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well, good morning, friends. It's very happy and pleasant to be here.

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and I'm our that I'm speaking among the London community, most of whom are from India and are having my.

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Where did your friend Ariel here lost and found in his conference. Yes. so I'll be talking about this. A new context and the changing context of aggression protest in India.

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And

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let me try to understand you who is context. I'm going to talk it here. collective mobilization, as we know it is the core of most of the social movement theories, maybe symboling interaction is. It's so privatization, Maxia and new identity, perspective, subtleton perspective. So all varieties of the perspective they talk about that is, collective mobilization is the center of

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also some mobilization.

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and it is also widely accepted that the objective condition and the subjective realization of that condition promotes collective mobilization. What's the one may be radical reformative movements of movement, social anti-movement shows and movements.

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So our objective condition is is quite important.

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and on there is that is no movement in in itself. Movement is a part of continuity, and it provides the space for further movement in the society and the historical legacies of those collective mobilization and the changing context from widely influence. the social movement of all varieties may be a pigeon movement to our customer and partners, movement and all varieties of this moment

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keeping all those you know ideas in mind. I like to examine the Hermers and present protest, and

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India focusing on the State of Oregon and Punjab, who has distinctive uniqueness.

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Punjab and always Bangal at the State.

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Both the State participated rigorously the independent movement.

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Both the State have been part of partition of India is Pakistani or Pakistan.

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and both the State had experienced the proliferation of the Radical pigeon movement

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At the radical movement in Bengal. There is a radical movement in in Punjab, that is, we know that is Punjab was this one extremist citizenist movement, but in West Belgium it was totally radical hard must open.

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Now let us know a little bit about the historical L. Legacies of the pigeon forbent in India. That is a pre independent movement. A a very independent period! India saw the past deterioration of the agrarian population, and towards that end of our Our leaders of the Freedom fighter

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predomposed with the movement they appointed the covet even before the independence that should be rigorous land reform

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and the land reform was place itself in the first planning in India, and it talked about the abolition of the intermediaries. Distribution of the subpoenaed land. Among the landless people also tendency security. So they talked about and it continued. It was again revived in 1970, S.

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And India's. For simultaneously a a great change in the developmental perspective. In the fifties we saw the development with the growth, then sixties and early seventies development with justice from eighties. We are talking about development with the empowerment now 2,019, on what we are talking about, development with the inclusion.

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All are located within the whole process of centralized planning and the socialistic aspiration of the society. However, despite that land reform has not been implemented in many of the States, and it has been evated. And because of this whole process of evading the land reform, there was proliferation of the extremist present movement what we call the noxialite movement.

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and that continued for more than 2 decades in Bengal in one form or the other. India also saw simultaneously the proliferation of the Green Revolution, especially in Punjab.

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starting from late 1,900 sixtys, and is so. The unprecedented agricultural growth starting from 1970. S. However, that space of the growth has been very anucal. Between West Bengal, And Punjab. Despite those limitations, there has been a rural of aspirational communities across India and Osb, Bangal and Pandya may be considered to be the case of those institutional communities.

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Now, within this whole process there has been certain change in the aggregate context. In India there has been declining land band ratio from 2.5 hectare per person in 1940 9. It has gone down to only point 1 7 hecta per person. It's not declined in the land band. Ratio

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Gdp. In agriculture it has declined when you got independence, more than 65% of the Gdp was coming from agriculture. Now it is roughly around 14% Walker distribution in agriculture declined from 75% to 48% now, and the category of the cultivators, those who are forming rapidly around

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36% of our equity and workforce. Now it has declined to 19% of the aggregate and workforce. That means simultaneous increase of the penetration of non agricultural occupation in agriculture. more than 45% of the aggregate population now, having a non leagical general occupation as a primary occupation

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that is, in casualization of the rural workforce that is increasing number of the agricultural laborer, those who are forming roughly around 19%, not for more than 33% of the workforce and increasing number of the marginal workers, those who don't get more than 180 days of work their passengers. It increased from merely 6%. Now they form roughly around 21% of our workforce.

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Now, along with that, there has been migration from rural to the urban migration downward mobility of the workforce from the small cultivators, to the 10 and tenants, to the agricultural laborer, agriculture, and liberated to the slum dwellers coming to the arm one cities. But there had been Hamilton's increase in the literacy rate.

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much communication, ICT and social media and increase in productivity in agriculture. but this kind of Anna is having original disparities between West Bengal and India. Now, I have a little bit of statistics. I'll speak a little bit about that.

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That is, if you look into these imbalances that is ever parhus or landholding? At all. India level is a point 5 one hectare.

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Now, including the landless people. It is total, we consider it, and West Bengal it is only 0 point 1 7 hectare and Punjab, which is quite high 0 point 5 3 hecta per person.

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If you look into how, over the period I have taken from 1,971 to 1,800 and 2,018 and 19, there has been a phenomenal change in the composition of the aglarian population. that is, we look into the first figure

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1971, only 11% of the household or the marginal cultivators in Punjab. Now it is 84% of the marginal cultivators in West Bangal. It was 61% in 1,971. But they now form the 97.5% of the workforce.

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But there is change in the pattern of the landholding. In the case of West Bengal, around 80% people having the you know, land under the marginal cultivator category. Or in that case it is Punjab. It is 17%. What is the important is that, despite all those things in Punjab, there is this category they have in the green mark

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that is, the small cultivators, medium cultivators semi-dem cultivators and the last cultivators. Those categories still now keep a junk. Amount of the land with them, and they are quite active that the agents of agricultural revolution in Punjab.

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in case of Oste Bengal there is no big comma. There is no, I mean a medium commerce, then percent is significantly declined, and it has been concentrated mostly among this marginal and the small categories, and they are the plaque bearer of a movement and mobilization in voicemail.

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Now, if we look into the 10 and the holding is, and the really important factor both in case of I know. Punjab and Ost Bengal. It is gradually declining

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because of this land reform, which is declined from 21% in Punjab to 13% and always bring up 23% to It has declined to 13%. But simultaneously we have been the least in those who are taking contextually is not as a conventional share covers, although all together, we find that in case of Punjab, 29.9% in case of West Bengal 23.4. But there is a quality difference in case of

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Punjab. It is the big farmers taking land from the small farmers to cultivate

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the land or at the tendency system, because of the crash cup cultivation but in case of oyst bang all, it is the small cultivators, those who are mobilized to be the shared covers from the category of the small cultivators. And they have a a a a. They're see, do we get percentage? Also, 23% or together

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alone is a an important component of the add gradient scenario.

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You know, in Punjab 54% of the people. Farmers, agricultural people have taken loan, and and he was highly indebted. The average loan is more than too lack. That is 200,000 per household.

