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 so let's start.

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everybody who has ever read anything about Durkheim probably crossed somebody saying that his sociology of religion was somehow an outcome of a revelation he had because of the reading of Robertson's myth.

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 Although Robertson's myth influence on their time remains the most disgusted issue. Its evidence still relies upon a single letter from 1,907, in which Durkheim attributes his revelation to the reading of Robesman Smith. 12 years earlier

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this problem

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has guided the scholarship, although no scholar has ever confirmed it.

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as Robert Allen Jones, their coming scholar later acknowledged, and I will call him

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Unfortunately. their time never disclosed the precise nature of this revelation. and, in fact.

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there is no indication whatever in anything Britain by their time in the years immediately after 1,895,

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that he had seriously embraced the arguments of Smith's religion, of the Semites, and of quotation.

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So against Durkheim's alleged revelation, I will address instead Riber and Moses contributions to the so-called so-called jihadisios of section of the an sociologic first series

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to shed light on the theoretical mat matrix behind their times elemental forms of religious life.

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For this purpose Cuba and most as most well known studies will be discussed, namely, their essay on Sacrifice, and a outline of the general theory of magic.

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As I intend to demonstrate their approach, understands religious rituals as sacred dramas underlying crowds, creative power

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in generating ideas and practices through ecstatic performances. such as music, dance, and drama.

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In doing so, such an analysis may allow us to comprehend not only how Hubert and Mose's approach has shaped Durkheim's late sociology of religion, but also that their common sociology of religion itself, as a collective enterprise.

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So

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next topic, the mechanism of Sacred rituals.

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in in 1,899, you better. Most publish the Essay on Sacrifice, and the second volume of the Denis Sushi.

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and according to the authors.

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the best way to understand the mechanism of such a ritual is to study

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a form of sacrifice in which all its important moments are assembled together. such as the case of Hindu sacrifice

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its first stage. The entrance into the sacrifice consists of preparing the agents and things through ceremonies that strip their profane character

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and introduce them to the into the sacred world.

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Then the sacrificial ritual consists of a change in the nature of the victim through its destruction and consecration.

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The rights performed on the victim can be summarized by the following scheme. and I'll quote you by most. Here the victim is first consecrated.

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then the forces with this consecration have aroused and concentrated on it, are allowed to escape somewhat to the beings of the sacred world, others to the beings of the profane work.

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The series of states through which it passes might thus be represented by a curve.

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It rises to a maximum degree of religiosity.

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where it remains only for a moment.

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and then progressively, the sense and of condition

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be in mind that the purpose of sacrifice is to transform its participants to state. We can say that sacrifice varies to increase or decrease the degree of the sacredness of those involved

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depending on their initial state.

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In the first case we have the so-called sacrifice of sacralization.

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The function is to transmit the sacred character to the sacrificer by emulating the victim.

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In the second case we have sacrifices of desegralization.

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When the sacrificer finds himself marked by an initial state of purity or impurity that must be atoned for

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this classification highlights 2 characteristics of sacred rituals.

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first, that the peer and the impure are not mutually exclusive, and there are, in fact, both aspects of the same religious reality.

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The second is that the sacred can be manipulated for both good and evil.

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highlighting the intrinsic ambiguity of the sacred forces in action.

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So, having presented the ritual mechanism of Hindu sacrifice, Huber and MOS then analyzed the early European agrarian sacrifices to discuss dynamic elements of sacred rituals.

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the central aspect of those rituals, according to them, is their uninterrupted movement of creation and recreation of life. To ensure harvest fertility.

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This movement presents successive concentrations and diffusions, as the authors say, so that this life may not be lost, it must be bought together periodically

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through the study of a great and sacrifices and their festivals. We can thus realize the dynamic element of sacred rituals, namely.

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the rhythm of collective life engendered by the alternation between concentration and dispersion of the sacred.

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So for the alphas, sacrifice consists in establishing a means of communication between the sacred and the profane awards through the mediation of a victim.

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Nevertheless, its means of action are purely ideal.

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as Hubert and Mose say. Here everything occurs in the world of ideas, and its mental and moral energies that are in question.

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This sheds light on a central aspect of religious rituals.

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the transformation of things and people through contact with sacred power.

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Still this transformation relies on a distinctive form to be effective

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in 1,898 Review. Most sustain it, that the characteristic form of sacrifice is that of a drama

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in his words.

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Sacrifice. It is an actual drama

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that could only be settled through a long religious evolution. Therefore the ideal, transformative character of sacred rituals

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is realized through a complex combination of acting and narrative, there is as an actual drama.

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So next up

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public rituals and the creation of collective power.

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So in 1,904, Hubert and most published an outline of a general theory of magic. In the seventh volume of the initiative. after a preliminary evaluation of the elements of magic. The authors observed

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that its actions and representations are inseparable to such an extent that magic could be called, and his words a practical idea.

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For this reason Huber and most mentioned the 2 main elements that characterize magic. First.

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the notion of a magical force as a no mechanical cause. and the second is the notion of a ritual environment or a ritual setting

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which has its own rules, that made magical force possible. as they say

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the ideas of force and media are inseparable.

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coinciding in an absolute sense. they are expressed at the same time and through the same means.

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Then the expression that crystallizes the idea of a magical force for them is the notion of Mana

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considered by Hebermans as the notion of power, parks, lance, or, like the genuine, the genuine effectiveness of things.

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However, money still appears as if independent from its social mechanisms

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for Huber, and was

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collectivity also imposed certain effective States at the root of magical practices.

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such as the states of collective ecstasy that happened within certain rituals.

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In Malaya, Polynesian societies, for example, magical rights are preceded by joyous public ceremonies.

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in which the group jointly pursues a single intent.

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They are one of the extraordinary moments in which it would be possible to observe how elemental ritual forms generates collective action.

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as Hubert and most comment about the Dayac public ritual, you know. Quote again, this is a low contation. Sorry for that.

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Oh. they're not even appearing here. I'm sorry.

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Okay. The whole social body comes alive with the same movement.

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There are no more individuals. They all become.

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in a matter of speaking parts of a mechanist, or better spokes of a will. The magical round dance, performed and sunk, becomes the ideal image of the situation.

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The really, the reading, rhythmic movement, uniform and continuous.

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is the immediate expression of a mental state in which the consciousness of each individual is overwhelmed by a single sentiment.

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single hallucination, a common objective.

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All the bodies sway, the same swing. all the faces wear the same mask. all the voices, author, the same crime.

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We have the terrific impression produced by the rhythm of the music and singing. to see all these figures mask it with the image of the same desire

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to hear all maths offering proof of their certainty. Everyone is carried away by the convictions of the whole group, where there is no possibility of resistance.

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All people are merged into the excitement of the dance and their feverish agitation, they become but one body

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once. So.

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then society's body genuinely manifests itself, because each different cell.

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each individual, is closed and merged with that of the next.

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like the cells in which make up a single organisms.

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In such circumstances a feeling of universal consensus may create a reality.

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Here the laws of group psychology break the laws of individual psychology.

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a whole series of sequential phenomena, volition, idea, muscular movement.  the satisfaction of needs.

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Everything becomes completely simultaneous. In this case it's because societies are this chicolate, that magical beliefs are imposed.

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and it is because magical beliefs are just. It is because of magical relief that society just circulates end of quotation.

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So, according to the quotation, the image of the wheel offers a whole picture of this process.

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the dramatic dance that denotes the repeated rhythm and synchronous agitation of gestures, voices, and sounds.

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producing a ritual setting separate for all ordinary life.

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in which there is a kind of hallucinatory alignment of all participants around a Como ideas, such as of money.

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According to them.

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rhythm is the product of the concert of voices and gestures that form the image of the crowd singing in dancing together.

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At the same time this rhythm movement carried out by the group is the symbolic expression of the sentiments common to all those engaged in the ritual drama.

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Society dramatically performing in unison its newly produced ideas and practices. In other words, the ritual drama constitutes one of those states of collective ecstasy.

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a sweet, generous mark of sacred rituals, in which opens the possibility of equating ideas that may guard collective action.

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So, to conclude by analyzing you where in Moses works, we have been able to get a deeper look into the creation of a new approach within their time in sociology.

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From such an approach, carried out by Hubert and MOS, emerged the theory of sacred drama in which underlines the intellectual and aesthetic character of ritual action.

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capable of transforming ideas and practices, and creating, so to speak, new realities.

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while in the ritual environment. Therefore mentioned, it is that the activity generates effective states of collective ecstasy. later called collective, fabulous.

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in which the ritual participants come into contact with a power of a strange intensity that dissolves individual minds and may create a singular collective subject.

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This power, generated during the ritual drama is precisely the sacred.

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The notion that makes this extraordinary collective power intelligible.

