author as us, because it's going to be longer than the minutes that are supposed to be.

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She he should spend, and also he have no good Internet connection. So he will not be able to answer questions. So we can go on with the

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with the next one. So I have to to Nickel's presentation. It's going to be

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what I have to do here is

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okay.

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This happened. We have to abort this.

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You know how? Oh, you can just maybe close that. Yeah, I was in the same time, do they?

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The same?

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Oh.

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not right.

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Yeah, that's important wait. We have to

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can just put it and restart it. Yeah, we have to do that.

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I can from the University of Hamburg.

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And the topic of my talk is awareness.

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paradoxes of an emotion program. It shows a topic as a so special program of avoiding discrimination. You will find today, everywhere in civil society, in universities, academics, and political parties and movements.

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in the nightlife, in clubs. And that's the point of my talk.

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closely linked to current conflicts on minority rights and to

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discrimination at diversity. Awareness has emerged in recent years as a specific practice of discrimination. Avoidance. In my paper I will examine awareness as an emotion program that specifically seeks to generate regard for the concerns of individuals and groups whose identity claims are considered contested

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whoop.

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I cannot shift it.

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Okay?

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This analysis was developed within the collaborative Research Center called Effective Societies in Germany, in which we are dealing with emotion programs that are particularly important to present day society.

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Among these awareness is increasingly prominent.

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Using qualitative data from feud research, we examined how a virus is negotiated and practiced in political groups and activist millias as well as in today's public life.

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In doing so we we found numerous tensions that awareness creates in its practical implementation as well as normative paradoxes.

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Therefore the unintended side effects of awareness programs were the focus of our research interest.

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Such a reflexive, reflexive perspective does not contradict the normative claims of awareness, our research aimed to identify action problems of awareness, and in this way to enable a critical debate which is necessary for any political practice of anti-discrimination.

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and the following, I will first explain what is meant by awareness.

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and then discuss one of the guiding principles of awareness, the so-called concept of the power of definition and the particular importance of emotions for it.

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I will then.

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I will then elaborate some problems and dilemmas of awareness as an emotion program and point out some normative paradoxes associated with awareness practices.

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Awareness is, first and foremost a political practice directed against the discrimination it calls for the recognition of the emotional experiences of groups

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considered to be particularly vulnerable.

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In this way a way of awareness programs seek to change social norms of feelings and conduct in order to address empty discrimination, concerns

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awareness, sets concrete behavior, guidelines that proscribe physical encounters and verbal expressions that could be understood as discriminatory

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the central point of reference for awareness is the emotions of others.

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What counts as an assault

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or as discriminatory, is not what was actually meant, but what is perceived as such by those affected

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awareness, can thus be understood as a politically motivated form of emotional regulation that aims to contribute to the avoidance of perceived discrimination.

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In this way awareness ties in was a change

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in the present-day emotion culture in which emotions increasingly become the object of deliberate transformations along specific programs.

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Awareness also intends to habitualize certain emotional skills.

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to shape public emotional life in a specific way and to establish particular feeling rules.

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In this respect awareness is similar to other current emotion programs, whether they related to mindfulness, emotional intelligence, or empowerment

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in the emotion program of awareness.

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The principle of the power of definition

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plays a central role, declaring the subjective perception of affected person as binding

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is at the core of awareness.

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Effective people are given the authority to interpret the situation they experience in order to relieve them of the need to justify the discrimination they fear.

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So the size of access to it is the emotional experience of those

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who feel that their physical or mental boundaries have been violated.

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However, if the emotional experience is taken as being synonymous with a possible discriminatory incident itself.

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this raises numerous problems. The difficulty is, on the up, on the one hand. to follow the principle of the power of definition.

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according to which

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every subjective perception should be evaluated as valid information about situations.

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On the other hand, to set binding norms of conduct that are to apply to everyone

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interactions that are based on awareness, thus create the dilemma of having no reliable criteria for the avoidance of boundary violations by which each individual's behavior can be classified as problematic by all.

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So the claim to do absolute justice to subjective feelings.

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and the requirement to set rules for everybody's conduct are in conflict with each other.

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The logic of the particular is opposed to the logic of the general, without being able to conciliate to 2

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in awareness. Each person represents a particular subjective mode of concern.

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But if one makes such subjective modes the general mode of behavior, then one gets entangled in irresolvable contradictions.

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What does not touch the boundaries of one person can be a boundary violation for the other. without normative viewpoints that apply beyond the perspective of those affected.

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An infinitive regress arises.

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because, as a form of subjective effectiveness are always possible, not all of which can already be anticipated

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within the framework of awareness.

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Discriminatory acts, or incident can only be grasp through subjective assessment. Therefore the decisive factor is who is in a position

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to call certain acts as discriminatory or hurtful. and to put them forward.

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Awareness determines this through a stance of partisanship.

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and makes structural power relations, such as gender inequalities, or racism. The critical framing of any definition of a situation

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so most important distinction

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that awareness practices take as starting point

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is the division into the privileged and the disadvantaged, a distinction that often constructs a deterministic relationship

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between ascriptive characteristics or sexual identities, social positions, related ways of thinking and acting and emotional experience.

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With the help of such binary distinctions, clarity is created in mostly unclear situations.

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yet awareness programs themselves

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use generalized attributions of belonging and identities which, on the other hand, is precisely a characteristic of discriminatory practices.

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It is true that in awareness programs. People are understood as individual actors and not as serious of a certain kind.

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But when people are asked to check their privileges along certain social categories. For example, this is done by locating them in general structural categories, and thus in a frame of reference that is otherwise rejected.

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In this way awareness establishes precisely those social categories whose discriminatory consequences it is. It opposes at the same time

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as an emotion program.

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Ivana. awareness involves the danger of circular of circular reasoning. If a person categorized as a disadvantage, it feels uncomfortable.

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they are always justified in doing so, since their status position alone validates the emotion.

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On the other hand, those who complain about an accusation of discrimination

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only confirm the already presupposed power. Imbalance, since they seem to be blind to their own privileges.

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emotions are considered self-evident.

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Subjective feelings and emotional reactions becomes the the so decisive indicator of one placement in power relations and are objectified.

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Thus awareness does not only react to the boundaries between the privilege and the disadvantaged, but contributes to such boundaries as well

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awareness aims to raise people's consciousness of discrimination, and to contribute to the fight against it.

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My study does not deny the effect of discrimination of individuals and groups along social categories, such as gender, ethnic origin, or sexual identity, nor the and and the necessity to stand up against it.

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Nor is it about assessing the credibility of emotional reactions to perceive discrimination.

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Rather my research question is whether awareness in its implementation is actually suitable for countering discrimination. The problems pointed out in this paper raise doubts about this for awareness. It is elementary that people meet as representatives of certain categories, and are typified as such.

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Actors are distributed according to a pattern of either awe to the positions of privileged or disadvantage, which are supposed to be a dite identical with ascriptive characteristics, such as strander, skin, color, or sexual identity.

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However, it is such mutually exclusive categories that usually creates the harshest social boundaries, and are most implicated in everyday discrimination.

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Every day every degrading labeling of people makes a social assessment in the mode of past prototo.

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Here awareness operates in a kind of self-contradiction, since in combating discrimination, it adopts the construction of social categories that many types of discrimination typically operate with themselves.