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Yeah. And in case of always Bangal, it is 26,000 per household. But what is important is that in case of Punjab majority of the loan, more than 78% is taken from the English traditional loan. In case of West Bengal. It is around 72% of the institutional loan

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and remaining. It comes from the relatives and other non in this traditional alone. factor. Now it let us look into the social composition of the population of both the States. If you put the SSD composition we find that it's more or less the similar

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in Punjab and in West Wing all. But if you look into the schedule tribe. The proportion of the schedule tribal population is T. What you call indigenous population in Australia a Punjab only say a 0 point 7% in Ouch Bangal, 8.2%.

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But single caste population is 23% highest in India, concentrated in Punjab and West Bangal 22. So we find an Obc it is more or less 12% and 17. So social composition is quite diverse in both the States. But it is a wide impact in the participation of vegetation

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now within society and present movement in which, and just to give a sin up to view, it is relatively less developed in agriculture, it is predominantly

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okay. I'll skip this slide.

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Well, it is. It is. It is on this In this noxialite movement, and the operation, Borgamoti movement, and Nundi Gam and Shingo 2,007 What is important is that this movement? Nundi Garn single movement laid mostly by the small cultivators. It has it. It was a game changes in case of Punjab. We'll find that the high level of Agricultural Development and for my Hermers of Punjab organized struggle, and

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under the initially with the skepticism in the reunion. Later on it become part of the Harethia Cishan Union in the next decade, and it continued several issues they picked up over a period of time, and the contemporary concern. Among them are the terms of trade unavoidable. thumbs up trade for agriculture. It is a non remuderative prices, and her much suicide, drug addiction, unemployment.

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and also alone, is another important issue and permanent loss. That is 3 pum laws. That is quite important. That guided this, you know.

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Hesitation!

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This movement now has gone from local to the global, and they have developed a variety of alliances. I am at a small table this the whole leadership.

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we can. But I can't. Sick.

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How the leadership, mobilization, ideology, identity, alliances and strategies have changed in both the States. it is commercial farmers in the middle class and Indian case it is a grassroot. What does it? And the political parties mobilize a genet is risk formers middle present. They have been successfully roped in the small and the marginal farmers in case of post being already the rural poor marginal.

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And so, for the ideology is concerned, it is reformative. They try to be aggressive and apolitical in case of Punjab, but in which one is totally political, but it is traditionalized

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identity. They are mostly commonitarian hermos and ethnic, based in case of Osborne, all it is. The class categories is more important than the regional ethnic categories, alliances.

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and pansy of their developing alliances with farmer organization, both local and global. Also have the several cultural organization coming in the forefront in case of postal minorities, the political parties original and the national presence of them trying to make it a fair. Make it to fail within. By participating in this local mobilization, the strategies that the protest sustain hesitation sometime blocking the roads of the alley from all sides.

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and now, in case of was being all, it is sporadic protest. They are going for negotiation, but a widely conditioned by the political parties.

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Now, what Conclusion I draw out of this, that is, despite being posited within the forces of economic neoliberalism, hypermodernity, populism, emergence of cultural politics. The patents are farmers have been able to upheld their concern and identities in the society through this mobilization.

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Second is that in the age of modern it and hyper modernity you, while deep is in transition, has immersed to be the fashion of the day. This mobilization make their voices through this mobilization the presence make that voices hard, not only within the State, but also outset the State, but in the wider world. And they have. You must be the game changes in

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brought down the Congress Government and the Ahmadi party in Bahrain is found there.

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and

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another is that

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there is the process of utilization of the mobilization. But this routineization of the mobilization has created the space for the emergence of a social movement. Societies in both the States because they try to speak more through the revolutionary and the mobilization terms rather than the individual stabilized term. And though consumerism, I. Cities migration, mobility, have influenced the fluidity induced fluidity in this societies, so mobilization, the pigeons and farmers

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have written to their cultural rootedness in the society, both culturally, economically, and politically. So what they are, they. They are in a process to rejuvenate their identities. Both of the peasants and palmers, and they assad the rootestness as had their importance in the society as the food givers of the society. That is why politicians are also catching up the slogan.

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Jajuan Jay Kishan. Now speak more loudly than speaking, Jack, because if you send him immediately, okay, I end here. Should there be any questions, thank you. We. We can take up a questions later on. And now, it's a very interesting presentations of a comparative video 2 states. And particularly in the context of farmers movement. Now, we request a professor

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from Iit Kanpur is a senior professor who has also been working in the area of social movement.

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and he will be presenting.

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okay.

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yeah. Would you please help me in

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slides on the way you can just press him here. Okay. this is

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yeah. Yes.

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yes.

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good morning, everybody.

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So my pray for

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studying casual resistance movement through Michael Semi as

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in power is to this, and reconstruction model of displacement

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and

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paper has 2 components.

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The first one is the movement. There's the collective mobilization. and the second part is giving

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regions to all the causes of the mobilization, and there I have lots of empirical data which I cannot share. But I will show you the findings.

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There is a problem in uploading the data, because once you reveal the data here later and you cannot publish, it becomes a issue of plagiarism.

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We have suffered from this in the past. Therefore I refrain myself from giving the table our data again, because this is in the Internet. Once it goes in the Internet, it becomes an issue

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all right.

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So the study and regions 2 major objectives, one studying the mobilization for the resistance movement by the project affected population and the project displaced population both

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 second. Analyzing the causes of the resistance movement at Cassippos.

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The paper makes use of a new social movement perspective

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to use the course of the movement and use Michael Semi as I. R. Our model, to analyze the empirical data pertaining to displacement caused by

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the project in the adjacent villages of Kasibur aluminium project.

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 Kasapur is located in

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in the state of horizon. India.

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 it's an empirical study.

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So study of the movement, the movement we have collected the timeline. It's spread over 20 years. So we have well documented a date wise the agitations. And there, after the actions and the reactions

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all are recorded. Time doesn't allow me to give you a timeline presentation for what has been happening over there for the last 20 years.

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anyway.

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But to say that it is a movement. It is a theoretical question whether can any agitation be treated as a movement? It has become very loose term?

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No, any agitation cannot be treated as a movement movement has its theoretical requirements to be made. So I go by Allen to.

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So I met. I have documentary. I'll take a few minutes. So when

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or why did I call the registrants. agitation at the gospel as a movement, because essentially

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a process of collecting mobilization for collective action. It has 3 components, one

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meaning the way the movement. Actors define themselves, it involves group solidarity.

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Second, is all means opposition.

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meaning the way the adversary groups define themselves, essentially assume a conflict basis to the social movement.