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Therefore Huber and Moses's theory of sacred drama marks the point of inflection that leads us toward the core of Durkheim's late Sociology of Religion.

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as expressed in the elemental forms of religious life.

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Thank you.

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Okay. So next up we have

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Joseph Gingeskov from Uppsala University.

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and it's his paper on revisiting Popular Theories of Sociology with an interpretive take on computational methods.

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Let's see. Yes, hello, everybody.

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This is an attempt to do a history of sociology with more computational methods and

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big corpus, let's see how it goes.

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so we'll start in just a Oh, sorry.

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I will start in the literature of sociology, of sociology that I'm sure you've heard of, which I interpret to be based on this more general postulates of sociological knowledge. That is something that is

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more static, perhaps, than the history of sociology. So the example is a big literature started in the 1,900 seventys after the coming crisis of Western sociology.

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This is basically the turn to from where opary and Taconian understanding of of science. It's an attempt to

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to try if the paradigm theory works on sociology, basically.

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But I want to pick up on one concept here, which is fragmentation. I think this is

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this concept has been there since. Yeah, the late sixties and still is in the literature where where you use more digitized material and computation methods, you talk about this, that sociology is fragmented

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can be in different ways and methods, too many methods, too many themes that it's losing its core. And so on.

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while, on the other hand, history of sociologists can be seen as these more specific possibilities.

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sociological knowledge more ideographical, that something is, is based on a certain context.

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And I think the main concept that is underlying these studies is this conditioning of of knowledge. So you can see this already in Mannheim's sociology of knowledge. That this.

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This should be the task of the field to

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to deal with this problem of the social conditioning.

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So I want to look to what extent is sociological knowledge, temporarily and spatially fragmented and or conditioned.

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and the main, the literature now, like from the 2,000 s. Onwards, who have tried these attempts to use this big corpora of sociological text to analyze them with computational text analysis, are often

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based on journal article abstract from international journals with an Anglo-saxon tone, so to speak. So I wanted to try something new here. So I have. I wanted to mine dissertations from the periphery, and then I shows Sweden, of course, because I live in Sweden. So it's a good but interesting case.

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The problem was that there is no bibliography of sociology dissertations in Sweden, so I had to

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get the go to the archives and the library, and carry up around 1,000 books to to sort them into a bibliography, and then to digitize them. So this is much more office filled with those book.

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So after that you get this a graph here. So the first digit dissertation came in 51. And then it's

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it just emerged up here. You can see it's based on basically 5 universities

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who had control over all dissertations. You were only allowed to defend there and then from the 2 thousands on the 20 first century it started to open up a little bit, as you can see in green here.

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So you have this material here with the the points that are all dissertations. And then I had to

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to

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makes this into data. So so digitized abstract from the eighties, because the 19 eighties was the first time an abstract came in a dissertation. So this was one material and the other one I wanted to try was full text. So the the system dissertations that are around like 200 5,300 pitches each, and as you can see it is a skewon us here in the

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in the 2,010 onwards. It's pretty good for the full text. But before that 2,000 to 2,010. It's it's not as as good because

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there were not that many digitized texts, and you had to find these floppy disks, and everything to try to convert into the right format, and all of that.

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So on this to corporate, then, I performed a set of text analysis. This is for that.

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The abstract corpses from the 8 is onward, where I did word correlation networks and structural topic modeling. And we look to the second method in this talk.

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The full text corpus done from 2,000 to 2,019, which is around 400 dissertations, was based on 2 subsidies, dilometry and word embeddings.

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And I've got to focus on stylometry this time.

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So back to the question, and to what extent is the slotic knowledge temporary in spatially fragmented and or conditioned.

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To begin with, a structural topic modeling, I will make a very, very quick

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go through here. So basically, the idea, then, is that each document is can be represented by a set of topics, and each topic can be represented by a set of words. And does the machine find

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these topics and works.

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Of course, they had to tune the the machine learning algorithm many times to to get a good result.

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But I ended up in in 20 topics that could characterize this. This dissertation. Abstract corpus, the big one.

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so you can see that it goes from that is, every abstract is is a

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is constituted by different topics done higher or lower probability. It's almost every or the most of them talk about to some extent, about. So the theory, of course, it's very. It's logical. But you can say also, like we welfare countries and labor markets and more qualitative

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terms, and so on.

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But I don't know how to focus on, or I can't explain all of them on this time. But basically they they tend to correlate here in a very

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like rough manner. You could say that the the green is more of a have more like quantitative topics here, whereas the red have more quality topics. But I'm not going to go for that thesis here.

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Basically, we wanted to look here in the fragmentation. Then, if

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we can assume and different things of how the topics would act. But most topics actually recur rather steadily over time. And this is a period of 40 years.

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So here yeah, topics reoccurring.

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and there are some some exceptions that

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lean a little bit more on one side of the century. So, for instance, like this, more theory, knowledge goes down a bit. It's more popular in the eighties, and history, like historical sociology

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and focusing on the economy. Here is also going down, for instance, and you can see that gender and discourse and politics that are and modeled together because most studies of politics use discourse analysis here

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and goes up here in the 20 first century. But the main take-home message is that.

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and most most topics are pretty like reoccurring.

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But, on the other hand, if you look at the departments here on the conditioning of the knowledge.

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That's a clear pattern here like the the old. The hair universe is obsolete.

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Score much higher on these more qualitative topics, as you can call them, with sociological variance associated with knowledge, or, more use, more humanist language and micro level and and discourse, and those kind of

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narrative based studies. and, on the other hand.

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the University of Stockholm and Umio have very high of these more quantitative topics

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mit Ctl. And losing a more positivistic terminology to look at effects and causality, and such, and the sociology of education, and the social problems there, and welfare studies and comparative studies of of large countries and demography based studies and family background is about social backgrounds. Basically. So they do this big studies one.

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So the the question and how the topics are distributed is that they do not seem to to increase over time. There is no clear

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pattern of fragmentation, but they appeared to correlate very much with the places. So there is some conditioning here of the sociological knowledge.

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and the stylometry is the second method I'm going to go into.

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So here we use Bootstrap consensus networks, which are

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basically the opposite of the other method. Here you you mind on the most common word, so like he she it, and also those where they would disappear in another model. With this hypothesis, that authors within a genre have, The same, a similar style, use the same similar works.

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So for this, I found 5 styles here to characterize the full texts.

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It's a personal-style, political-style, numerical-style, medal-style and conception style.

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So this is basically asked if you use an algorithm to, to compare the different styles

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to to a post them to this style tend to use this word, but not the other words. You get this this pattern here. And it's basically that numerical style. I can take 2 examples and use a lot of this factors and levels, and that something is more or less than than something else, whereas the personal refers a lot to persons. They interview someone who describes something mean, something, feel something, and so well, like the con conceptual style. Okay, I'm gonna

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it's more about meaning consciousness theory and that kind.

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Whereas the the political style is more structural terms. And the medal status is in between. But has these more spatial and temporal words?

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If I made a a close reading of this like the 5 styles that were most central in a network or 5 visitations that were most central for each.

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Part of the network I got this, that the personal style and conceptual style tend to focus more on agency.

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whereas they have the the numerical and political going on more into structure and the conceptual, political and more theoretical focus and the personal and and more empirical focus. So this is a different stuff.

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And here you can see very quickly that

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mit Ctl and 4 of the 5 styles follow the distribution of all the stations. The only exception here is conceptual style is more theoretical, based dissertation that dies out basically in the in the 2,010.

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But if you look at the department, they are very much associated with different styles. You have Stockholm going very high in the, in the numerical style, and a little less in the political style. And, on the other hand, you have loomed to the far right. It's very based on this personal style, very low in a numerical style, and and high in the conceptual, this moral, conceptual style.

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And then there are some different mix in the middle. I don't have time to go into.

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so how are the styles? And this root? They they also steadily, steadily recur over time, although the theoretical sociology don't seem to fade away, so no clear fragmentation here, but they appear to vary across space, particularly for the an American personal style. So there is some conditioning of this. This is about the knowledge.

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So back to the main question, then the the concluding remark could be, then that

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sociological knowledge doesn't seem to become increasingly fragmented.

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but it appears to be spatially rather than temporarily conditioned. So the place of the Phd. Because you have to remember this is like 800 individual persons writing dissertations.

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So here the place of the pitch becomes this template that seems to be carried on over time here 4 years.

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Thank you.

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Oh, now oh, now it was too quickly. That's good.

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Ok. So next up we have a paper by Eleanor Townseley and Ben Gerber medine

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on speaking for sociology and the social sciences. Computational text analysis of a century of Presidential addresses to the disciplines.

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Right?

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Nice. A good thing.