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Moreover, individual feelings are placed in the context of general structural categories of disadvantage and privilege, so that they are regarded so that they are regarded

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as

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doubtless science of actual discrimination. This is what the principle of subjective power of definition does when individual emotional states are given the status of airtight information about actual boundary violations.

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However, the fact that situations are perceived differently from one individual to another leads to a situation where such information does not result in does not result in norms that are binding for all which would actually be required to avoid discrimination.

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Consequently awareness itself contributes to the spread of feelings of insecurity which aim which it aims to present. I stop my paper here, my, my, my time is off. So so the concluding remarks were about the normative and the normative paradox. implicated In in awareness practices

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as an example for practices that

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that are promoting, that that could be considered as as a normative progress, as a moral progress, but in In its practical implementation, has effects that are countering the the normative goals. Thank you very much.

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Thank you.

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You can stay there. I need.

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yeah, okay. we can have time for one, or maybe 2 questions. If you someone want to ask. yeah, you can come here just because I asked, the people

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in online could hear you not see you because it's not a thank you very much, Zan Festa from the University of Technology in Berlin. Thank you very much for this. Yeah, very convincing. the construction of this awareness. This course.

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and I also agree on this. And what what's put on this slide? Here is the second last point that it leads to In the end. I have to read that it does not reside in norms binding for all. I think that's a crucial point. But I also heard a lot about at this conference, especially

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about from the different perspective, that specific groups have no possibility of being part of negotiating these norms, or can't just articulate themselves in a way where one could say, if emotions are not considered to be higher than maybe choose, put on a rational argument, but that this is all very Western oriented. And so so that was a big debate here at the conference.

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I mean, I do agree on this, but I I was wondering, what's your perspective on? That is is, what is your perspective, then, on these, on these claims for taking emotions serious, due to specific social circumstances, where social groups might have not been capable of taking equally part in these more, maybe rational debates around norms. Yeah.

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thank you very much for the question that that is a con complicated problem and I, I think my first concern as a sociologist is to to to identify some problems. And so I do not have really solutions for for that problems. but I think it is It is one thing

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to take emotions seriously, as a kind of a subjective perception of a certain situation, and you have to take it seriously.

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The other point is, if this emotions are considered as binding for all. Yeah. so that they cannot be discussed. Yes. that they cannot be in a way rationalized. Yeah.

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And and I think awareness in the example for a

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general process, I would say, in our modern society today of the emotionalizing yeah, public discourses on social problems. Yeah. And I feel that the problems of awareness practices are one example. that the leading principles of the troops of motions

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are are not really a solution, are in a way a dead end.

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And you are right in the conference. It's often it's of the discussion about that.

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I have not really a solution for it. It's more an observation of a certain situation. Yeah.

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The thing is, we don't have so much time. because, yeah, but we don't have time. I'm sorry we can formulate. And then you can answer later, because it's We have 3 presentation left and only 1 h. Okay, that you mean, I should. Yeah, he cannot ask. And you can answer later, if it's okay.

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it's it's a I, I I I it's a very short. I here. Sorry. But we have yeah, 10 min at the end. We are going to collect questions.

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I'm so sorry. I mean, okay, my name is your Royalist from the University of Crete? thank you very much, seeker, for your very inspired speeds. I I would like to ask you if you see some connection between your standpoint of awareness and the concept of care or ethics of care erased by the feminists. theorists like Chiligan or John Toronto.

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I'm I'm sorry I'm not allowed to answer you because of the bad guy at the end. And yet at the end we are going to okay, thank you again for your presentation. We are going to follow with the next one er Nikki Piwani, it is there.

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Yeah. So when you're going to be 12 min. I'm going to tell you so you can close up 15, and we have a 5 min. Thank you so much. Thank you very much for having the opportunity to talk to you and Hello from Germany. 250.

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piwoni: So In November 2,022, and Lucy Fulani, the head of the domestic abuse. Charity was asked where she was from while in Buckingham Palace. Apparently the question was asked by a hundred member of the royal household, who, after the incident, became headline, news, apologized and resigned.

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piwoni: Many people of color, including the guardians. culture journalists. Corin or Savhoua, showed themselves surprise, notably not by the fact that the question had been asked, but by the fact that it had become a secable offense. In fact, so who just stated. Fulani's story is every person of kind of sorry. I wish I could say it's unique. I wish I could say that nobody else has been asked such a thing. But that isn't the case

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piwoni: mit Ctl. And however sociological literature and the question significant is, scale scarce with Creasey's study being an important exception. So Chris argues in her interview, based research of second generation, African Canadians that decrease where you from is a key element of racialization processes defining the imagined community of Canadians, this white one.

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piwoni: in fact, when her respondents were actually think about their identities, they link their responses to the way strangers and casual acquaintances frequently ask, Where are you? From 150?

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piwoni: My own research is based in Germany and offers slightly different insights. Not only did I find variety with regard to respond and sense making. I also realize that it is the effective and emotional dimensions of the question that make it so significant to its recipients a few words on the general research context.

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piwoni: In 2,000. In the time between 2,018 and 21, I conducted 66 in depth interviews with highly educated, and that's important to remember black German German citizens of Polish, decent, and German citizens of Turkish descent in Hamburg and Frankfurt, and, as you can see. on the slide. A sampling strategy was to interview descendants

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piwoni: mit Ctl. And of immigrants who are well integrated to according to classic parameters in order to find whether their culture membership is nonetheless contested a daily life so overall. The research was motivated by my interest in the interviews, experiences of discrimination, stigmatization, and the feelings of belonging to one.

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piwoni: So why many Germans of Polish backgrounds today would never receive such a question because they were basically invisible and public life. We can discuss, maybe later, what that means. The majority of black Germans and Germans of Turkish background said that they were frequently asked the question to us, and what follows? I will concentrate on these 2 groups. I discussed the question with 39 out of forty-

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piwoni: for interviews that are black Germans or Germans of Turkish background, so theoretically.

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piwoni: by draw on a reformulation of assets, concept of comprehension of racism through an effect theoretical perspective, so as such, was probably better known to many of you, for a notion of everyday racism defines comprehension of racist events as a strategic process following a specific sequence, individuals go through when finding

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piwoni: themselves in a situation that may be a simultaneously racial situation, to determine whether a specific event potentially as racist implications or consequences, so they may check. For acceptability, mitigating circumstances, determine the social significance of the act, and evaluate it against the background of their own raises knowledge.

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piwoni: Yet I believe that pointing to individuals, rational testing and interpretation is only one side of the story. Indeed, as pointed out by Ashmet and others, processes of racialization are characterized, but circulation of effect which we may define as relational dynamics unfolding and interaction.

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piwoni: So effects are experienced situationally and relationally through bodies, cases, and facial expressions. notably efforts process, how she conceptualizes it starts with the individual to realization. That is the situation of somehow someone's behavior is unanticipated or unexpected.

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piwoni: and I claim that it is through effects and through being affected, that people realize that something is anticipated or unexpected, so they may not necessarily comprehend racism, but they may sense racism.