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Alan Torn emphasizes that there has to be a conflict based situation

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to control the cultural patterns, to ensure competitive pursuit of the collective interests, or to defend and to defend the positions or the statuses in a given place or privileges.

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Third is totality. The actors must be involved in totality.

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Actors have total involvement with the process, with a view to creating new social order or structure. So

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social movements do aim at bringing some structural changes. whether it's maybe structural may be quite as structural, but they must have structural relevance.

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And that's the prime requirement to identify an event or a phenomenon at social movement.

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Theoretical framework continued

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having identified what it is and new social movement. So we have a strong theoretical distinction between classical social movement and new social movement. So I identified this gossip, resistance movement, a new social movement. So you you can ask me very well what are the characteristic features of new social movements. So here they are new social movements to revolve around the new themes of ecological green climate change and eco-ferminism, science, technology

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under development, indigenous people, etc. These. These are different issues, slightly

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newer issues that have come up and around which resistance movements are taking place. Second, these take place

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 outside old or existing social institutions. A non-institutionalized means, like social media platforms and other electronics modes such as email or communication. These play instrumental roles.

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This is an additional point in older social movements. You didn't have this requirement.

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This has been spelled out already, and spontaneity of the movement, research, mobilization theory awards of this concept that the actors there must be spontaneity of the movement, and when there is spontaneity, then there the totality.

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and these are short-lived

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by tenure. The revolve around common concerns unvalued.

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mostly middle class-based, involving activists, professionals, journals, journalists.

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and they provide a flexible leadership. Hence civil society organizations and media play a major role in determining the direction as well as the discourse of the movement

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next. This need not be subversive.

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Activities, or this need not be aiming at the subversion of the ruling party or a system.

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They they are aims are very, very limited.

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Specific collective action, involving symbolism. create their own social movement organizations through the process of mobilization

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create realigned network of grassroots, organizations which could be virtual, even led by intellectuals mostly confined to institutional means of action.

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These often tend to cross national boundaries. This is another

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poetry noted that new social movement tend to accurate internationality or the aquar global character. And it's because of the growing technological involvement of social media,

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and electronics media

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now come to the theoretical framework. To that when we say that people are affected or displaced.

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so is it just displacement which is leading to the distance that may be slightly obvious. So what we did we, we have done a theoretical exercise here itself.

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because we can draw from their conclusions by theorizing here. That's Michael Srini as a model. Linelessness, joblessness, homelessness, marginalization.

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loss of access to common property, social disharticulation, increased morbidity and mortality and food. Insecurity

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certainly has pointed out 8 models, and this is being a model. This could be applicable to any part of the world, and it has its abstractness. So if you apply to a given situation, even if around 70 to 80% of its model, you are found relevant, this can be deployed.

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and that's what we have done. we couldn't collect the data we didn't find. It was relevant to collect data on food security and morbid it and mortality. Because if you go to Africa, maybe things of these things would be relevant in case of India. These

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you know, displacement here didn't involve food security, because that the State is capable of taking these requirements.

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So landlessness, displacement results in the movement of people from their villages and land resulting in the landlessness.

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People.

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developmental projects do displace people, and it's not only displacing from their home street land or homeland, but from agricultural land joblessness that creates a loss of livelihood and new occupations coming to picture.

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then homelessness

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while displaced, may be resettled and resettlement colonial. Obviously, when the State is active.

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there is resettle sorry displacement, and because of the R. Andr. Policy the Government gives resettlement

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to the displaced people. So usually colonies are constructed, yet homestead land and home in its original form, structure and milieu cannot be reproduced, because often they are shifted from one area to another, and those new area, the alien area, geographically, aliens socially Allen. And so that's the issue of homelessness.

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The fourth one is marginalization. Displacement results in families losing their social

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economic status in the society. For example, a middle class family who. for example, middle class families end up, being small landholders

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and petty shopkeeper struggling for their survival, a landholder who is to have a great dignity and power position in his village. After losing his land, he in social position, declines

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loss of access to common property, resources, loss of access to common property resources is not compensated or covered in the relocation scheme, because common property resources are good sources of livelihood

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for pastoral communities, for drinking water for? Yeah.

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etc.

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Next is social disarticulation. Community interpersonal bonds in the ties are lost as a result of displacement and displaced aptly feel that their culture and identity are at stake.

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This articulation means people are dislocated, they lose their earlier social contacts, they lose their social lives, social interactions, they they, they may be fitted into in an area where even they do not know the language

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last increased morbidity and mortality, because in new area there can be issues of drinking water, mosquitoes, etc., and food insecurity. But the resistance movement and it's collecting mobilization at Riyadh of of

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watch against ua il. It is a joint venture. company! Where Multinational's Alkan and Alkan and North Hydro of Norway, along with the Indian company that is Hindalco. They had started a project. Jvc. Project.

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So on

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 Eleventh November 1,993, the delegation of 18 members of the

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the villages of gossip who made the orders at the. So that's the beginning. It began on eleventh November the nineteenth 93.

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The people went to the chief minister, registering that there is a strange development taking place in our area, and we are not being consulted with you right now. In 94, the ground testing theme started to arrive

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in the 20 third April 94 coup leaders, namely, a Guru, Atomaji and Mahatmaji were arrested, and that's the beginning of the Polish action.

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and the action continued on and off.

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Foolish farings took place. Several times several people died. The death could be around 10 to 20 people.

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In this process, the mobilization continued. I am cutting it shut

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in this process of mobilization against this mining best project agitation, turn, violent strong police action followed

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on sixth of December, 2,004. There was a demonstration in Montreal, in Canada, Montreal, Canada, against the Alcan, because Alcan is a Canadian company, so to draw the attention of Canadian Government of the demonstration took place in Canada.

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and in the meanwhile the movement experienced

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a split sometimes in mid to Digital 4, as the pro industry, lovely, penetrated.

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grow industry level is also acting. You know how to break the movement solidarity. So there was a split in the movement organization. So, after the problem done, continued agitation for

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2 decades

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on seventh June 2,001 3, that the Us. Aluminium refinery plant at the Ruda village finally saw the day of the light after a battle for more than 2 decades.

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with its trial production, without approval of

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for the mining. So Government of India gave approval to the plant, but did not give approval for mining

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means. You can run a plant we have approved under globalization. But for mining. You have to look for resources in other areas in the local area. Mining is not

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aloud.

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So here new social movement has a very good component that you said the and network you you said network of local organizations and Ngos. So I have identified here around you know, 8 local organiz. And these are not registered and got one and 3 associations which were extremely active, and they formed the backbone, the network for mobile activation.

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One is an Angelikasuruxia Summit, Buffalo, Malaysia, Roxia Summit.