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Hi. Everyone thanks for coming out so earlier this morning. today, we want to introduce a new project that we're doing called speaking for the social sciences that explores new research methods for thinking about the history of the social sciences, and especially sociology. And it's my pleasure to be joined by my fabulous colleague, Ben Gabriel Mende, and we've been on this journey together. It's been quite hilarious for us.

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So at the most general level, we're asking, what special claims does sociology make? On what basis does sociology make these claims? And

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yes, And in what context does sociology make these claims? And empirically, what we've begun to do is focus on a particular event in a life of sociology and for other flagship. American Social Science Associations. The Presidential address delivered at the Annual Conference. So for more than a century this ritual performance has been a feature of organizational life for sociologists as well as anthropologists, political scientists, economists, and psychologists.

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the embodied performances are delivered right in the company of assembled scholars! And then typically published in journals, official proceedings, and so forth. And we've all seen these right. These are pretty familiar.

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so we can save other Presidential addresses as more or less legitimate collective representations of the academic disciplines they address

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as consecrated speakers. Presidents are able to elevate, illuminate, or submerged potential visions of the discipline, and this is a fact of which the Presidents are very clearly aware.

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to be sure, there are questions about the groupness of disciplines that should be explored. There's, of course, a lot greater variation in sociology than it is ever going to possibly be captured by Presidential addresses.

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but it's our contention that the Presidential addresses to the Ia. And the other Social Science Associations constitute an important archive that can provide a window into the

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 a sort of a vantage point on research questions. And I'm trying to figure out how to move this along.

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Yes.

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So today we offer a brief overview of our ongoing effort to think about the history of the social sciences centering the history of sociology and using new computational tools. As we just heard protect data analysis.

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So a central concept we want to offer is this idea of medium data, which is an approach that facilitates exploration with computational tools alongside close interpretive work.

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It enables to balance close reading with abstraction and methods at scale, and it also allows us a platform to talk with our colleagues in data, science and computer science about research process from the point of view of the history of the social sciences.

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And we're also leaning towards the argument that computational text analysis is especially well suited to coopera of expert discourses where authors share meanings and categories as well as conventions of form, content, and vocabulary. Right? So it's one thing.

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So to the addresses. I want to just really briefly sketch the frame, because there's so many of us today. and our sort of first reading of the addresses identify come in with 3 things. One of them is attempts to know right and reinerate the disciplines of the discipline itself. the second is really a discussion about epistemology and methods over time. So what is the basis on which sociology claims to know things. And this is very much a contention and agonistic space about the scientisation of the discipline more or less

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And then, thirdly, we talk about overlapping fields and relationships, external audiences, clients and publics. there's not a lot of time today. But I'll talk about them really, briefly. of course, at some level all presidential addresses are attempts to narrate the discipline, and we track these over a really long period of time.

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And there's a lot of really, quite, quite funny ones that there's one I would recommend, for example, to you. Certainly Herbert Bloom is very famously against variable analysis. So Lewis, causes really hilarious. take on quantitative sociology and ethnic methodology. Right? what is it? Say? 2 methods in search of a subject. but the most recent one is probably Alden Morris's 2,021 Presidential address, which really famously

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attempts to d recenter W. The devices contributions to the discipline. And President Morris actually goes through the previous 112 Presidential addresses and looks at the number of times right. The devices, like he literally does this, but sort of by hand, and with a more traditional historiographical approach. The question is, if you introduce computational methods. What sort of

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what sort of ethical and technical questions sort of emerge. And of course this isn't new for sociology, as you say, reflect on the sociology of sociology, concerns about fragmentation, and so forth. I think if you read the Presidential addresses as a full corpus, you see that this concern with fragmentation well actually predates the 60 s. And 70 s. But it becomes very pronounced towards the end of the century. It reveals that

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sociologists, of course, both in their background assumptions and in their foreground. statements methodologically ecumenical, and they are deeply, epistemologically ambivalent, and that tension defines the field all all the way through.

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There are records really important attempts at synthesis along the way as well, and probably the most well-known is

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is a

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Luther. Right very, very concerned with research quality as early as the twenties and the thirties very concerned about fragmentation as well as the twentieth thirties. but the most recent synthesis that I think I talk about is, of course, Michael Barrow is very famous, one which is democratic and invitational. identify different kinds of sociologists their clients and their audiences, and talks about them as being

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connected by a shared moral impetus. And it's this shared moral impetus that I think, is a really particularly important thread in the history of the social sciences, that is, in these sort of consecrated sacred representations in all of their forms. The last thing that I'll just mention before handing over to a Ben is that, of course, all of this occurs in a context of the emergence of the social science disciplines in the United States in the late nineteenth century

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very much out of the history of the Social Science History Association. So some of you may know Thomas Haskell's very lovely book on the Origins of the Social Sciences, and there he talks about the way that different groups start to speak society or represent society created as a social problem for which knowledge is required as people start to experience, for example.

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super regional, national and cultural forces that are beyond the local in very real kind of ways. And these enter in as administrative and managerial problems. First, state decision makers and large organisations. Sociology, of course, is in 1,905, along with the history of the Social Science Association, the American Economic association and the political scientists along one thread.

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and then in a slightly different thread, you see the professionalization out of psychology and anthropology. But together, coming into the beginning of the twentieth century. You have this set of moral disciplines that become institutionalized in the university, and build this similar kind of professional format from which the corpus of our data emerge.

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That's

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and thanks for the overview. I'm Ben Giver Meaden. I'm happy to be presenting on the data sort of infrastructure we're building. And the way we're thinking about integrating computational text analysis

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is that better with

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with human coding of this material to gain insights into this domain.

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So. I first begin by reminding us what what our sort of core data set is, and we're happy. That hopefully, what's been demonstrated is without computational methods. This should be a rich data set to understand process of concentration processes of sort of efforts to narrate disciplinary priorities and objectives and standings.

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as well as efforts to understand method, its evolution but also sort of relationships with external fields. But we hope that the sort of integration of computational methods will push the boundaries. And what's possible? in terms of qualitative coding and will help drive new insights into sort of how these methods can be applied in the context of social science research.

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So we acknowledged that these things begin as embodied performances with charisma and efforts to intervene that are beyond the text. Right? They're not published first. They're delivered first published later. and as they're published we might have expected to go into digital or rather traditional archives, libraries, organizational holdings to uncover historical addresses. But these are now presented as digital

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manifestations. First, but they're incorporated. They're produced in that way with all sorts of sort of laminations and the addition of new frames that reorient and connect these texts to broader fields.

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I mean, that's exciting for us as we move forward. But that that's sort of a secondary process to understand how we might link these things to other sort of published work or organizational records, or broader sort of networks of scientific production beyond the the the address itself. But right now, that is the core of our our data set. And we're

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first trying to strip away all of these sort of digital laminations to get to as a thing as close to raw text as possible.  and in so doing.

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we think a lot about this concept that we're calling medium data right in other contexts thought of as artisanal data, or what is it

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to think about scale in in sort of new ways, right? These 600 addresses of across all these 5 social science disciplines could easily be read by its small team of researchers or an end of intrepid individual researcher. But when we think about scale sort of differently, 1,000 pages, potentially 2.5 million upwards of 2.5 million words. What is it to categorize and sort of measure

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the presence or evolution of frames or specific phenomenon or codes across that corpus right? And, as we think, with scale in those terms.

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we acknowledged that humans are really good at some things right. They're particularly good at leveraging subtle, theoretically driven concepts. They're good at finding those concepts or applying them to data, you know, in ways that are often ambiguous, right?

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but they're not so good at sort of relaxing those theoretical assumptions and and trying to see new dimensions of data that might contradict or further inform the concepts and constructs that they come into the field with.

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And they're also not very good at sort of identifying

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things at the scale of millions of individual things. Right? They get tired and they make a lot of mistakes. Right? So there are real challenges with measurement, even at a scale of 600 documents that we hope that computational text analysis can support us in solving

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And so we think about applying these methods in 2 specific moments of the research process, and we think about it in the context of human reading and sort of established qualitative coding schemes. Right? The first is in discovery. We hope these methods

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will enrich our approach to categorization by showing us new dimensions that emerge from latent patterns of word co-occurrence, or sort of a more general sort of presence or absence of words. We we hope to build on these sort of unsupervised methods, which I won't talk too much about in background with the traditional sort of rule based methods of computational text analysis that identify and count words.

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but we can sort of one side once we've been able to sketch out potential new categorization schemes or latent dimensions of the data that might be shown to us. V. Of those methods of discovery. We can begin to think about measurement in that context, right? And here we can layer on these computational, these unsupervised methods with more rule, based and sort of word focused smaller scale measures that will together

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create complex measurement schemes that will allow us to hopefully test more dynamic concepts.

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and and all this.