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piwoni: So, as I have argued in previous work with the same 3 group, 2 respondents often recount experiences of racism by not categorizing the events as races, but by nearly indicating feelings of, so, in other words, they had effectively felt, or sense that a particular situation was different, inappropriate or unexpected, but very reluctant to name it explicitly.

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piwoni: I think that the question were you from this ideal for exploring this concept of sensing racism? and more death? Precisely because the question allows for multiple interpretations regarding its meaning and specific. I asked the following research question, in what ways did it make sense of the question, how we can. Can you explain variety? What are the emotions that come of sensing races and then being asked to question, and when and how to people sense racism.

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piwoni: So as for methods, I used a technique of emotion, coding and interpreted results by drawing on a number of concepts established in sociology, of emotion, such as emotional reflexivity and a mortal work. So here are some of my findings.

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piwoni: and first, and maybe surprisingly, not all respondents, such that they found it very inappropriate or racist, and that some of them normalize the question as the spectrum. An interview. So where you are, where are you from? Originally? That's the most normal thing if a foreigner asked another. For where you originally from, it's exactly the same thing. That's why I can't understand what people react more sensitive sensitively to people without a migration background.

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piwoni: So highlighting that this question is is extremely common among foreigners. This interview completes that it should be regarded as a normal question when asked by Germans without a migrant background to other interviews to normalize the question came up with similar rationalizations, and seem to have adopted in some cases some sort of personal rule or policy, according to which they had decided to never regard this question as inappropriate.

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piwoni: So I can understand these sensitivities. I can also partly understand them, because I was also affected several times. But you also have to draw a line here, there. So where are you from? Where do you come from? It's absolutely nothing for me, has nothing to do with discrimination, nothing at all. It's completely normal. People just ask themselves that.

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piwoni: respondents as this interview refused to sense race. And then that's how I would interpret it. So in doing so, they avoided having to do interpretation and emotion work every time they get asked the question. Instead, they had chosen to make their everyday lives easier and turn off their sensitivity.

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piwoni: In contrast to this minority. of respondents to normalize the query. The majority of black terms, and Germans with Turkish backgrounds had that depending on the circumstances. There were, indeed, situations in which they found big question inappropriate, and many of them recalled concrete examples. One.

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piwoni: What were the emotions that came of sensing racism when being asked the question.

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piwoni: A female like when you work at a museum.

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piwoni: that that person who's an important position within the institution. As to the question within 2 s, as you said after getting to know her, I just said, I'm I'm the new student assistant. Hello! Nice to meet you! And she was like, Oh, so you you speak right German, but where you from?

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piwoni: And I was like it was like for me. That's a very clear question about whether I have a right to exist here, not only in Germany to live here, but in this institution in disposition, and it was not even positive racism in the sense of oh, you come from far away, and you're qualified to do this job. Wow! I'm really happy for you, you know, 150.

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piwoni: The incident had cause strong feelings in my interview. She said I was the fact that I didn't went home to. In any case, the day was over for me, as far as that was concerned.

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piwoni: Later on she reflected on why her emotions had been so strong, and said that she was shocked to receive such a question at an institution. It was historically a tangled out of German colonialism.

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piwoni: I interview appreciated that the into Institution had employed here, and interpreted this as a step towards coming to terms with its past. However, being asked, the question was a shocking reminder that this process was actually still in its infants.

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piwoni: I don't. Respondents also said that there were situations where they were completely shocked by the question, and felt that they were being attacked. As a result, they said they felt offended and heard.

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piwoni: However, there were also respondents who reported other types of feelings, saying that the question tended to make them feel rather exhausted, annoyed, or irritated, or sorrow.

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piwoni: others highlighted that the question made him feel disappointed in the person who had asked it, and triggered feelings, even feelings of resentment. One black German respondent, who said he had received the question often in the past, but not so often, now describes his feelings as follows.

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piwoni:  3.

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piwoni: And I think with me. Something like that is more of a repression mechanism and more of a I like to get out of the situation as quickly as possible, and I don't want to have that as a blocker between us, between the person and me, and I drive a deal of it myself, and the past has had led to me, being suspicious and disappointed, or tuning away from people. Or I said to myself, That person is stupid. Anyway, you can't do anything with them anyway, or how ignorant can you be.

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piwoni: whether the emotions experience her shock and her, or go like the exhaustion annoyance, irritation, or disappointment experiencing such as emotions as a result of sensing or comprehending racism, had an impact on the relationship with the questioner and brought within the task

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piwoni: of having to deal with one's own emotions and test also with the need to engage in emotion in addition. But this is beyond The scope of today's talk is. Emotions have, of course, different action tendencies and feed into how respondents respond to the question in this situation as such. And they also feed. as I've seen into feelings of non belonging towards German society in general.

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piwoni: Even respondents who told me of situations in which they understood the question to be clearly race said that there were also situations in which they found a question innocent, and in which they interpreted it as an expression of genuine interest on the part of the questioner. But how did they know the meaning of the question in the situation? In other words, when and how to keep a sense races.

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piwoni: Let us consider The following quote by may may have, like German interviewing. Sometimes it's obvious that the question actually is, where do my parents come from, or where are my rules?

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piwoni: And if I feel comfortable with the person, then I like to say that sometimes I don't have to attitude that people are somehow entitled to know that about me.

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piwoni: and depending on how comfortable I feel there right now, and how I feel with the person. If it's a total stranger or someone, and I somehow don't have a level of something with the person. Of course, at first ask myself the question, okay, what do you actually want to know right now, what do you actually want from me right now, or how comfortable one feels in such a conversation?

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piwoni: I'm just about to finish 3 3 min left. Thank you. So here the interview gives insight into first, as usual, thoughts when receiving the question.

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piwoni: It's outlined by acet right? We see here some sort of testing.

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piwoni: notably, however, the interview refers. It's 2 points to his own feelings, and how he is affected by the other person, or how he takes into account how he's affected by the other person feeling comfortable, seems to play an important role for concluding that the question is legit and somehow normal, and for then giving the questioner and the expected answer.

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piwoni: So the whole process of having to make sense of one's own effectiveness and after effects circulating in this situation, but also of the other person's feelings and intentions, requires not only what Mary Holmes has labeled emotional reflexivity, but involves considerable effort and the need to be always alert and on one's car.

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piwoni: It is against this background that we have to interpret the strategy of some respondents to always interpret the question as motivated by interest to protect themselves from both the emotions that come of sensing racism and the work that needs to be done in order to determine what is at play.

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piwoni: So to complete, include the seemingly innocent question of where are you from there for comes with a price for those who receive it, constant vigilance and alertness, not awareness to, to, to make any with stick at necklace talk, but alertness and to need to manage emotions. Thank you very much for your attention.

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Well, thank you so much. We have time for questions. Yes, you can go into the

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Thanks so much for a great paper. There's obviously a lot of linkages between yours and secrets. But yeah, look that that interaction with that question being asked

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often gets represented in popular culture, in films and TV shows. And the usual response that then gets put portrayed as one of humor, right. So if it's in England, the person will say Manchester right? Or or if it's built in, they'll say Croydsburg right? so did any of your respondents actually say that

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they responded, in that way. Because really, the other thing about asking the question is, in a way, it's a stupid question, or it's it's an emotionally unintelligent one.

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And so that could be the way that it could be responded to. And then I wanted to go back.