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local identity. These names reflect their local language, so how they they intend to protect the mountains. They intend to protect their identity things of this kind. So 8 local organizations having identified plus

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ngos agrogami on Kuran, Luxon, like rural development society and Weeda, 4 Ngos were actively involved in bass.

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So the finding where that

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did data, the data were analyzed to study the effect of the project on the sample household. So the net result is social. This articulation, landlessness, homelessness. I have all the data data tables. I I kind of present here. But you have to trust me that I have drawn conclusions from the empirical data. So joblessness, loss of access to common property resources

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because they used to go to jungle common property resources means there are jungle, and what do you call minor forest producers? They they form part of their daily livelihood, so they are now deprived of all that, and cumulatively, that there is the harvesting sequence. If, whatever they in the mountain area, the little bit of harvesting they have to do in the slopes

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that also has gone because of loss of land decline in the harvesting frequency, changing in the cropping patterns. declining productivity, declining the livestock

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and decline in business based income. So and lastly, marginalizes some feeling of loss of identity, feeling of decline in the social status becoming dependent on the compensation of the company, or by doing the job. So net result is a marginal line. So I verify the

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certainly, I'm model here.

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No conclusion.

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Yeah, it is a conclusion.

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This study found out that due to loss of agricultural land, the PA that is project affected creepo has been gradually transformed into daily wages. So this is some sort of a deep present-division process.

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People who are landholders, people who are cultivators now having lost their land. I said that there is a process of deep presentization. Second.

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as found in the process of mobilization. This information and misinformation perturning to the contested issues. In this context.

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this information and misinformation has turned out to be a characteristic feature of both the both name. 3 parties all involved. Nobody gives the correct information.

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nobody. The the company, and the government they will give inflated views about the benefits. Yeah, just getting over one side a few seconds.

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the amount and the kind of compensation that are due, or that are likely to come through. There is misinformation with regard to that also, and what sort of losses that are going to ecological losses or economic losses all that also people play with regard on this matter through wrong data and just to

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agitate people. So this information, this information, is an art that you release certain information through a legitimate channel, so that it becomes belief trustworthy.

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So you are using channels, or means of communication which appear to be authentic, but they disseminate on authentic.

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So both information and this information itself becomes a a play of information, a characteristic feature of new fusion.

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Last point.

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Further, the data findings revealed the emptiness of the A. C. I. A social and economic impact assessment report.

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what is called feasibility, study, and the great extent of a marginalization and impoverishment caused by the project among the Ap. Which rendered them ready, rendered them ready recruits to the resistance. Hence it is concluded that in democracies.

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the peps may other to non-institutional means or combination of institutional and non institutional means for seeking solution to impoverishment and marginalization. So if impoverishment is high I would conclude that if imperverishment marginalization levels are very high, the movement might tend to be marked

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the level of impoverishment, and at this articulation is higher. Higher, only the level of violence. Otherwise, if the involvement of the State is there the disarticulation and marginalizing are less than it may be non-violent, they may confine to non-violent means or institutional means, otherwise they have to.

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So I stop here. Thank you. Thank you, Professor, per night, for an interesting micro of the distance. Now, I have the request The first questions will be taken up later on at the final stage and the next presentation

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can you please help? Who is the next presenter?

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Yeah.

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okay.

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Professor Jen, are you there?

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Do he tell you online? Yes.

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Oh. yeah, it is not there next we can go for the next printer. John. are you there

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now? Next

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Botach area, is there? Yes.

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she is from a Phd. Student, and

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from my Kanpur will be speaking about the Go Kalan movement and and the issues of adding to the politics

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and politics of identity, identity, politics, or politics of identity, she will be presenting her view.

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Thevani. What a Chari!

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Good morning, everyone. Thank you for joining this presentation. My name is Tipani, and I am representing India in this International Congress.

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So

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so

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excuse.

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So, to begin with,

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India has been a niche like

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the structure of India is such that it is a federation of multi-nation states. There are multiple nations coexisting within the same structure of India, and this nation formation has been a result of their cultural identity and land with spoken based on this, the state borders have been drawn. This has also given way to a lot of

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conflict, because not all the tribes and groups have been adequately represented according to their own history.

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So

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contentious politics, it is basically defined as a collective interaction among the makers of the claims and their objects of claim. When the government is a claimant, an object of claim or party to the claim, and if the claim is realized, it will affect at least one of the claimants. This definition is given by tilitaro and macadam. Now, according to Sydney taro social movements are a kind of collective mobilization.

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because in in case of movement which is against the State, the State will have a state, and in order to reach Reach their goal. The Government has a very crucial role to play. Hence social movement will be cloud counter, contentious politics also. When we look at the history. The colonial history of South Asia and elsewhere we can see that there have been Because of the colonial project. There have been

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unequal development all over the world.

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But in South Asia it becomes more complicated because of the multiplicity of nations existing within the same nation state. So this has given rise to a lot of demands of statehood, and this has been there, even within India, a lot of

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movements demanding statehood. However, not all the demands to get similar response from the State.

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So the focus of the paper, like for the uninitiated, this is the map of India. The rate area is marked by the State of West Bengal, and The green area. It shows the area which is contested. It is within the State of West Bengal, however, they want a separate state of their own within the Federal structure of India, and that is the contested gorcal and area.

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So in this paper I will be looking at 2 questions, how has the concept of identity shifted from being ethnicity to political being in the recent times? And the second question is, what is the impact of this shift on the trajectory of the movement itself.

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For methodology I have used qualitative method analysis. I have taken 42 interviews of position holders in all political parties which have been located in the area, both local, national and state-level parties

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I have used in-depth interview through 27 open-ended questions.

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So before I start, there is one more important thing to talk about this area. This area is also having a lot of geopolitical importance, because this shares border to international border with Nipal and Bhutan, and this is also very close to China. So geopolitically, also, this area is very important to the nation like to the Government of India?

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I am using political process theory by Charles Taylor, Sydney Taiwan, and Doug Macadam, to study this topic. So basically, this theory talks about how the political processes act as butterfly effect. And it can have a localized impact on the on a particular movement. So something happening outside could affect the movement and its trajectory.

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So before I go into the research question, a brief history about the region.

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So this region, even though it is a part of West Bengal at present it has never been under Bengal rule before independence, also

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earlier it used to belong to second, and then it shifted from Sikh to to Nepal after they won the war against Ziki in 1,816. Through that treaty of San Julia

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Nepal gifted this place to East India Company, and then, when East India Company started ruling India, they had made this place the summer capital with Kolkata being the capital because of its vicinity to Kolkata, and also because of the similar weather. So this kind of became their summer retreat.

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after independence also this place. They did want to have a separate state of their own, but it could not happen, because the

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State Reorganization committee in 1,956 when they tried to redraw the borders.