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I think what we're we'll head with this. And what we'll talk about a little bit more later is that we hope that what this does is creates a new frontier at an appropriate scale, with well selected and highly curated expert data that will allow us to see when and how computational text analysis methods work. Well, the point is to put them into the service of of a more robust coding scheme and qualitative analysis. Framework.

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Okay, You know, we are aware that that the insights that we're building on have been derived through an array of sort of methodologically oriented inquiries, because traditional historiography shapes. Much of the the frameworks that we go in with

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qualitative research have been have been effective. The qualitative research methods have been effectively deployed to help us understand how expert communities are organized, and how expertise and greatness is sort of consecrated.

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but also quantitative methods have been used to count the progress and evolution of method across decades, right?

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And recently. And we've seen another great example just in the prior talk of copy, the application of computational methods. We think first of sort of network analysis to understand the structure and evolution of scientific communities and a grand opportunity to integrate computational text analysis methods to advance a frontier of these sort of new methodological explorations in this domain.

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 and then, in conclusion, yep, I think we're we're right here at the end.

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We think so. What was it? It was

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fragmentation we would like to call ecumenical opportunity right? Which makes sociology the appropriate home for an inquiry like this that's driven by an interest in the sort of meaning of these texts, and how we might pursue and understand that method from traditional sort of pathways. But how we might then extend them using computational methods.

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we think again to remind ourselves that this sort of artisanal data, this a medium daily highly curated expert derived focused on a particular sampling framework over a long period of time that's both longitudinal and cross-sectional, enables us to think about coding schemes that can be enhanced by computational text analysis. and you know.

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underneath that is this sort of emergence of what is, I think, a potentially fruitful domain of this sort of computational grounded theory, whether it allows us to sort of be in the texts and understand their meaning and allow computation to enhance at multiple stages in the process that

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the

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journey of discovery and measurement.

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So we look forward to presenting results as they come.

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Okay, so next up we have

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Ayeko Ozeki from Wakayama University in Japan, with La Loi della nature et Laloi Mella society chess, Durkheim. It's burgens, and my French is terrible

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Wow

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thank you

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what

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so? And then I'm going to.

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I I do upon this disco.

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Long as the defense is similar to the of the physic phenomenon, socio

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until they do.

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Hmm?

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Well.

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I'm sitting here. Say Bahama.

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and then you do

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the the take your son donor in Media tomorrow. Our concerns.

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Kennedy, pomp and a chef, a complex, a dedica, a river. Do no member.

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Okay.

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this

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in the

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county shows in this.

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So it's on the tube

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nutrition.

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So

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so the

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Chicago Rummond.

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the

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this sociologue song, this Joseph

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so that you come. this extra more optimist

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and a cause? It do

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myself.

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and the

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you that consensus.

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if you

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you see

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okay, so

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and

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I don't know, I don't know to chaste her. The loa in on the

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and the cinematic Cassion lower physique, the lower Mohal.

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the Saddam Hussein.

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Yes.

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and just

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hmm. Okay. new.

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You.

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Phyllis of the dictatorship is amid

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sorry.

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was it not? Just sorry

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if you

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the artifacts in a artificial room constantly

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this simple.

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thank you.

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If

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okay. So

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our cell phone.

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okay.

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when he starts sharing it all. Okay. all right.

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So next up we have Marcel Fournier from the University, the Montreal, Montreal, on Theories and Methods in history of Francophone sociology, 2,000 to 2,020, and thanks so much. Marcel is the organizer of this session.

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marcelfournier: Excuse me. I can't

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marcelfournier: participate in this session, because I'm not an I'm sick.

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Oh, you'll see.

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marcelfournier: Excuse me so I will. Only listen. People. Okay, no problem. Thanks, Marcel.

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Thank you.

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You go to the next one.

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Okay, so next up we have Diego aria. and he is from Gina, Germany Research Institute

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at like University. That's Nathan, you know Thelanos in Argentina, and his paper is titled Society in numbers, forms of Legitimation of empirical sociology in Argentina, from academic journals and the press. 1,940 to 1,975.

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Go ahead, Diego!

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: Hello, everybody! Hello, everyone! Good morning for you. Good evening for me here in

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: and this paper

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: Pre, for example, the process of disciplinary. They it to similarization of the silver. She has a science and professional requires, like, any more than field of knowledge.

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: a series of factors, and on them it's possible to mention the existence of A. And so it a mythological ideal, the consolation of spaces for teaching over the production of ideas

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: and traditions, the creation of the symbolic exchange socialization and then's interaction and their relative of economic resources and funds for research activities

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: and promotion of the field.

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: But there is another important factor that is not usually taken into account when thinking about the history of for self science.

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: This process of the legislation of a disciplinary practice involve promotion, loving and marketing action and extra issues in which contact with the media is crucial.

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: So these people will represent some background of academic second. As I told her, she was presented on the use of of discipline and the space of application of sociological knowledge.

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01:07:18.230 --> 01:07:19.590
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: I'm fine, not you.

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01:07:20.370 --> 01:07:27.700
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: A sample of magazine and weekly articles is analyze, and 3 things are presented.

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: First, the use of association in the university be the use of that as part of the information market, and see the application of the technology. For in not to be purpose, such electoral analysis and much marketing. So the question here is, how academic? Sure, not some 3 way the we use to solicit that quantitative data on how pricing the another side of the production and socially interpretation of numbers in not in the long term

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01:08:04.910 --> 01:08:17.600
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: the realization of our approach it from the and interpretation of it is a research of a winding process for it. To this inhalation of teaching and research.

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01:08:18.500 --> 01:08:33.760
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: This is basic. However, it's up to some needs. Then that's a production to a game of political and social interpretation in which academic shortness I'm Pre press play a central role in disseminating, discussing, and you posting and modeling from the

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01:08:33.950 --> 01:08:39.950
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: a model of interpretation of data and the problems of society.

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01:08:42.190 --> 01:09:03.540
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: the creation of scientific institution. And this, if it's in this case limited to soil or sheet, requires that the production of ideas acquire a certain recipient in novel into legitimate directions and research before the States, civil society, and all those groups of sectors that can finance or demand sociological knowledge.

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: In this way one of the keys to the disciplinary conservation in Argentina, both in cognitive and institutional terms, was it's ability to surpass the limited of the university walls and ensure that each question, assumption and sociology. Debates could circulate in a

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: from the sociology, calling for the criteria of internal internal internal validity of ideas, core and sense for central richness and precision, capacity, explanatory protection, and of, and, more importantly, external validity. Allowing to the disciplining to connect social and political demand within political problems.

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: 3 of the main important shows in black in the

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: the by, the team of the

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: which publish a section on that content of contemporary American and Russian Times, associated with more than 25 contributions, and another on the teaching of

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: it, cannot be left out of mentioned that the ballot in published the first result of the investigation.

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: One of the mystone of the of this orientation was a participation of 80 to

375
01:10:39.600 --> 01:10:43.719
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: in the Fourth National census, in 1,947,

376
01:10:44.100 --> 01:10:47.159
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: another sociological studies.

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: That was another.

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: Is it to reference? Although less well known.

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01:10:53.420 --> 01:11:01.319
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: this should not be seen as attempt by a more Martian, a group of people. It's academic presence. I need the electronic production.

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: and at the same time, as an effort to adopt which is particular. It is some of the mechanisms and method, or she most clearly in that identify with the perfect of scientific to still or she

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: I mean, the tuition at an institution is quite totally oriented to what research the circulation of knowledge

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01:11:36.440 --> 01:11:38.690
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: based on rational focus.

383
01:11:41.360 --> 01:12:00.010
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: also the of the sixties developed in a complicated context of widespread social change. the measures of

384
01:12:00.220 --> 01:12:08.769
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: the law of the middle classes, and they change in the cultural practice and pattern produce a sort of room in the cultural industry

385
01:12:08.790 --> 01:12:15.069
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: in which, in the case of the privilege sector, witness the rise of new syrup

386
01:12:15.120 --> 01:12:19.669
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: of publishing, distributed and consuming books, and another provocations.

387
01:12:19.770 --> 01:12:36.769
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: The type of publication sought in it in its own wide same implement sentence, successful model. Regarding the tempt correcting, I made present and implemented by large international circulation bagacies like time next week, and so on.

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01:12:36.940 --> 01:12:37.920
and which

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01:12:38.220 --> 01:12:40.330
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: it

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01:12:40.490 --> 01:12:47.719
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: the burning issues of the local reality, but at the same time bringing the world close to Russian Tina. And that

391
01:12:47.890 --> 01:12:50.980
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: and that's something I will travel to where it

392
01:13:02.690 --> 01:13:17.530
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: big question about the legitimacy of sociological I knowledge, occupy a central place in the debate between local in which the prototype. I need this call the profession or theization of discipline

393
01:13:18.670 --> 01:13:28.509
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: in this, in that, in that decade, on the occasion of a colloquium that brought together to the present and different profile. S. And tirical orientation.