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My second point is about the original example you had of of that in England, of of the woman that kind of lost the job because she asked the question. I I I was just wondering what you thought about that whole outcome, because I I find it deeply problematic. And for me it's an example of what Su. How talked about about a subjective experience getting turned into an objective?

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I don't know. Framework or something. that's that's the out of proportion to to what actually happened there. but I don't know. Maybe I'm being too no, too unwork. I don't know.

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piwoni: Yeah, thank you very much for your question. So it points, basically to what I did not have time to address in my talk to how people respond to the question. And you now mentioned tumor. So this is actually one of the strategies or one of the responses. Responses. Interview said that they would give in certain situation, but they also remarked that normally this does not

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piwoni: give the question up what he or she wants. Right? So a. And it may trigger further feelings of unease so quite often. so they they they rather choose to give the question what he or she what they really want to know from them, where their parents are from right and and a search strategy which was, I think, indicated in it sounds like a gate.

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piwoni: The black German working at a museum is to simply leave the situation. But this is some sort of confrontation. Then right? Someone asks the question, and you just ignore it and continue with something else, or just start to. You. Just start talking to another person at a party. So these are the 3 main strategies. And I think it really comes down to. vet.

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piwoni: the you risk conflict or not. Right?

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piwoni: And that's for the example I gave at the very beginning. Well, I'm not British. So I I I I we find it really hard to to judge. And I think there's so much that's playing a role. But what I've seen. I mean, this incident

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piwoni: was talk about even in in Germany. and it's certainly race awareness and sort of we're coming back to a neck as C. Cardin. Echo's a talk for the implications of the question, because many respondents also said that the one

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piwoni: know that the people asking the question are not in many cases aware of what this might trigger, because you're not emotionally intelligent, as you said yourself.

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Any other question. We have

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like 2 min to the question on the answer. Yep, yep.

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yeah.

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thank you so much for your presentation. It was very interesting.

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I was thinking about how actually you, you recruited your interviewees. So in terms of methodology, and another one is about I try to be quick. So you talked about that your respondents were mostly like Highly educated persons, and so but I was wondering that the the way they how the

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this a reply, is related with their political engagement or their political sensibilities

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in the right or

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piwoni: yes, thank you very much. Great question. So as your methodology, I use multiple points of entry. So not only a a ethnic or organizations or political organizations, but I also use an agency who is

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piwoni: has much expertise in recruiting interviews of migrant. A background in Germany also used Facebook ads. I use personal acquaintances. So it really tried to have your variety and to avoid as much as possible. convenient as as much as possible. Snowball sampling. So you yeah. is that they are mostly well, all of them are highly educated. So they all hold

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piwoni: a a university degree or an equivalent to a university degree. Yeah, and want to talk about the reasons for this. But it has, of course, to do with certain gaps in the literature. So in migration sociology. So that's what they are. Political orientation player. sure. yeah, those who are were politically engaged had a broad knowledge of racism.

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piwoni: and immediately, of course, recognize the question is potentially a problematic right? Whereas I had also highly educated but not politically engaged respondents. who? who normalize the question as as you saw right? And I I would interpret this as a a more limited access to discourses around racism and how to recognize it. Thank you very much.

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Well, thank you so much. Another.

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So we are going to the next presentation.

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 Jesus is sherry.

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Okay?

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We can. I? Just

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yeah.

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thank you, Mr. Fun, when I'm going to be 12 min again. I'm going to let you know.

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Yes, so I everyone. everybody. I I it's great to see you all year. Thank you for coming. So my name is Stefan Muller. I'm full full professor at the Sociology Department in University of Control. So I'm also the core organizer of the session with my colleague. Thank you for having share

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the the conception of the station. I'm very excited to present the first treasures of an ongoing project focusing on well being at work. this project explores. the the psychology.

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Oh, sorry.

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And

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yeah, the psychology of of well being in the workplace to bet based on this project. I I'm currently writing a book. It would be called something like a well-being works, a psycho sociology of an ambivalent state of mind. So why I am. The balance is a key key concept of my of my approach to well being

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so I will focus in this presentation of on one dimension of this ambivalence, the ambivalent experience of well being workers tend to to simultaneously experience our manifesto posing or contradictory judgments, same symptoms or emotions.

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we forgot to their what work. So They also 2 other dimensions. But I won't be able to to to to discount that. So the final objective is to present and discuss a typology of emotional configurations at work.

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So for this project, I'm completed an extensive field work in 2 distinct organizations.

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contacts, restaurants and universities. so there are the sectors of origin and rival of my own geographical trajectory. So, and the the the central question is, why do some workers explain so much pleasure and satisfaction at work, despite poor working and unemployment conditions?

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And so they are very geographical roots. At this question related to the the parents and the way they were they, they dedicated their life to to the work.

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To answer this question. I use the mixed meet methodology. I cond to the survey restaurants and universities from November 2,000 to 21 to July 2,022.

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So I finished the field work last year. So you see all the groups and the group of workers, and also the number of workers.

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in my survey here. So it's in different segments of the industry. G astronomy, bravery, family fast food. and I I asked questions to professors support staff like yours, and executives as well.

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So I use classical, closed-ended question and also an open-ended questions. Do you experience a feeling of unfairness, asking to specify why the respondents were feeling unfairness

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so due to that I like I of times, I won't be able to to to present the qualitative part. But I I've done also a lot of interviews.

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so it will be mostly quantitative. the the presentation!

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So one section of the survey was devoted to the emotions felt in the past 30 days as a result of the experiences at work. So

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and When you want to to get a statistical idea, to, to, to of the place of effects. In the workplace you face many challenges. Emotions are multifold. It's not easy to discern differences between emotions. So I I I to to group the the emotions

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and to into pairs of similar or related emotions that you can see

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and so, and though One of the first Very surprising results is it was that there is a clear, statistical dis symmetry between positive and negative emotions. Worker workers generally feel positive emotions, while negative emotions are only felt. Sometimes.

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erez agmoni and a psychologist, I tend to interpret that with the poly and up principle. I don't know if you know that. But anyway, the second results relates to emotional variations between group of workers. restaurant walkers generally experience pleasure at work much more frequently than university support staff. It was surprising and not anticipated. 150

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for me. so I was very surprised with this result. So the the second one was expected the dominant negative and the the the DC motions are unequally distributed.

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Across war groups in the restaurants waiters feel more pleasure, joy. While bus boys, cashiers feel more anger, resentment, content, disgust.

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So in Academia lectures feels more loneliness, isolation, and V and jealousy.  so

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yeah. And and there is also a difference between the 2 sectors that that the the dominant negative emotion is not the same. So in in restaurants it's anger or resentment. And in universities, it's l loneliness is deletion.

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Okay.

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So, following the this descriptive analysis, I then strive to understand how all these emotions related to each other. So I performed a simple component analysis, and the results show a space of emotional styles. I don't know if you recognize a

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so it's the structure of emotions on one axis and the volume of emotions and the other one. So it looks like a Borgio's analysis of styles lifestyles in like this.

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So this analysis enables me to draw up a first simple typology of emotional configurations.

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A positive people generally feel positive emotions and phenomena, sometimes negative emotions negative the the other way. the contrary, the the other axis distinguish between impassive people generally feel neither negative nor positive emotions.