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Sorry

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redraw the borders of on the eve of independence. The census data was manipulated in order to show that this place has a majority Bengali-speaking population, and thus it is only justified that this place be part of

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Bengal. State of Bengal. However, this data was manipulated in the way that the gorgeous or the local communities they had their own language, they had their own culture. And while the census data was collected, they had taken the name of the

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dialects instead of taking the overall. Like collecting data in sense of Nepali-speaking populace. So it showed that this place had a Bengali-speaking majority, whereas, if all the data were added up, the dialects, the percentage of speak Bill speaking various Nepali dialects were added up. It would be a Nepali-speaking majority, and it could easily ask for a separate state on the basis of their cultural difference.

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So. The movement started in 1,986 before that. The demand, however, first arose in 1,909, but this was a top-down approach in the sense that this demand was taken up by political elites and the labor organizations of tea plantation, and also the

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The labor organization of the plantations! And This Nepali elites who are representing literature, the literary section. So this movement at that time it did not become a movement. It was just a demand, and It was It continued in the form of memorandum and the

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office order, and it was it! It was presented in front of the Government many times, and it did not get any outcome. There was no outcome through this top down approach.

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Then

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then comes 1,986. When this movement starts as a people's movement, and it has been a people's movement till now. So what is the difference between top-down approach and bottom-down approach in Bottomstown approach? When it become a people's movement?

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It became part of the democratization process and the social movement organizations changed itself into political organizations, and they started taking part within the democratic structure and started entering into negotiation with the political parties and putting forward their demand, and that will be the next part of my presentation.

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So this is the trajectory of the people's movement in 1,986, when the Nepali-speaking population was evicted from northeastern States. This gave rise to a feeling of identity crisis, and This opportunity was grabbed by a man called Mr. Sobaz. Kissing, who became a kind of face of the movement. He became the charismatic leader of the movement, and from 86 to 88. This period saw a violent

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phase of the movement around. 1,200 people were killed, and finally a settlement was reached between the State of West Bengal.

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In the the Indian Government and this local political party, and it resulted in the formation of state within a State or an autonomous district Council in 2,007, when there was talk of converting this area into 6 schedule.

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there was again a threat to the non-trial population of the region. This place was not dominated by tribal population. Hence the non-trial population became together under the leadership of Mr. Bimal Guru, and again the movement activities started.

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and this resulted in replacement of the previous autonomous Council with goldcal and territorial administration which had more power and autonomy. Now, in 2,013, when the state of the Lingana formed, and

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the State government was not consulted regarding the formation of telling Anna. This gave renewed hope on the role of center in creating a new state. And this movement saw some activities again. It was under the leadership of Bimal Guru. There was meeting between the head and chief minister of Bingal, and at point some negotiation was reached, and the movement was called off without getting any significant reward. Unlike the previous 2 times.

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and in 2,017, when the Government ordered pumpal-sari Bengali language in the hills, it again gave rise to a sense of cultural imposition, and everyone came on the street to fight because their language is Nipali Bengali, not their language, and they feel that this is going to affect their sense of identity, and

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this time the movement was led by a Joint action committee, even though theimal Guru's party played a very important role. This phase of the movement was also violent, and it resulted in death of 17 people. State missionaries were called, and this movement at that point was

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 called off finally with State intervention. Post 2,017. The collective mobilization has rested for a larger part in 2,024, because the current Government has promised a permanent political solution

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for the area

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before the 2,024 election. So the local parties have decided to take a sit back and see what the Government will be doing for them before the election. So as of now, there is no violent activities or collective mobilization happening in the area.

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So these are the local political parties which have been operating in the area. As you can see that

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 the number of local political parties have increased with time, and the last 5 parties have

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just come. In the past 10 years before that the parties which were represented by current charismatic leadership were playing like a one-man army, and negotiating with the center and the State. But now it has been divided into so many different parties, and

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so regarding the first question, how has the concept of identity shifted from ethnicity to political being?

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as per the interviews which I have collected? There have been a lot of discussion about how the importance of identity shifts from ethnic to political discourse. Gorca has now become a political discourse. This is because, according to them,

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since they are speaking the same language, Nepali language, and it is also spoken by the neighboring country of Nepal. It gives rise to question of their loyalty towards India. It also gives question to their identity. They are being tapped as foreigner in their own country, so they did not want to be associated with the Tam Nipali, and for that they created the political term Gorca

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to separate themselves from the Nepali-speaking neighbors. We have also seen that there have been a timely recognition of threat and opportunity in democratic space. Whenever there has been a

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a scope in the democratic framework where the previous charismatic leader has failed to to get the desired goal. It has given rise to. coming up of new leaders who have taken the place and who have laid forward the movement henceforth

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 until 2,007. The political parties were hated by charismatic leader, who used to be the face of the movement. First it was Mr. Sobaz kissing, and then it was Mr. Bimalkurom. So these people, they had a lot of power not just within the region, but also within the State, and with.

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Okay, so

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state and center. And also the strategies which are adopted by these local parties had determined the State's response to the movement at various phases. The movement has been,

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encouraged by the State at certain points. The movement has also been discouraged and neutralized by the State, for example, in 2,017,

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and for the research question, what is the impact on trajectory of the movement? So it can be seen that with time the operation has been the the mobilization process has been mostly within the political structure of the claim, making process the processes. the claims have been put forward in and around the election.

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and after election there has been negotiation between the local parties and the parties which are coming from outside. The political parties are the main agents of mass mobilization, and even though there is alliance between local and national parties before the election

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post election. A lot of parties jump sheep if their demands are not met. Also. Post 2,011 witnessed mushrooming of political parties. A lot of parties have come into existence with support from Center and State, and this has a negative effect on the vote bank

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their vote shares have reduced, and this has affected the negotiating power, and there have been no such party at present in the area which is either supporting Which is playing by themselves. Either they are for the they are supporting the center, the parting center, or the party in state. So there is a cleavage among the local political parties as well.

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to conclude, we can see that the ethnic identity has taken a State back to provide justification for demand of new State in case of gorcal, and earlier, it was the question of representation. Now they have started talking in more talking, more in terms of national security, geopolitical importance, justice, development, etc. Even though all of that the underlying ethnic identity still exists, but

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the focus is not in the language of ethnic identity.

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The discourse has been more inclusive.

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and the trajectory of the movement which follows the process of democratization has been

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rewarded by the Government. And Those movements which use a lot of non-state actor and violent means don't get similar kind of response like this movement has gained in the sense, even though this movement has not received its ultimate goal. But they have been receiving certain rewards in one form or the other. Unlike other statehood movements which have been going on in parts of India, and, for example, the northeastern country.