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01:13:29.260 --> 01:13:30.540
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: and

395
01:13:32.220 --> 01:13:40.999
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: some also outline a three-partic configuration of the field of work which was, has proven to be delivered during this day

396
01:13:42.230 --> 01:13:44.970
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: research and teaching institutions.

397
01:13:45.580 --> 01:13:51.550
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: private entities, government agencies so, and

398
01:13:51.660 --> 01:14:00.859
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: they, the magazines and sureness, try to understand that them they play and try to understand.

399
01:14:01.220 --> 01:14:03.700
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: and how

400
01:14:04.140 --> 01:14:06.270
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: in each of these spaces.

401
01:14:08.150 --> 01:14:15.490
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: From 5 years later, an evaluation of the transformation and the impact experienced by sociological discipline.

402
01:14:15.750 --> 01:14:20.639
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: executional label. a level since the

403
01:14:21.250 --> 01:14:26.279
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: Asent and revolution came to power in this report

404
01:14:28.750 --> 01:14:34.359
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: for a or option, where notes over which

405
01:14:34.550 --> 01:14:38.610
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: hmm can I become proficient at work? Social research

406
01:14:38.720 --> 01:14:41.059
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: and practical problems.

407
01:14:41.940 --> 01:14:47.009
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: and also the last media. But it will say that the

408
01:14:47.110 --> 01:15:06.750
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: there are no societies who have permanent columns and in the material in a in the media, and they're integration that we're generally to to the provision from the perspective of the societ of information and opinion on topics such as housing our facial sets, my business. So all.

409
01:15:07.370 --> 01:15:08.390
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: So

410
01:15:11.580 --> 01:15:16.340
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: one of the main topics in this

411
01:15:18.170 --> 01:15:19.710
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: in this media.

412
01:15:19.730 --> 01:15:23.799
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: where they role of the

413
01:15:24.290 --> 01:15:27.879
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: and in Washington Washington society.

414
01:15:28.640 --> 01:15:29.900
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: and

415
01:15:30.490 --> 01:15:44.830
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: certainly the model nice in role of one of site, a cultural when a site of political and cultural and magazines can be of serving in the day. It's notation they pay to the institutional dynamics of the departments

416
01:15:44.840 --> 01:15:46.889
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: and the political and change

417
01:15:48.110 --> 01:15:59.670
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: the interest of magazine for the events of the solution. It's production. It's reflect in the it's coverage of both national, international and international academic events

418
01:16:00.050 --> 01:16:09.170
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: that, for example, we use it. We're published on the seminar on economically available. Circulation and political evolution?

419
01:16:09.640 --> 01:16:19.740
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: There was another in from a report or the International Conference, a competitive associate research in developing countries, and so on.

420
01:16:20.660 --> 01:16:27.880
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: Also they look at the what this is to of the sociological debate, also from an international dimension.

421
01:16:27.970 --> 01:16:39.010
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: That's the primita plan. I provide information on the discussion of the Twentieth International account of the sale of she held in court with Washington in 1963,

422
01:16:39.800 --> 01:16:44.360
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: and that this is of the international need to to the facility, and finally.

423
01:16:44.480 --> 01:16:49.550
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: it was the price. It was the pricing as well. and

424
01:16:49.830 --> 01:17:00.060
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: that the the the manas in sent a correspond to to the sevens co-worker for the organic size by

425
01:17:00.180 --> 01:17:04.170
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: in where

426
01:17:07.860 --> 01:17:08.860
me

427
01:17:17.440 --> 01:17:19.709
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: of the markets, the search

428
01:17:19.830 --> 01:17:33.570
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra:  the opinion of a serious especially psychologist, and she would require in much in multi-rational research

429
01:17:34.220 --> 01:17:38.550
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: regarding the

430
01:17:38.640 --> 01:17:42.000
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: of full electrician

431
01:17:42.250 --> 01:17:55.110
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: appliances, close and personal accessories. The typical person of Washington, 9, 96 63. The note I like a boon of

432
01:17:55.250 --> 01:18:09.610
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: that. You first. This type of service and this type of research with clear commercial purposes, was became an in by level source of data, an observation that even the most academic the colors we don't need.

433
01:18:12.200 --> 01:18:13.520
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: And

434
01:18:18.860 --> 01:18:21.089
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: despite having this crew

435
01:18:21.550 --> 01:18:28.420
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: reservoir, the truth was, it's a solo, she has no procedure to see them. It's an

436
01:18:30.600 --> 01:18:42.100
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: however, this not prevent this specialist from anticipating, through the analysis of the information some of the prevailing social in the with what's right? Totally in tune with the sociological moving board.

437
01:18:45.680 --> 01:19:00.019
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: I'm in a in a I'm a I'm a I'm a in the the of the a celebrate change in the living conditions and friends, or reference between love, the progress and the of the new.

438
01:19:08.960 --> 01:19:21.399
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: the processing of the not obtain. And it's it's it's going to make it possible to indicate the dynamite of the companies and the and a national international level.

439
01:19:21.570 --> 01:19:39.610
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: However, in 1,966. Panorama also wondered about America superstitions and warned about certain tricks that the National Development Commission used to analyze economic figures as they were.

440
01:19:40.280 --> 01:19:41.790
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: So services.

441
01:19:52.510 --> 01:19:54.080
We have a minister.

442
01:19:54.480 --> 01:19:55.520
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: a

443
01:19:56.970 --> 01:20:03.949
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: an issue to highlight from the sociological intervention, from the system to concern about the lab of clear

444
01:20:06.960 --> 01:20:13.270
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: leadership and orientation of appreciate of, to standard time transformation.

445
01:20:13.340 --> 01:20:25.109
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: This thing can be, give a further through about the meaning and direction that guide the interest of this type of communication regarding sociology as a discipline that will provide to us to solve this reference.

446
01:20:25.360 --> 01:20:47.419
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: The military confrontation that to play between 1,962 and 90 63 did right to the participation of prominence and the use of sociological tools to guide the electoral process. Surveys regarding support for the future election and the use of one more model communication method, or in the drafting of political reports

447
01:20:47.650 --> 01:21:08.129
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra:  finally, to close the newspaper, I want to show a curious analytic case where, a, as in time, Prince Shauna Lynn was able to present an example of the plantation of the solution to self-social problem.

448
01:21:08.280 --> 01:21:25.229
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: In 1,966, it put on, I'm sorry. In 1,968 C. It. He has published a note clearly a branding contact for our or our news about the ability of electronics to. And if we kind of march the I that couples

449
01:21:25.420 --> 01:21:33.129
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: the takes include a question or that once completed and persisted by computer Google or the applicant to choose similar partners.

450
01:21:34.590 --> 01:21:46.720
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: I'm the. This initiative was not originally, since it appropriate to similar develop in the United States, one, the one from our to Bradley student from Sanford University.

451
01:21:46.890 --> 01:21:57.659
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: on the other. Phone in 1,965, a group of students for from a corner to create the 4 computer matching service in the United States.

452
01:21:58.150 --> 01:22:25.080
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: The Princess of this type of enterprise in the Argentina press, when times of time. The team. They're much that con of here we have peremony. We're not all a distant, but almost an Amish and a and in machinery. So not only the use of the worst solution with the capacity of to impose intellectual activity, but all also system, public delivery missing within the when a cyber in public

453
01:22:25.470 --> 01:22:30.530
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: on the widespread use of the question from under request for

454
01:22:30.560 --> 01:22:46.119
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: multiply on. That's the construction between sociology on futures, the crossing of wide levels and the logic of reduction of, and number was a certain reality in Argentina

455
01:22:49.670 --> 01:23:11.620
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: Sitchen, and read it. The article published in the Bono side as magazine, and with the paper in the sixties, such as Premier Atlanta shows we some clarity that statutory. The country has a strong impact and prestige of the going on the one of side of urban classes with continuing the nucleus of the reading out of this public.

456
01:23:12.100 --> 01:23:15.670
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: this

457
01:23:15.720 --> 01:23:26.879
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: culture at modernization or local university space, and consequently one of the values and cylindrical axes of the debate on social change and the actor that's pricing.

458
01:23:27.850 --> 01:23:36.180
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: We subtract this place. A climate of the cultural era of the city of. In that time.

459
01:23:36.210 --> 01:23:48.130
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: however, another future to highlight is that the model of the owner, profile of the democracies place them in a position that's what you central, I locate in

460
01:23:48.490 --> 01:24:08.849
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: that the interior, the interview of the country you to be portrayed only as way of like in transition we catch, you will overcome. Therefore it will produce an aesthetic and societal ethic that we're representing grey suite and makes a green play glasses with an international and cosmopolitan dimension.