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and the emotional people who generally feel both negative and positive emotions. But that's that's one of the results the the second axis, because the B variety is very classical. One.

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So

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this typological analysis does not take into account all manifestations of well-being and perception of justice. So I've decided to perform a Latin class analysis, not only on the classical

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on this emotions, but also on the cognitive emotions. So you see a a, a, a, a theoretical map of all the the the, the, the emotions though there is emotional. Well, being that's what I have described. But there is also cognitive. Well, being symptomatic. Well being, you can see all the all of the questions I I've asked in in the questionnaire and the survey.

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and there is also a a of a of of well-being, because there are all over the labs between all these well-being types.

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and I've also included the 4 classic dimensions of perceived organizational justice.

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So interpersonal, distributive, procedural, and informational. So.

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And the result is a 6, a class

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topology the technology and so only one category of people. The suffering people experiences injustice at work. And also, negatively, emotionally oriented to that, the the suffering

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 as a second category, the disappointed people groups to get together people who experience unfairness, but also mostly positive emotions.

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So the the feeling of unfairness is modeling to dissatisfaction with pay, carrier prospects and working conditions

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between these 2 categories are the and the the the opposite one, the driving, the blooming people. There are also 3 intermediate categories, and that's the most interesting part, I think, of my results. The morals people don't feel a sense of unfairness at work at all. They tend emotionally to be impassive

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and and to lack In vitality.

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with a very low rate of flourishing positive mental elf. And

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so, more specifically, only 10% of morals. People generally feel the optimism or open at work, and a 97% rarely feel Nv. Or jelly. So you you you

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it's and the Straits people that the the contrary. they feel fulfillment at work, but also at the highest course of psychological distress and the highest course. For fatigue and pain! So you see the the the ambivalent? Very ambivalent situation.

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So And and finally, the Syrian people are often dissatisfied with their work, but not to the point of experiencing unfairness at work or negative emotions. And finally, it's a significant proportion of the blooming, blooming people or thriving people are also tired or in pain.

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So this tends to testify a normalization of fatigue and pain in the workplace affecting all workers. In fact.

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So this typology permits to go beyond classical ecological approaches. For example, there are 2 groups of people who are at risk of psychological distress. Not one. So psychologists distress should be disagreeable if we follow these results.

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 and also they are disappointed and more rules. So unfairness is not always linked to negative emotions.

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Okay.

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 so I won't have so much time to explore the open-ended questions. But just just a few words.

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It reveals the central role of interpersonal justice, respect, disrespect, harassment. It shows the risk of. So it shows that the risk of suffering increases when disrespect overlap with other risks.

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and Finally, the the highest rate of suffering or disappointed people in universities seem to be linked to a feeling of impenity, because, contrary to restaurants, people, people are reporting a culture of silence in universities.

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And to finish, I would say that there are many challenges, but one is to understand the intermediate categories

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because, the the, the, the, the injustice variables are not explaining these categories. So and individual trades. Individual management, collective management are able to to do it. So I've I've started to to analyze that to So and I I will, I will end with that.

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Well again with the same for questions. Yes, you can come, or I can give you the.

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It's just a question of clarification. Because what do you mean by collective current tasting? Because you talk about boulder? And of course your typology is very, very

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good work, but I was wondering if you have some attributes of our attribute

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in your social class

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raise position in the Life Cause, because I think the project of an individual trajectory can be worked by this kind of collective or social positions.

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So do you do that? Yeah. Yeah. So show classes and but they they are they. They are correlated with the the, the, the, the tip topology. But I I would say not so much so that that's interesting, that that's not only the lectures who who feel unfairness at work. That's also the professors.

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And it's it's sling to the feeling of impunity when there are this respect, that this disorder so but there are this kind of. But to to answer to your question about the collective characteristic, I started to analyze that using.

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the the the interactionist! concept of social world! For example, in restaurants, I think that there there are 3 walls in my, my, the restaurants I've I've studied. So one is the the

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erez agmoni. I've not started to to translate that. So the craftsman world maybe would say, very professional. The gastronomy restaurants are mostly in that world, the convivial world and the

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commercial world. and this these 3 walls are, very, i, the the the the the the the the the the the the the the the the the the the the the the the the the the the the the the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the the the the the the the the the the the the the the the fact to be in this world explain a lot and much more than the the the social class. So that's that's interesting. For example.

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a birth boy that is, in the working in the convivial world would would tend to be

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a a up here are very, very very well, and and that's that's That won't won't be the case at all when they're working in the in the commercial world. So that's that's the kind of analysis I'm trying to to do right now in the qualitative part of the of the analysis.

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Well, I think we have time for just another more question.

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This one.

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yeah. All right.

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Yeah, sorry. Just 2 brief questions. I found your slide with the different professions quite interesting, but I don't think you had time to go into it. I was just wondering what the different reds and things meant. If you just have a couple of sentences just the one before this.

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the one before that, the one before this, and then the other one was just dress. How you talked about people that are stressed. How do you define stress is that there's good stress where you're challenged. And then there's bad stress where you're anxious. When you talked.

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it was a later, when you talked about stressed people. Was it the good kind of stress, or both, or what did you not distinguish between them? Starting with the with that it's very difficult to name my category. So stress is not may may be the the the the best name, but it's it's mostly related to what you see here, so stressed at at risk of psychological distress. So you see, a 48.

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But the persons of this category are in psychological distress, and it's even more than the suffering one. So so it's linked to all these correlations between my, my, my.

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my. the class itself, and the variables I've used to do to perform the Latin class analysis.

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for that. so I I should take some, some, some some. You you see, for example, that there there is much more anger and resentment in the in the restaurant sector. So The the first number. It's when they generally

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feel anger, resentment during the last month. Genuinely. So. That means most of the time.

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It's more than often. So it's it's it's huge 17% and 41%. It's sometimes. So when you add the the 2, I mean, the vast majority of workers in restaurants are sometimes at least, filling anger, resentment, and you can so do the same

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for all the the the

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yeah.

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think you've shown so much again in the cloud?

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Not. And we are going to the best presentation

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I have to close this. Yeah, and not just for you.

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 but I have to

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fantastic.

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So again, when I meditate, I'm going to.

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So Hello, everyone, I'm Cassie van der well, I'm a professor of sociology at the University of Montreal, and I'm very delighted to be here with you today and to contribute to our reflections and Today I like to talk about this title, inequality, injustice, anger, dynamics of revolt among young adults. So the idea is to better understand the links between the actions of inequalities.

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the feeling of injustice and social anger. So the one you can feel, not against another individual, but against an institution, a society, a system. So my questions are, how does one go from an experience of inequalities to a feeling of injustice? And what conditions does this feeling of injustice translate into social anger? And, conversely, in what cases does it not provoke a revolt or a feeling of anger?

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So

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my methodology? It's part of a wider research on the social anger and hopes among the younger generation. So on the globe. And so I rely on the comparative analysis of more of a hundred interviews conducted with young adults in Madrid, Paris, Montreal, Santaago, the Chile and Hong Kong, and the interviews dealt with the social audience, experience

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the emotions that generate and their modes of politicization.

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and the idea was to understand revolt, but not by its point of arrival. Once it's collectivised into social movements. For example, once it's materialised into a vote.