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papa states. So

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thank you.

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A present on the and you know, gorgeous and movement.

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Now, we have, I believe, all online presentations are there. Yeah, thank you.

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Can it just come?

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Very good.

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Yes, we have. Barcati. Yes.

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we we you can start your presentation. Yes.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: okay. Good morning.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: I am attending. And I am presenting from and it's got really 7 in the morning.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: I hope I'm audited.

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Yes, yes.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: the yeah. Thank you so much. The title of my presentation is restructuring the City of study on the speciality of the best.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: currently, I'm pursuing my safety. So I do. Presently. A part of one of the I I I should start my presentation by quoting Jordan Massey. she states that space is that dimension of the world in which we'll hear

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Tahmin F. Barkati: it is both intriguing and confusing as a temporality, indeed, plays an integral role in analyzing events. But I believe specialty makes those events tangible.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: it would not be incorrect to state that protest cannot take place in a vacuum It requires certainly requires a physical space.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: At the same time all the social artists have emphasized the the virtual space and the potential of new media. I strongly argue in this presentation that the importance of city space remains in comparable when it comes to the success of a purpose

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Tahmin F. Barkati: the physical presence of the protesters. The visual display of flags and courts, and the chanting of the slogans in unison are unmatchable to the online protest that are recently posted across 14 media platforms.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: I would briefly start with the primary objective of the presentation. So I would be.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: I would be looking into the speciality of protest.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: And in doing so. I would also see how the restructuring of the city space which is based on the needs and demands of a consumer's class affects the culture of protest.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: I would further highlight that, how the ways the State

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Tahmin F. Barkati: uses restructuring as a passive tool of control control protests, and how a certain consumer's class, a new middle class has started controlling the restructure of a structure of the city space, thereby modifying the characteristic.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: fix them culture of the protest.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: in order to explode the pattern and culture of protest. I use the historical comparative method.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: And I have possibly selected for that. As I have pasted

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Tahmin F. Barkati: the as in the map, you can see. course, that is the eastern part of India, and the reason why I had selected the city of

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because

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Tahmin F. Barkati: this is a unique example of a rich, full industry and protest movements. If we see over a span of nearly a century, the city has witnessed European colonialism, constructed capitalism Communism, and to the recent upsurge of on the coming of pocket. This party, headed by.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: which is also the city, is because in a new class of middle class, and there is the extent. The existence of the port to local children of binary has started refacing again in the in the open fabric of the city.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: the city is known as the City of Broadcast.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: and I would It is very interesting that it never had a designated space for protest like any other city of India. It does not have a you know, a Azar medal like a mummite, or or or a definitive spaces of Delhi. Rather the city walls, the streets, the open spaces, as well as the neighborhood Fe stalls for spaces of protest.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: but these spaces are gradually shrinking to the dominance of the new meeting class and their demands for abolished and disciplines.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: I would pretty get into the methods of data collection. As this is a historical comparative study. So a large part of historical data

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Tahmin F. Barkati: was based on the our title at times and

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Tahmin F. Barkati: was based on the archival data, and it was very interesting to see that there, since in the 1950 and 60 protests would all always consider as demo and as a

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Tahmin F. Barkati: as the you know, crowds and riots. So most of the data of the 50 s. And 60 s. And before the fifties are coded under the case proceedings and crime files of the fullest museum which comes under the jurisdiction of the commission of Police.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: Little part of interviews with all this, trees of the veterans who are still in right, as added on to substantially installed the data. On the other hand, the comparative data from prices of current running records and interpersonal

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Tahmin F. Barkati: and 2 interactions. I would also like to emphasize that we're walking with a a very important tool in understanding the city and getting both historical and comparative data. What we help to explore the city spaces and walking in rallies. And Michelle's also enhanced understanding how the country of protest has changed into the state of space in Canada or

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Tahmin F. Barkati: The research has been guided by the theoretical frameworks of classical Marxing concepts. I have effort to hand it to every understanding the city, the side of the capital accumulation, and how space is, and also borrowed the idea of band custom from David harvest work and understanding facial restructure in other 2 works, what we controlled

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Tahmin F. Barkati: and I've looked into the famous works of Charles to get and this concept of capital of collective action and Wnc. And exclude the concepts of the concepts of protest and collective action and good stuff.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: I think my camera has stopped working. I apologize for that, but instead of wasting time, I'll just go forward with the presentation.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: okay. So based on the archival data, it becomes clear that the cities are never at rest.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: And Kolkata was planned and restructured since it's in section

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Tahmin F. Barkati: since it's for my 2 years before I have divided the making of city to 3 distinctive. and the first phase is production of space.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: The second phase is the reclaiming of space. That thought is the restructure of space. The first 3 stages, starting from 1,690 to a good part of 1,900 fortys, which couples almost 2 centuries. It's purely based on the start services, but at the same time it becomes very essential to understand the way villages were brought in problem with it by creating some commute company, and according to they face them choices.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: The second stage is primarily post independence, but the years before the independence also convert this part highlights the emergence of protest as a way of showing denial, and the way the streets and the open spaces were occupied and transformed into sites and spaces of protests.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: and the last phase where I

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Tahmin F. Barkati: I pitch my argument to the third phase by my, and it starts with the onset of neoliberalization and globalization from the 1999 onwards. It's a case of reconstruction and justification, a case of aspiration and for modification, and it brings forth the struggle of a dying city, and it's effort to match the face of globalization amidst the political view that the city had witnessed.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: It also provides a picture of a lazy and pacific city which aims to become a high tech city, but lacks the confidence in fee.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: Therefore, to read the recent spatial development in the city, it becomes essential to visit both the colonial history as well as the industry capitalist history, before developing into a regularly posted

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Tahmin F. Barkati: Now coming to distract me, as we know

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Tahmin F. Barkati: that restructuring is a plan to spend it. The existing built environment for the overall developer of the supply airport involved in reconstructions and demolition.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: But in the case of Kolkata. The reconstruction drives have affected and altered the strategies and cultures of protest.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: The first thing that the Populist Government came into power and executed was the relocation of the center of power, from writers building pulpit to the, to the to the next district power at November. So the shift in the seat of power dispersed the regular descent around the central business district areas and area of official buildings, leaving the iconic squares and parks default.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: Similarly the demolition of old establishments and new constructions of dated communities displays their migrants and home risk disrupting their selective action. there's also a sense of changing land uses by privatizing beautification works. The parks and square has been given to private companies for notification. And this gives more power to the private companies to lay down restrictions and and restrict press parcels for both leisure and big sensitive professionals as a bigger press person.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: this is the current version of the city of much more polished version of port, but the based on the fields and aspirations of the new generation. Looking at the city. It clearly is us. the image of you know a beautiful city which where the new middle class has the different aspirations, where the culture of the at neighborhood platform