461
01:24:09.300 --> 01:24:21.820
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: The magazine does collaborate in the the tools to promote social change. That is an orientation for resource, political and economic mobilization of the country.

462
01:24:22.770 --> 01:24:27.719
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: They was pretty use of sense of that data, and

463
01:24:27.790 --> 01:24:44.570
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: as initiative of the information confirmed the project of this. If any consolidation is to to relaxation. And professionally, I'm for it's it's quantitative aspect.

464
01:24:44.770 --> 01:24:53.340
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: In this way the magazine share a way of receive perceiving it reputating and a rating experiences through numbers and figures.

465
01:24:54.830 --> 01:24:58.069
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: This has a

466
01:24:58.350 --> 01:25:12.220
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: which is pressed in a mathematical model of sort of the social that is an. In this sense there was no recent of failure of local society

467
01:25:12.450 --> 01:25:22.680
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: in a sociology correctly. An attempt was May 25. I understand the political, dynamic and the role of social act. Of that we guide the country to MoD exhibition.

468
01:25:22.900 --> 01:25:33.509
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: This more than often it was very on absolute confidence in the role of science and technical Br civilization. In the organization of society.

469
01:25:33.610 --> 01:25:40.910
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: For the reason there was a system with computer and social indicators based on numbers.

470
01:25:41.050 --> 01:25:56.160
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: The 4 d. And it's on the way in which are from Tina S. From the some, the sheeting machine to became a useful tool to analyze the Socio dynamics, dynamics, and the political problem for the country.

471
01:25:56.560 --> 01:25:59.069
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: If I, despite the difficulties.

472
01:25:59.460 --> 01:26:02.890
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: question and quickly signs through this.

473
01:26:03.010 --> 01:26:17.100
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: another another.

474
01:26:17.850 --> 01:26:31.179
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: This can be at the tune more for Sicily if the role of the press in the sixties in redefining and guiding a shel. That's an imposing criteria for reading the country's reality is taking into account

475
01:26:31.940 --> 01:26:40.389
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: the this numerical claim was pointed to question. I need a little later by the

476
01:26:43.510 --> 01:26:50.299
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: guide by a series of of term phenomenological linguistics, such as the effective.

477
01:26:50.470 --> 01:27:02.840
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: That was the result of all the confirmation of the diplom itself, and they see which we can change of contemporary society, due to the

478
01:27:04.400 --> 01:27:07.020
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: 2 lines

479
01:27:07.450 --> 01:27:08.400
okay

480
01:27:09.440 --> 01:27:11.830
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra:  and

481
01:27:11.990 --> 01:27:31.950
Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: of this self and the significant change of contemporary society, due to the effects or in generalization and new habits of we table. In daily life and in political action, however, the use of the tactical and numerical data remains a legitimate and frequency, meaning or communication.

482
01:27:32.880 --> 01:27:34.110
Thank you, Diego.

483
01:27:38.410 --> 01:27:48.539
Okay. So next up, we're going to have Fran Collier from the University of Sydney, and she's got her presentation on what happens to sociological knowledge in a democratic context.

484
01:28:08.870 --> 01:28:11.900
So good morning to everyone here.

485
01:28:12.210 --> 01:28:19.049
my! Presentation won't much make a lot of sense, unless

486
01:28:21.460 --> 01:28:22.619
I'm not on

487
01:28:22.750 --> 01:28:43.810
won't make much sense unless I just make this remark in the beginning. Now, there's a lot of crossover between what I'm trying to say, and what Diego just told us about Argentine society and the way in which sociological knowledge is Taken up in in Argentine society.

488
01:28:43.870 --> 01:29:08.359
I'm talking about the case of Australia, where we've got something at the other end of the spectrum altogether, where sociological knowledge is so incredibly confined to sociology departments and and little little pockets of doing sociology around the place, and it's extremely hard to get it out of that context and into the wider society.

489
01:29:08.360 --> 01:29:17.800
So I'm going to take a a case study of the traveling of knowledge from of the Australian context. And I'm trying to argue a case where

490
01:29:17.800 --> 01:29:31.759
knowledge actually did travel all right into the wider society. But it was an unusual case. And and so please please take that into account when you when you

491
01:29:32.130 --> 01:29:37.790
listening to what I'm saying here. So

492
01:29:38.000 --> 01:29:47.969
I have a broad interest at the moment in looking at the way in which knowledge travels across time and across so different social spaces.

493
01:29:48.030 --> 01:29:49.230
And

494
01:29:49.650 --> 01:30:17.829
and and I look at democratic regimes in general rather than authoritarian ones. But of course, there's patches of authoritarianism in democratic societies as well. But, I look at this from an Australian perspective. How difficult it is for sociological knowledge to travel at times, and what kinds of structures? Social structures, a limit limit that travel.

495
01:30:18.830 --> 01:30:32.359
So I'm going to take a a slice of that and and take a narrower, a research question and look at how it's politically manipulated at times.

496
01:30:32.770 --> 01:30:41.429
 and how a democratic political system can interfere with the possibility of

497
01:30:41.520 --> 01:30:43.740
of knowledge traveling.

498
01:30:48.020 --> 01:30:50.709
So I'm going to take it a case study.

499
01:30:52.170 --> 01:30:56.929
We really should be told to keep our slides lower down on the page, shouldn't we?

500
01:30:57.150 --> 01:31:06.989
 You can fix that. Oh, good. So I'm going to take the case of knowledge sociological knowledge about.

501
01:31:07.300 --> 01:31:13.939
Thank you about Aids HIV Aids in the historical context

502
01:31:17.360 --> 01:31:21.669
to explore this this movement of of knowledge.

503
01:31:22.740 --> 01:31:29.870
And of course I draw on Bordeaux's theory of the state and the and the sociology of knowledge to to do that

504
01:31:31.060 --> 01:31:46.209
there's been quite a lot of analysis of HIV Aids in the Australian context. It was herlded as offering one of the most effective kind of strategies against the pandemic back in the 80 s. And 90 s.

505
01:31:46.720 --> 01:31:54.250
And so there's some really good studies out there. But of course they're not taking the same kind of perspective

506
01:31:54.280 --> 01:32:03.809
and for the same purposes I as I do. But there are. There are a number of them, including the work that I did with Connell

507
01:32:04.940 --> 01:32:11.750
and Joel and a Robert Morel on knowledge in global power.

508
01:32:12.690 --> 01:32:17.600
And there's a case study of HIV Aids in that. But again, it's a bit different.

509
01:32:17.750 --> 01:32:19.290
This isn't moving

510
01:32:21.030 --> 01:32:22.820
these slides not many.

511
01:32:40.640 --> 01:33:08.829
So the first case of HIV aids was diagnosed in 1,982 in the Australian context. And it was 1919 86. And the Thank you and the it was declared as a world pandemic. And initially it was very much about medical knowledge and the medical definition of what Aids was all about. But over time the sociological knowledge about it, it grew.

512
01:33:10.340 --> 01:33:34.799
There's some really nice historical evidence that you can use. The government evaluated their program every 4 years. And if you look at the 4 yearly reports, you can get a sense of how, how the response to aids changed, and how where sociological knowledge fits in. In that those reports

513
01:33:35.200 --> 01:33:50.629
I was personally involved as a consultant to the Government during the 1,995 HIV Aids program. So I have some personal insight into the politics of the time, and how difficult that was.

514
01:33:51.290 --> 01:33:57.580
though I did my best to bring sociologists in at that point.

515
01:33:58.140 --> 01:34:02.299
So if if I look at it, there's a number of people who put

516
01:34:02.610 --> 01:34:11.569
the Australian State response into a number of different phases. But I note 2 very distinct phases.

517
01:34:12.900 --> 01:34:24.859
and I look at what changed over those 2 periods. So in the early phase we have the the sociological knowledge developing at that time.

518
01:34:25.300 --> 01:34:33.899
 and and gradually becoming more influential in and and becoming appearing in in policy.

519
01:34:34.020 --> 01:34:35.709
and

520
01:34:35.810 --> 01:34:52.749
what we see during that period is this really stark opposition between the different views, sociological views of HIV, aids versus the medical, religious, and conservative ones. So for the medical people it was all about infection and viruses, and

521
01:34:52.910 --> 01:35:14.629
and so on, and for the religious and Conservatives groups, and they were very, very vocal. During this early period it was all about deviance. It was all about immoral behavior. and for them the basically, the community was bringing this on themselves through their deviant behavior. So it was.

522
01:35:14.630 --> 01:35:37.900
Men having sex with other men, and in the the Australian case the main pathways of infection were men having sex with other men and and needle injecting drugs with needles. So it's different to say Africa where it got into the heterosexual population in Australia. It really didn't.