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but I wanted to capture it. more at in its point of a departure, and so to have a life course approach to be at the source, and I wanted also to be able to see the differences in the common patterns to us within this generation. And so that's why I've adopted for a comparative approach.

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So of course, I don't have time to go into all the details. So today, I'd like just to present some poems that I can stand out.

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And so it's also under contraction. So I would be very happy to have your feedbacks, your questions. So just to start the analysis. Of course.

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according to societies, the different societies where I could go, you have different types, different causes, different words of anger, but beyond these differences there are 3 main narratives of anger among young adults.

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according above all, to their position in the system of inequality and that subjective position. I don't have time to elaborate. And if we could discuss this in the questions, but that's the the first discount account of anger that is very familiar in the public space, because it's often present within the youth social movement.

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It's a rhetoric of disposition. And More precisely in the case of these young adults. It's the rhetoric of the loss of a future, not the loss of a past, not the loss of a present, but a lot of the future. In the face of economic, political or environmental environmental crisis.

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So it's a first historic. But there is another one very dominant in my interviews, not so present in the public space. It's a narrative that struggles, struggles more to collectivize. So it's more individual, and it's carried by young people who feel subjective feel on the margins of the system.

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even if they are educated, even if they have a job. But they feel at the margin of the system in which they want to integrate, and it's a rhetoric more of fatigue, of where of where, and and the main lexical is. I am doing efforts in vain.

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and there are, there is a third one, the big narrative of revolt, of anger. it's a more linked to social discrimination, often in relation to either gender based or race based, or both. violence. And these narratives are often accumulated within a life course.

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and associated with a rhetoric of an unbridgeable gap, a branchable difference, and they can be collectivized. But it's experience! As a very difficult, exhausting struggle, as another presentation already suggested it so. But however

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beyond all these stories, these angers may be different, but we find a common script behind the revolt. And that's what I like to develop more precisely now, and we could dive in

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and Even if, of course, there are many different stories of very different dynamics. Every story of anger of revolt is, first and foremost a story of commitment.

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That's the first lesson. Social anger doesn't germinate in a ground of indifference.

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It begins with hope.

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the and more than hope. It's not just an aspiration. It's a real and concrete implication commitment. And this commitment may be to a concrete social project such as investing in a education set to the setting up a business being employed, or be integrated into a society after immigration. But in the stories these projects are all presented with an existential rhetoric.

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and again against you the worst, the value of the cells, and they are presented as fundamental life choices. And, above all, so that's hope that the emotion of how that dominates with, for example, I believed in it a with a rhetoric of an involvement with body and soul a total involvement.

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And what's characteristic of this first experience is that it goes hand in hand with a certain social confidence. If we commit ourselves, it's because we believe it's socially possible. And at this stage the rules of the games are not questioned.

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and young adults say they don't really critic the social order, either through anger or resentment or criticism. Inequalities exist in their mind, but they are not questioned, or they need to be forgotten. So in the story. It is like as if they are invisible.

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However, if the project encounters a certain amount of external resistance like this, the face changes to one of the frustration in the life stories, the initial hope gradually gives way to a feeling of powerlessness and incomprehension.

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The rhetoric of excess dominates. It's too difficult. It's too long. It's too ursent in, because frustration doesn't rest on a single triggering event.

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It arrives in the form of a deuse pressure and is therefore it's very difficult for the young adult to turn against an external culprit. and so it the individual himself, who tends to absorb it in the form of a sense of failure. Social trust is damage.

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But the individuals, the young adult in this face continues to idea, to the rules of the game, sometimes even more, because it's it's it's a experience at his or her duty to do so. So it's a kind of dialogue between oneself and one's project, and in contrast to the feeling of injustice that anger that will follow frustration does not yet carry with it a strong political criticism or questioning the established order.

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The criticism begins with the feeling of injustice which is the first step towards revolt, even if it doesn't but necessarily lead to revolt in the life stories. The transition from frustration to injustice is made by the experience of social comparison

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in the stories something has changed. An event marked the entry of others into the individual social horizon ray, as in the state of frustration, inequalities were hardly taken into account. This suddenly makes inequalities like alive

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in the stories pipable, and it tends to awaken the accumulated suffering, and in the accounts the direct confrontation in turn provoked a change of perspective on one's own situation. Even if the situation didn't change the what previously appeared to be an individual failure becomes perceived as a social injustice.

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Here the difference between what is and what should be is perceived experience as abusive. The rhetoric shifts from excessive to unjust, and this constitutes the first breach in the political critique of the rules of the social game as the basis and legitimacy of such a difference

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begins to be questions. However, this feeling of injustice does not necessarily lead to the feeling of revolt on this ground of injustice. It takes a visible scene of contempt which reveals certain responsibilities which reveals a system at work to enter a regime of social anger.

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All it takes in the stories, and it's striking is one scene

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you over the age into anger in the life stories. It can be a world, conduct, an event, a long wait. It is an insult, an image in the media, or a collective event like a killing like in the news. This scene sometimes seemingly exist in significant, sometimes very significant. Sometimes just a detail will serve as a founding shock.

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and it is striking that what separates injustice from revolts is often just this kind of event a moment, and in the narrative the sense shows the encounter between a double feeling, one of powerlessness, that we are already

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present in the life course in the narrative, and one of contempt, a boundary is crossed. The situation is no longer just unjust.

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It's it's in admissible. The sin of contempt is experienced as a reduction, even the killing of one's being the the word that it kills me. It's a it consoles me, and it deserves one deepest commitment while closing down the hopes of change, and it provokes a change of posture

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at the same time as it symbolically disprocesses the individual of his worth subjectively. It reveals the power relationship at work and make it possible to identify responsibility which were invisible before

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it leads to a process of a protective disaffiliation of the system in order to reappropriate and defend one's identity. That is a damage the experience as damage, and to re examinise or reexamine one's self socially, and so the rule of the game are not just questioned but rejected, and the social order is called into question.

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Anger is therefore in itself a political refusal in that case.

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Well, okay. so I don't have time to elaborate this. But once this feeling of revolt, of of anger is triggered. There are a lot of different pathways. and pass to this anger. Some anger will stay very silent, embodied in this process of embodiment sedimentation, because it's like, not a cycle. But it's very dynamic. So you can feel an anger 2 years before.

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And you think you are okay. And then in the life story. It it comes again.

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So it was embodied, and, like your segmentation in the life course, and until the point, you have to change your choices, because it is too difficult to experience to live. But some Angers will be collectivised if they can find a resonance.

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find a collective. We, even if it is not the same experience, but there is the same identity under an extent so like your resonance in a way.

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But the collectivisation does not lead always to a real politicisation in the social debate, because it needs before to harvest them as them to be really transferred into the public's sphere, and the conditions are quite rare and quite constraint, and so a lot of anger I could meet in my interview

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stayed silence, invisible and incorporated, and sometimes transferred to a positive change of life, but sometimes embodied in a real physical and mental suffering.

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So just to conclude, I'd like to say, of course, that these faces are not linear, and we need to follow a dynamic vision. and in the narratives I could the young adult can. could osiate between different faces come back to them, or, for example, go straight from a commitment to anger? So it's not totally linear.