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Tahmin F. Barkati: the child the one has shifted to barristers and Catholic offices where people visit to with walls over community

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Tahmin F. Barkati: get together. And these flyovers and plan cities also kind of regulate protests within the fabric of the city. Unlike the unlike what's happening in the where protesters use the names and violence of the cities and the community wall to right properties

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Tahmin F. Barkati: and the Coffee House that for the street to you know, to to decide or make a or or make make the strategies of how to occupy the open spaces of the pitch.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: how is restructuring, affecting the function of this? very interestingly, if we see, then

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Tahmin F. Barkati: it is used as a passage tool by the State for controlled open purpose. Here I also like to

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Tahmin F. Barkati: mention how to who uses the concept of Jeremy and draws the idea of how if one, if if the leader of the of the of the State

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Tahmin F. Barkati: identifies a makes place in the mind of the common mask that he or she understands how to control the common mask. And similarly, in the city of Canada, the extensive usage of CCTV. Cameras and surveillance and prior permission has also started, you know, making space in the minds of the people who are very, very concerned going visible on the streets of the city.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: So that is indeed a passive way of controlling our protests.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: privatization of open public spaces and parks has taken out the ownership from the public. The open spaces belongs to the public, but but we've been giving it into the hands of the private software. These will come into the name of notification and remodeling, and as somehow is also a passive way of telling the common mask to not occupy these open spaces, which is cases for leisure. Some Union as well as protests

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Tahmin F. Barkati: restructure is also promoting a culture of mills to malls in Kolkata. If we if we still look at the current scenario. All the default warehouses of small factories have suddenly, transported up and coordinates to once, which would have been introduced for other fruitful activities. But the small cultures in certificate so much into the into into into into the city of Delta, and and the demands of the new middle class has led to

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Tahmin F. Barkati: the the increase of the this means to my.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: and there is also a sense of banning abrupt protest in public places to put this

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Tahmin F. Barkati: atrocities and through dedicates and through you know, permanent fixtures in roads and links so that to the protesters you know, them meet communities we've made with theoretical measures and seeking permission and granting permission to protest by the State. But

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Tahmin F. Barkati: it's also a means of monitoring and controlling the movement of the professors. The the city of that polycata has always witnessed abroad. protest. If you know, if 2 people walked other people joining them, and then they, you know, occupy the iconic spaces of the lousy square or or the college square. But these things are slowly and certainly

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Tahmin F. Barkati: diminishing from the fabric of the city, and it is very interesting to see that the former industry protesters have become the new discipline areas who know that. you know it is, it is definitely important to cough, protest, to bring in more investors and more privatization in the city.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: I've been quickly confused to stick into the time of the presentation. Therefore, at the same time, it's faces are species of commun and solidarity, and restructuring the spaces by undermining the characters of the people, is an assault on the democratic right, and a new neuralism has not only altered the definition of production and consumption space. But it has also altered the way a certain group reacts to denial

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Tahmin F. Barkati: and the State through its duty-five version of infrastructure development which is started experience with the control over open protest by restricting and monitoring the movement

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Tahmin F. Barkati: and discipline the masks from people claiming our spaces to voice. That is, then

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Tahmin F. Barkati: I would end my presentation by stating that the consequence of this is the death of pocket voice, as a survival of the of any democracy is based on. you know, the protest is based on the democratic.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: I would end my presentation. thank you so much for patient hearing, and I hope I could complete it within the

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thank you. Thank you for that interesting presentation, and there will be a lot of questions. We can take it up.

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yeah, please make

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yes.

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yes. I think. Susan, bunky is there? You can

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is team.

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He has to say it. Okay, yeah, we are waiting for your presentation.

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Can you hear this? Yeah, I hear you. I'm not presenting. I'm here to listen. Oh, you I just the presentation in this room.

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Okay, you just

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come and see who are the other peoples.

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We can have the final questions, you know.

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 Megna Aurora.

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are you there?

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Megna is not seen around.

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Okay. So we have a lot of time for discussions. And you know questions So it's a very interesting session, particularly starting from Professor Davis, presentation on a comparative study on

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analysis, on Punjab and West Wing. All in the context of Farmers movement, and

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next was the presentation about the micro movement of Udissa Kasipur on the basis of the theoretical perspective of both. you know Michael Sonia, and also Alan.

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In that case, I'll also. We had also a very interesting presentation by Botach area, who has given us a you know, account of and the historicity to the to to the present context about the gorcal and movement. And here also she also, given us a trajectory of the protest and movement in Go Kalan and the politics of identity or identity politics.

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Now we also had a wonderful presentation by Bulkati from tartan sheet of social science, and she also told about the space. And and now it's open for questions.

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Yes, yes.

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yes, Suzanne, please.

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Susan Banki: Hi, everyone. Susan, thank you. University of Sydney. My area of research is tangentially related because I look at the Bhutanese refugees from Nepal and the homeland activities in which they engaged in in on the in the Nepal India borderlands. So I found a lot of this quite interesting.

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Susan Banki: So first I just wanted to throw out there what I know, you all know. But it's certainly conceptual work that I've been relying on a lot, and I would imagine, for any questions about spatial justice. You know it's useful is venture shendles

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Susan Banki: concept of apprehensive territoriality. You know, making this claim that there are some particularly unique characteristics about Northern South Asia, the way that the borders have been created, the interaction of colonialism with the physical spaces that's created. Some of the Others have called it cartographic anxiety about sort of you know the identities in in different borders, how borders have been drawn, and what that means for ethnicity. So I I put that out just as you know.

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Susan Banki: I found it useful, and I suspect you all know that literature better than I do the thing that I wanted to say. I'm particularly I thought they were all really interesting, but particularly interested in Tom's work. Because I it just so happens that I'm trying to do some stuff on the on the city as a spatial

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Susan Banki:  body.

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Susan Banki: a living, breathing body that actually creates or or prevents the kinds of mobilizations that we might want to see. And

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Susan Banki: I think your conclusions are sobering and accurate. But I also wanted to ask you, and maybe everyone, what is it? What are the characteristics

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Susan Banki: of cities? What are some of those spatial characteristics

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Susan Banki: that also feed into what

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Susan Banki: what mobilization looks like. And here I confess to being

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Susan Banki: selfish because this is what I'm interested in. I'm looking at diaspora mobilization, not so much people protesting what's happening in the whole where they are. But what's happening back home, and I wonder about

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Susan Banki: the city's joint characteristics of

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Susan Banki: invisibility and performativity?