523
01:35:39.310 --> 01:35:54.139
And the sociological view was that in fact, HIV Aids was a result of the discrimination and the the the marginalization of these groups, and that if they hadn't been

524
01:35:54.360 --> 01:35:58.580
marginalized and discriminated against, they wouldn't have been at risk.

525
01:35:58.840 --> 01:36:10.539
So it's a complete reversal of of the view. And and so the the public health response which took this sociological response.

526
01:36:10.550 --> 01:36:12.920
And

527
01:36:13.170 --> 01:36:15.300
said, Look, the

528
01:36:15.570 --> 01:36:38.590
these behaviour is going to happen anyway. You can't just say stop doing it. It's not going to work. so why don't we just have a way of doing this in a safer way, having these behaviors, but doing them in a more safe way. The Conservatives then argued, well, that's going to encourage promiscuity and deviance. Right? So we've got really contrasting views.

529
01:36:38.770 --> 01:36:39.850
Who's here?

530
01:36:43.709 --> 01:36:46.360
So what happened during

531
01:36:49.160 --> 01:36:52.679
what happened during that initial phase

532
01:36:52.770 --> 01:37:08.939
was that we had a very close collaboration between the community and the academics, and this was very, very unusual. So in the the Australian context, the academics are very much isolated from

533
01:37:08.940 --> 01:37:30.449
from the community for a whole number of reasons. But during this period we get this intense collaboration. And so this sociological knowledge is a cooperative form of knowledge. It collaborated and and and came from a collaboration of community people and academics.

534
01:37:33.280 --> 01:37:48.780
This early period also, there was an incredible amount of government support for community participation in policy making. So the the government built up the community organizations and

535
01:37:48.840 --> 01:37:52.869
and help them to be participate in in

536
01:37:53.969 --> 01:37:55.590
in knowledge making.

537
01:37:55.629 --> 01:38:02.399
And you know there were lots of reasons for that. The last paragraph there shows you what one of the

538
01:38:02.450 --> 01:38:22.270
G. Factors was that the Health Minister, the Commonwealth Health Minister, Neil Blewett, was a former academic political scientist, had even been working in sociology departments. So he he was key for for many of those years. 5 min I've hardly got started.

539
01:38:22.870 --> 01:38:25.010
Okay? So

540
01:38:25.520 --> 01:38:37.540
in the second phase, There was this absolute cutting of funding went back to conservative views. The public health response became more prescriptive.

541
01:38:37.540 --> 01:38:56.360
Government ministers interfered in the grants making processes, and they wanted to give all their money, all the money for the Aids program to medical researchers to fight the virus in a medical way and stop having

542
01:38:56.590 --> 01:39:00.820
education programs, and so on. And and

543
01:39:00.920 --> 01:39:05.179
so my study looks at that

544
01:39:06.150 --> 01:39:10.200
had all those reasons for for that particular shift.

545
01:39:10.400 --> 01:39:11.730
And

546
01:39:12.059 --> 01:39:28.570
I look at the social structures that prevented that, such as gender and class in particular, the wanting to build up class and capital. So we have neoliberalism coming into the government. We have a shift in government to a conservative government.

547
01:39:28.650 --> 01:39:31.730
We have biomedicalization where

548
01:39:32.040 --> 01:39:35.269
across the world we were looking for biomedical

549
01:39:35.309 --> 01:39:50.090
solutions to all our social problems. And there's favoring of particular disciplines, like the hard sciences and medicine, rather than the So sociology and the social sciences.

550
01:39:51.030 --> 01:39:54.690
So I look at it using.

551
01:39:55.010 --> 01:40:07.410
or dude's theory of this State to try and understand what's happening. And of course, for board you, the State is absolutely central to the field of policy making.

552
01:40:08.440 --> 01:40:13.950
So there's all kind of political interference at the individual level

553
01:40:13.980 --> 01:40:22.450
government ministers who were conservative and religious and wanting to ban programs.

554
01:40:22.490 --> 01:40:25.890
education programs and community programs.

555
01:40:25.940 --> 01:40:49.729
And and then there was also action happening at the policy level at the more structural level. And there was changes in the universities during that time. For example, there were explicit policies of government that helped to bring this shift about. For example, a restructuring of the way universities were run. So

556
01:40:49.740 --> 01:40:54.299
very different governance structures occurred during this second period.

557
01:40:55.830 --> 01:41:05.079
with a top-down hierarchy instead of the universities being run by the proper. So it universities

558
01:41:05.120 --> 01:41:21.599
came to be run and are still being run by professional managers who are cardboard manufacturers, or, you know, whatever, certainly know nothing about academics. So we've got huge changes in the social spaces

559
01:41:21.950 --> 01:41:24.670
that in which knowledge is being made.

560
01:41:24.740 --> 01:41:36.990
huge changes in the social spaces where knowledge is being used. And then we've got huge changes in the kind of pathways between those social spaces

561
01:41:37.080 --> 01:41:43.899
and that. That's what my study is trying to show. Sorry I haven't got a lot more time to talk about it.

562
01:41:45.350 --> 01:41:49.420
Well, that is finishing and wrapping up now I've hurried it.

563
01:41:50.100 --> 01:41:52.769
I said.

564
01:42:00.560 --> 01:42:05.219
They have very little time for discussion, but let's try and find something.

565
01:42:05.230 --> 01:42:06.270
Sessions and

566
01:42:06.350 --> 01:42:07.650
questions about

567
01:42:17.990 --> 01:42:20.739
I invite all the speakers to come up

568
01:42:22.940 --> 01:42:23.630
okay

569
01:42:35.970 --> 01:42:37.660
instead of can. And we can say.

570
01:42:40.240 --> 01:42:45.320
Ok, so does anyone have any questions that they wanted to ask to one of the speakers.

571
01:42:48.230 --> 01:42:49.680
start.

572
01:42:56.320 --> 01:42:57.050
yeah.

573
01:42:57.350 --> 01:43:00.619
yeah, can I get you guys to come up to a microphone? Thank you.

574
01:43:07.430 --> 01:43:12.140
This is just one for Fran. I was just curious in the last slide

575
01:43:12.150 --> 01:43:17.079
you mentioned the kind of policy, manipulation, and returns from the

576
01:43:17.100 --> 01:43:19.630
turn to consultancy. And

577
01:43:19.670 --> 01:43:38.439
These other non academic forms of research. And I know you're conducting a much bigger study of Australian sociology. I'm just wondering, do we know much about the kind of thinking that's done within this consultancy. So I was like, is it simply anti- sociological? Or is there

578
01:43:38.540 --> 01:43:39.730
in Wales

579
01:43:40.870 --> 01:43:42.839
getting a sociological

580
01:43:43.760 --> 01:43:46.050
leverage? Thank you.

581
01:43:47.240 --> 01:43:49.689
You said the question, the

582
01:43:49.720 --> 01:43:57.820
consulting firm, the whole business of consulting firms in the Australia has shifted completely. So

583
01:43:58.210 --> 01:44:02.370
in the first phase. the consulting firms were

584
01:44:02.660 --> 01:44:12.589
basically small firms using academics either for long periods or short periods, or they were run by academics. These cells.

585
01:44:12.800 --> 01:44:13.980
And

586
01:44:14.690 --> 01:44:19.610
what happened over time was with work intensification in the universities

587
01:44:20.000 --> 01:44:30.889
and lack of funding in the universities, and we started to get this rise of really big consulting firms really profit-oriented.

588
01:44:31.030 --> 01:44:42.630
and academics were no longer able to participate in them, because work had intensified so much in the university. So these became very profitable.

589
01:44:42.690 --> 01:44:43.720
centered

590
01:44:43.880 --> 01:44:54.250
 very large and very, mostly non- sociological, so that we get that shifting landscape from the consulting industry

591
01:44:54.980 --> 01:44:57.199
which really fits into this.

592
01:45:00.480 --> 01:45:05.509
So, Neville, did you want to ask your question that loud, or do you want me to read it out for you?

593
01:45:05.850 --> 01:45:15.359
Neville Buch: Oh, I can read. If that's okay, I do. I'll just free that. It's so. I want to clarify flesh on the sky. for a liner and ben

594
01:45:15.360 --> 01:45:44.929
Neville Buch: on the, you know, con the analysis of the Presidential address where these sociological addresses, mostly internal to sociology, and if they were engagements with other social science, and manage discourses where the address is engaged with the history, discipline, and I'm thinking about this question in relation to friends presentation in the Australian context. I'm a a sociological historian with several hats

595
01:45:44.950 --> 01:45:51.219
Neville Buch: in the public square for Brisbane, Queensland, Australia, and I was a wholesale higher education policy

596
01:45:51.360 --> 01:46:13.850
Neville Buch: research at full free vice chances at the University of Melbourne, and and the point thing that the universities are very dis disengaged in terms of the public square, and I'm particularly thinking this question in light of the disgraceful ha! Attack. This is my historians role in higher education

597
01:46:13.850 --> 01:46:29.779
Neville Buch: on it's disgraceful attack of some social. I just in the place, on turn, on the history discipline in the 19 eighties and a few books at that time which attempted to resolve boundary disputes between sexuality and history.