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but just 3 reflections the long roots of anger. I mean by that that

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anger is often conceptually conceptualized as a reactive negative emotion.

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but in reality it is often deeply rooted in life course. So it's a long emotion, often with a logic of accumulation, sometimes back to childhood, especially in the revolts linked to discrimination. We can only see the tip of the iceberg when we capture collective social movement or collected anger. And it would be really interesting, I think, for sociologists

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to develop tools for capturing the latent energies, because it's not only an emotion when a lot of individuals in the society can feel this kind of emotion. It's also a political, a latent political energy. in our democracy about work. I wanted just to raise it a little bit the term, because in my life stories of revolt, not my, but the the one I collected.

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There is, indeed, the story of a double awakening rather a double new visibility. First, the visibility of injustice. There is a phase where the inequalities were there, but like dormant like hidden, and then they come to life for young adults. And the second, okay, I stopped here. The second is when there is a scene of social content

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in their life, so that they move from a feeling of injustice to revolt. But with this rhetoric of awakening, and I finish it, relative frustration, just to go

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into conversation with this theory. It is interesting, but it is not so dynamic, and I think effective, and emotion sociology can revisit it. To put some nuances and dynamic between frustration, injustice, and feeling of revolt. It doesn't explain everything. So thank you for listening.

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Well, thank you so much for realization. Yeah, for one question. We have time, and then to collect it.

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thank you for a great present. Talk and I should say to congratulations on your Powerpoint presentation. I think it's the gold standard. Oh, thanks

425
01:40:51.760 --> 01:41:01.929
for how we should use the Powerpoint My question was about when you're talking about the roots of it. You seem to operate mainly within the biography of individuals.

426
01:41:01.970 --> 01:41:21.479
but the roots of the anger could, of course, be a lot longer than that. I mean, obvious examples would be indigenous Australians or indigenous Canadians, and so on. But there'd be a big lots of other examples, so that the anger can actually operate it at the, at the group level over a long period of time.

427
01:41:21.629 --> 01:41:39.799
Thank you so much. Yes, it's exactly my challenge to, because I focus really in the dynamic within life course. But I want to. Explore the social and the generational woods of these accounts of revolt, and this

428
01:41:39.799 --> 01:42:04.549
all these hardships. And So that's why I have a hadn't time to to talk about it. But, for example, according to society, to society, to different sites I could go. The roots of the revolt are not exactly the same. In Hong Kong, for example, the political revolt and the the feeling of treason of betrayal was much more important.

429
01:42:04.549 --> 01:42:33.049
that in, for example, in Montreal, where it was more frustration, a regime of frustration, liberal regime of frustration. So there are different. There are different roots of anger according to which to each society, but in a historical perspective. of course it's not and I I I'll I'll try to

430
01:42:34.280 --> 01:42:51.989
to qualify them. But of course we are in a time where the roots of the generational anger are multiple, and I can feel that the dominant one is, of course, the one linked to social integration

431
01:42:51.990 --> 01:43:08.589
to social pain. and The dominant torture I had was the second one, and not disposition, and lots of future we can hear in the public space. It was present, but it was not even for activist ones who go to protest

432
01:43:08.590 --> 01:43:32.740
in their hound feeling of revolt. The rhetoric, environmental or the political rhetoric of the protest, did not exhaust their own feeling of anger, and so I can see 2 big roots in there

433
01:43:33.010 --> 01:43:59.319
collectively, the generational anger. I can feel one linked to a social pressure time, time and social pressure, so it could be more financial in liberal countries with indentment, etc. It can be more social pressure on the labour market in European countries, for example, it's the first universal route at a generational level.

434
01:43:59.320 --> 01:44:20.599
and the second one is competition, and I think, to make the link between a competitive environment and the effects. So it is not also the crisis. It is the increase of competition within this generation, which is the generation

435
01:44:20.600 --> 01:44:48.670
who has one of the biggest level of end to a generational inequality with a certainty. And so the pressure and the competition is very, is experienced in each country, where I could be very high, and it led to a lot of different effect. Some go to like a refuge, to hope.

436
01:44:48.670 --> 01:45:00.000
so. They, they force, hope to survive. And that's why it's a link with with your presentation. Hope and anger can be very, very deeply linked.

437
01:45:00.010 --> 01:45:05.099
because it's like a survival to keep hope, and

438
01:45:05.200 --> 01:45:29.520
with an event it can certainly disappear and transform to resentment or to to exhaustion. yeah. And so yes, I see competition, incarceration on competition in the context of a certainty is very a big root of revolt. and this suffering and social and time pressure.

439
01:45:30.240 --> 01:45:33.560
Thank you. Thank you. We have

440
01:45:33.570 --> 01:45:42.659
some questions. But to collect for all the presentations, we can start with the the one who was still open before. So

441
01:45:42.660 --> 01:46:07.650
yeah, of course, I remember, yeah, I would like to answer the interesting question, yoga. So ask how I would relate my analysis of awareness. to. For instance, a feminist discourse on on Canada. I had some time to think about that. I would say I would say.

442
01:46:07.750 --> 01:46:11.760
care and away refers

443
01:46:11.800 --> 01:46:18.590
to needs of people. You can away. Observe from the outside.

444
01:46:18.850 --> 01:46:25.880
and you can observe that there are so-called care gaps, or so you have to fulfill.

445
01:46:26.150 --> 01:46:31.900
Awareness refers to the emotions of people.

446
01:46:31.960 --> 01:46:35.299
And that is.

447
01:46:35.540 --> 01:46:40.750
I think that's a difference between care and therapy.

448
01:46:41.120 --> 01:46:53.129
It's more like a therapy. and As a therapist, a psychopathetic therapist. you are referring strictly to the personal emotions.

449
01:46:53.250 --> 01:47:09.179
of your clients. Yeah. And that is your obligation? Yeah. And so I would say that awareness. Although the awareness activists

450
01:47:09.420 --> 01:47:17.050
are refusing to be therapists they want they don't want to be a therapist.

451
01:47:17.150 --> 01:47:26.219
they there is It's close to more close to therapy than to care. Yeah.

452
01:47:27.430 --> 01:47:28.280
2.

453
01:47:28.620 --> 01:47:30.399
Okay, yes,

454
01:47:30.420 --> 01:47:38.299
we have. We should finish at 7 20, but maybe we can stay longer for a couple of minutes like 7 30. It's okay.

455
01:47:38.360 --> 01:47:43.500
I don't know if there are some questions you have raised in your hand before it.

456
01:47:45.610 --> 01:47:50.310
That's just a question. Don't you sing? Then, on another route

457
01:47:50.520 --> 01:48:00.809
root could be the lack of social nobility in the context, and and people seeing young people see no future.

458
01:48:00.970 --> 01:48:03.870
and their efforts are vain either.

459
01:48:06.620 --> 01:48:35.760
Yes, thank you. Yeah. I was thinking of it in relation to a certainty. But you're right. It's more that than a certainty, the lack of yeah social. And and and I can feel the different different, especially in Europe. The rhetoric of the closed doors is very present at the triggering of revolt or frustration, and, for example, in some liberal countries, where.

460
01:48:35.900 --> 01:48:44.879
even if it's not the case. In reality, there is more optimism, social optimism, it's less present. So you're totally right. Thank you.