598
01:46:32.850 --> 01:46:38.020
 so of

599
01:46:38.080 --> 01:46:41.789
the question, as I understand it, that you asked is about the

600
01:46:41.880 --> 01:46:54.289
Neville Buch:  the politics. It's about the politics in terms of at a level of the president of, you know, sociological associations

601
01:46:54.640 --> 01:47:03.560
Neville Buch: in terms of, you know the disciplinary in their engagement.

602
01:47:03.830 --> 01:47:11.300
Neville Buch: and why there's such a been a failure in terms of multi discipline, learning, and education

603
01:47:12.860 --> 01:47:14.650
right? Well,

604
01:47:15.410 --> 01:47:26.720
So in the first instance, I think the American situation is a little bit different than the Australian one, and I'm certainly not a expert on the Australian one, because I haven't been here most of my a lot to spot the accent

605
01:47:26.810 --> 01:47:39.710
But I will say that the relationship between universities and disciplines is, I think, somewhat different in the United States, just because of the size of the academic space

606
01:47:39.730 --> 01:47:40.860
the

607
01:47:41.100 --> 01:48:08.499
in the context of the very narrow context of the Presidential, and you might want to say something about this, too. Been What you see is, I think, very cosy understanding. in the early period that close sociologies of science, like it's sister sciences, is the one of the most common locations. and along the model of, you know physics and the biological sciences which they later become, we call sociology is just going to develop no problem.

608
01:48:08.550 --> 01:48:37.690
They sort of hit the coming into the Second World War. there starts to be some sense that there's a a bigger scientific role for important social actors like the State. One large industrial organizations this kind of thing, and they head into the Second World War. Sociology does not do as well as other social sciences at that time, and Neither does anthropology. There's a some fairly interesting work there where the anthropologists are like.

609
01:48:37.690 --> 01:49:02.759
you know, we need to recruit everybody. We can even type sociologists. We could even type political theorists. We we need to capture what's going on all over the world. so really, it's psychology that does extremely well. in the during that Second World War period. But there's a massive build out of state and State professionalization. and it does so in the context of an alliance really in the medical, on the, on the medical side, and in

610
01:49:02.760 --> 01:49:08.289
the context of a large professional project to, in fact, establish

611
01:49:08.330 --> 01:49:28.149
 discrete roles in divisions of labor in the States. So psychology is really interesting. Economics comes in. We're on the political side, and the advisory role, as in, say the Council on economic advisors. They do particularly well, but the dominant model right is the one that's being pioneered by the natural sciences, both in the in the Civil Service, but also in the arm's length.

612
01:49:28.150 --> 01:49:42.900
Science associations like the National Science Foundation. And they're that's really a big science model, right where, you know kids are saying, just give me all your saying this to you. Say, give me all the up product money, and I'll build you a super, collider. We don't quite know what we're going to find out, but just give me the billions

613
01:49:42.900 --> 01:50:07.189
and we'll be ahead of the Russians. and the social sciences, as you may know, were explicitly excluded from the first round of the National Science Foundation and come in later. So it's sort of this sort of story coming to the 1960 s. sociology is ballooning and complaining the pathos of this. The Presidential addresses the papers that they're not listening to us, not listening to us and all this knowledge. But they won't listen, is really

614
01:50:07.290 --> 01:50:25.700
kind of quite moving to read over a really long period of time his concerns with fragmentation. Those in go through you show all the book colors. Have been with the disciplines from the beginning, right, but become more and more pronounced as moving to the back end of the back end of the twentieth century. So I think in some ways the

615
01:50:26.180 --> 01:50:33.439
A failure of them is a fire to sort of state professionalize. Another way to think about that, though.

616
01:50:33.550 --> 01:50:37.360
and a more radical one. Is this a resistance

617
01:50:37.540 --> 01:50:55.850
to state professionalization? And there's a resistance to formalization, and particularly in sociology. Right? And you. You see those tracks in the Presidential addresses as well. So I'm I'm not sure if that completely answers the question. But I think in the Us context, that's the that's the story.

618
01:50:58.110 --> 01:51:02.050
And you want to answer

619
01:51:02.440 --> 01:51:04.019
you a part of the question.

620
01:51:04.350 --> 01:51:11.080
Yeah, I think, okay, we're gonna have to wrap that up there. Sorry, guys.

621
01:51:11.390 --> 01:51:17.769
I wish we had more time. We can have one more question from the floor. I guess.

622
01:51:17.990 --> 01:51:26.020
Yeah, if you can come up to the microphone. Just so the people online can hear. Sorry.

623
01:51:26.070 --> 01:51:33.000
I mean, partly for Ler and Ben, but also for the question on dissertations. And I'm thinking about

624
01:51:33.420 --> 01:51:59.430
here are Nokey's both reinventing evidence and social inquiry, and you know, one of the big arguments that he talks about is that, you know, when we're collecting a corpus of data, we have to be careful not to assume that the corpus is the same thing over a period over a long period of time. And so I'm wondering, in the case of a Presidential address, or maybe in a case of a sociology, dissertation is the object the same thing now

625
01:51:59.590 --> 01:52:12.280
as it was like 50 years ago. How would we know that? And if it's not the same thing, does it matter? And can we leverage some of these computational techniques to sort of teach some of that stuff? Now.

626
01:52:18.340 --> 01:52:21.500
okay, very quickly. I with the time.

627
01:52:21.550 --> 01:52:50.339
as I have. Of course, it matters from national context to national context. But in this case it's yeah, from the from the 6, I think it's from 68 onwards. It's the same thing, because there's some new policy regulations on exactly how this they should be. But before that I know in an evaluation of a Swedish dissertation in sociology counted as 2 Phds. In America. So they were. It was like this thing that you did on the end of your

628
01:52:50.390 --> 01:52:51.419
for

629
01:52:51.530 --> 01:52:53.800
academic journey. So

630
01:52:53.930 --> 01:52:58.890
it's a it's a very good question, and something that happens. A lot in Sweden, for instance, is

631
01:52:59.090 --> 01:53:14.870
erez agmoni. It's used to be monographs only. But now it's becoming more and more of this, what is called a compilation dissertation, where it's based on 4 articles, and that is, of course, very interesting to see this shift in 150

632
01:53:14.920 --> 01:53:34.020
becoming more of the you know this publisher parish natural scientific version of sociology, going from the more to use this between literature and science going more from the humanities to. So I think there's a great question. And I think there's something you can use to to see the shifts in the

633
01:53:36.830 --> 01:53:39.589
I mean, you know, in our case, I think we.

634
01:53:40.520 --> 01:53:44.040
the performance of the Presidential address, is.

635
01:53:44.140 --> 01:53:46.200
would visibly be very similar.

636
01:53:46.230 --> 01:53:53.070
Right? I mean, the actual embodied experience would be fairly consistent. It wouldn't be broken up into 3 parts.

637
01:53:53.140 --> 01:53:55.440
But what changes is the

638
01:53:55.780 --> 01:54:00.810
the objective, the understanding of the agents as their

639
01:54:00.960 --> 01:54:06.010
their goal in the moment, the broader context that they're tuting

640
01:54:06.340 --> 01:54:12.330
insofar as they pursue similar. This will be a very underwhelming

641
01:54:12.450 --> 01:54:17.339
intervention. Insofar as they pursue similar objectives, they have similar

642
01:54:18.670 --> 01:54:36.030
context surrounding their action. Right? They're still interested in how they relate to other. You know scientific inquiry. They're interested in what ideas are dominant, what ideas should be sort of left behind, insofar as they care about.

643
01:54:36.740 --> 01:54:38.430
let's say.

644
01:54:38.670 --> 01:54:49.540
intervening in debates within their field. I think those are consistent processes expressed differently in language, but the objective of this would be to target

645
01:54:49.660 --> 01:54:54.670
in a broad level those processes and to understand variation in their content.

646
01:54:54.840 --> 01:54:58.380
right? So that they may be compared historically.

647
01:54:59.890 --> 01:55:09.999
Okay, I just want to thank everyone, because I think there might be another one now at half-past. So thanks everyone for your collabor for your participation, and for listening and asking great questions

648
01:55:10.470 --> 01:55:12.100
that out of that