461
01:48:45.580 --> 01:48:49.510
The I think. She raised her hand.

462
01:48:50.930 --> 01:48:53.750
It's only more a common. But I was.

463
01:48:54.230 --> 01:49:21.070
I found this interesting that he now responded to that he had this idea of psychotherapy as the the appropriate response to individual feelings, and then listening to this paper of your your right paper on on Emotions that are deeply rooted in social experiences. A collective psychotherapy wouldn't be appropriate. So so what is so, how do we deal with this? Because

464
01:49:21.070 --> 01:49:49.239
you showed that awareness is not? I totally agree with your analysis it doesn't lead to. It is a dead end. But we need to do something with these emotions that are not individual emotions and can't be dealt with in therapy. They need a what do they need? In a way, we have a failure of the modern promise. Obviously, that's how I understood you. And I really wonder how do we deal with this

465
01:49:50.570 --> 01:49:53.140
any other question if you read?

466
01:49:53.620 --> 01:50:03.939
Yes, it was a question after the reaction of ceiling and Patricia. It was about the the context of

467
01:50:04.420 --> 01:50:08.219
I trust society, and not for society.

468
01:50:08.240 --> 01:50:15.249
You know. It depends, of course, the Society. But, for example, Finland is the

469
01:50:15.540 --> 01:50:20.520
recognize it like, I trust society in the of

470
01:50:20.900 --> 01:50:23.080
by jump.

471
01:50:23.290 --> 01:50:36.909
And this question of the context and the relationship to the institutional trust, in fact, maybe can be a kind of driver of the feeling.

472
01:50:39.150 --> 01:50:54.409
 thank you. My question goes to the last 2 presentations about the the situation of being immigrant or not

473
01:50:54.490 --> 01:50:57.190
to the in the workplace.

474
01:50:57.220 --> 01:51:11.810
Among the just interviews. Does it affect or not? I think that it's a kind of culture of among immigrants, that feeling, maybe some discrimination, but not showing. And

475
01:51:12.090 --> 01:51:21.360
Again, in the essentials presentation about the same amount of 150 interviews.

476
01:51:21.520 --> 01:51:34.579
Do we have an understanding of the of the of them. And that second question about the the differences between these 5 contexts.

477
01:51:34.790 --> 01:51:42.329
5 cities. in their response to this kind of anger in

478
01:51:42.340 --> 01:51:51.840
transiting from one to another situation. I mean how it affects the kind of the feedback.

479
01:51:53.890 --> 01:51:55.939
Okay? Who wants to answer.

480
01:51:57.350 --> 01:52:22.030
you know. Thank you again for the interesting fashion. so I would say, what is one problem is that all these, these these emotions we are talking about are in a way. emotions are separations. Yeah, separations in identity categories. and I think that that is one problem

481
01:52:22.030 --> 01:52:29.140
that you cannot transcend it. Yes, in a kind of a broader connectivity.

482
01:52:29.340 --> 01:52:54.769
and that is a difference, I think, to the very emotional roots. For instance, for the Civil rights movement of the first woman movement of the labour movement, etc. Yeah, that all these identity categories exist in that movement. But they were transcended

483
01:52:55.230 --> 01:53:08.340
in a kind of broader connectivity. And as far as these emotions are referring to categories of separation. Yeah.

484
01:53:08.500 --> 01:53:26.409
then I think it's it's it's a regress of problematic feelings. Yeah. And so the answer would be to develop. other kind of politics, you know.

485
01:53:28.500 --> 01:53:29.650
Thank you.

486
01:53:32.270 --> 01:53:54.720
Yeah, thanks. It's a very, very big question. So I I've not started to analyze that quantitatively so. But I I could do it. it's It's interesting to see that there are many, many walks on with V near the world population, you know, and

487
01:53:54.870 --> 01:54:08.440
my feeling that this vulnerability is not at all the same, depending on the world, on the social world. For example, in restaurants

488
01:54:08.460 --> 01:54:24.500
depending in there, in a gastronomical world or in a commercial world, and that that affects a lot the way they are.

489
01:54:25.060 --> 01:54:34.010
I mean leaving the vulnerability. But at the same time there are also

490
01:54:34.090 --> 01:54:55.960
 many, many other characteristic that that can that that are not related to that. But so it's it's But so it's not an immigration. It's also a for example, in University there are many, many people who are complaining

491
01:54:56.260 --> 01:55:13.239
of racist behavior. So everyday racism, everyday microagration, and when they are also nullifying their feelings, the colleagues.

492
01:55:13.240 --> 01:55:38.240
it's it's very, you know, there are testimonies on that. So that that's another way. I just would like something to. But to add to psychotherapical, because one of my of the Professor I've interviewed. Went to a very long psychiatry therapical one of the restaurant. My Assistant manager

493
01:55:38.360 --> 01:55:46.759
2. And they they were saying it was. This is, if to to go beyond what they

494
01:55:46.770 --> 01:55:53.850
they were confronted. It was harassment or violence.

495
01:55:53.900 --> 01:56:03.330
but at the same time there are many traces still, so it's

496
01:56:03.490 --> 01:56:09.120
it's they are not. They are not completely.

497
01:56:09.630 --> 01:56:11.529
Yeah, a result.

498
01:56:13.980 --> 01:56:17.069
I feel like a TV host time.

499
01:56:17.150 --> 01:56:37.610
just a quickly thank you for your question. I I would not be able to to, and so very quickly for the 5 cities. But I can say just 1 point, for example, it's very different. according to the society. If the Angers can

500
01:56:37.670 --> 01:57:04.819
lead to a generational, we and it depends of the cultural, the social debate and the I I was It was striking for me that in Europe, in the 2 cities in Europe where I did my interviews. So Paris and Madrid. The Angers were much more social and much more collectivized into a generational week. But this international we

501
01:57:04.820 --> 01:57:19.519
was more broad by young, highly educated people, and if, as soon as I interviewed more venerable people, young people, they didn't identify to the generational way

502
01:57:19.520 --> 01:57:30.939
that was brought by young people highly educated, even if this high, dated, young, educated thought. There was

503
01:57:30.940 --> 01:57:55.590
talking for everyone. For their generation they didn't notify, and sometimes it was quite tense in the discourse that the intra generational inequalities were much more important, and they were the losers of the losers, and their revolt was invisibleised or silenced compared to the young educated, and it was in Paris, and madly that this

504
01:57:55.590 --> 01:58:18.979
tension generational, we and intergenerational inequalities was the most second in Montreal. Much more frustration. It was guilty to feel anger and anger, because in the public debate there is no so much debate about the hardships of young generation, and so they felt guilty. It was like

505
01:58:18.980 --> 01:58:35.399
they can't because they are already privileged. So the cultural context is very strong on the collectivisation in identity, the identification in anger and on the effect and the possibility or not to say it.

506
01:58:35.400 --> 01:58:36.750
Thank you. And thank you.

507
01:58:38.860 --> 01:58:48.179
Ok, I think we have run out of time. So we can finish if you agree, because it's like at the time.

508
01:58:48.850 --> 01:58:50.040
and

509
01:58:50.690 --> 01:59:06.000
thank you for coming. I I think the discussions were very amazing. And also it could be like very interesting to go on with the exchange, so thank you.