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Susan Banki: Their density

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Susan Banki: and also their potential closeness, but potential anonymity.

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Susan Banki:  that that makes cities particular sites of protest. Another way of saying this is just as

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Susan Banki: made some arguments about how there are specific regions that are that have unique characteristics. He's there talking about apprehensive territoriality.

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Susan Banki: Is there something that we can say about cities specifically that make the mobilization there in

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Susan Banki: unique.

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Susan Banki: dangerous, exciting. I mean, what? What might we want to say about that? That's a very long question. Thank you so much for this presentation.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: I mean, are you there? Yeah, yeah, I'm there. Thank you so much for the question, Suzanne, and it is really a very interesting question, and I think that is one I I I apologize for my camera, not working. I think my Internet is not supporting. I absolutely sorry for that.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: I think. when I was looking into the presentation, the the research as a whole. My first, you know, idea was to explore the the city spaces, and at absolutely the way you said that. What are the characteristics of the city? that makes it, you know, more volatile, and that makes it more, you know, appropriate for the protesters

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Tahmin F. Barkati: to, you know. Showcase their sense. you know, if if I if I again get back to the example of my city. Then I think,

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Tahmin F. Barkati: the density is definitely one reason that makes it a very you know.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: after you know theater of protest, I think communication, I think roads and railways, and the connectivity to the major points is also one main aspect which makes these particular places you know, very you know, vulnerable in the case of Kolkata is also another part of my chapter which looks into dividing the spaces of protest.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: So there is that I have to. I've identified the macro space, which are the square, the box, and the squares and parks are always, you know, placed around the important buildings government within the central business district, because the fourth primary option is to disrupt daily life.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: And I. I'm also interested in looking into the micro space. But the third phase space, as we say, you know, the coffee houses, the the you know tea rooms, or the sheriff with filters where people have an option to come and explore the ideas of the same.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: So that's it. That is also a part of the city which acts at the backdrop of the larger micro spaces, where we can witness occupations and ride like situations. But I think there's this small third space, which also helps in, you know, plotting the larger dimensions of protest. And at the same time there are this first spaces across the city. Like the college pissing

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Tahmin F. Barkati: the institutions the small community calls where small protests are small, you know these features continuously take place, irrespective of the larger protests that, you know, require the media attention. Specifically, I would love to say that back to space is where the micro space the coffee call is, and the dispersed spaces all are, you know, attributes of the city spaces which makes it more volatile.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: I think that is what I can. you know, to my

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Tahmin F. Barkati: I hope I could answer that.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: Thank you. I have a question for you.

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Yes, so if you look at the space we have a kind of a sip of spaces from physical to virtual space, and the localizations and the kind of mobilizations have also started taking and of giving that getting attention from the virtual space. And how do you? How do you look at this point in the context of your own research.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: thank you so much for the question. I think this is the currently this is the largest discussion that take place regarding the physical space and the online. And at the beginning of my business, I I you know, I I try to emphasize on the importance of your, since I think one reason is also because

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Tahmin F. Barkati: the continuity of the participation of the profession has become very you know, flexible during my research at the ground level. I you know, I I I to understand this back

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Tahmin F. Barkati: that the participants you know, they come and they go like fads. As we mentioned online total helps in, you know, getting more number of you know, signatories or more numbers of participants in a social campaign. So she protest campaign. But I think the reach is also definitely much wider than the physical

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Tahmin F. Barkati: complication of these people. But I still believe that I will again get back to Philly's. you know. Idea of the worthiness and the uniqueness and the number of, and characteristics of a protest. I think these stand out.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: You know the use of symbols, the use of you know the the use of it slogans and rallies and rhythm, and the people, you know, coming together and showing their descent. I think that so passes the the kind of reach that the virtual world has.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: I think the presentation of of protest as a physical space within the city attracts more media attention and catches more eyeballs. And perhaps, you know, getting more people from the grassroots level who do not have access to the online stages of online. You know, mediums of protest. So I strongly believe that is the space

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Tahmin F. Barkati: that definitely have a larger you know.

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Tahmin F. Barkati: acceptance or larger, you know

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Tahmin F. Barkati: a magnitude of effect on the past.

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If please be brief.

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Susan Banki: Yeah. Sorry. I I don't know who else is in the room, so I don't know if I'm taking it away from someone else. I I take that point. I wanted to push back a little bit on that Tommy and I I I welcome other people to to come into this as well.

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Susan Banki: and the reason is that I

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Susan Banki: I'm hypothesizing, and I I don't have the findings yet. But while it is true that a big. a big protest in a big city may capture the attention of Media. There are so many other things competing for the attention

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Susan Banki: of Media in a city, and I'm hypothesizing that in a small town that has a protest. You might have a small newspaper that gives it a lot more coverage. Now.

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Susan Banki: again, I'm I haven't tested this yet, but I'm I'm curious about that, that. So I just asked, What is it about the city? But one could ask the converse question, is, what is it about? a rural space.

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Susan Banki: What is it about a regional town that creates a very different kind of protest? It doesn't mean there aren't protests. They might be smaller. They might contact more local media, they may be more likely to engage with virtual spaces. But one thing you said, that I really like Tom, and is the rhythm of the city, and I am going to give that some thought

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Susan Banki: because I think I need to think a little bit more about it.

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Susan Banki: I I I think it is undeniable that the with one of the one of the because you have, you have parks in in small towns. Right? So the whole idea of dispersed places.

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Susan Banki: That's interesting, that that might also be in a small town. But I think you're on to something. With the rhythm.

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Susan Banki: I think the rhythms are different, and I'd love to think more capaciously about what those rhythms, how how those

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Susan Banki: mit ctl, and how those differentiation differentiation of rhythms might make a difference. Thanks. Thank you so we have some other questions for other speakers, other presenters.

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Yes.

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Days.

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Okay, Hi, is that working? Yet? I loved all the presentations very much, and thank you. And Just thinking about the peasant

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situation there. In most cases the emphasis was on

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the interaction with the State to improve conditions and to prevent further developments. negative developments. But there are a lot of people in India who are looking at dual-powering the State as a solution to these

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01:27:33.850 --> 01:27:41.380
these problems that have emerged over the last century. So I just wondered if the speakers on the rural movements could

437
01:27:41.460 --> 01:27:46.909
so say a little bit more about that dual-powering tendency and the potential there.

438
01:27:57.150 --> 01:28:01.240
This is one of the python issue

439
01:28:01.320 --> 01:28:12.019
transition in the movement. What the opponents and a percentage of this when we were talking about

440
01:28:12.200 --> 01:28:15.739
the fifties and sixties until the seventies.

441
01:28:15.770 --> 01:28:21.930
It's basically the basically presents at the small cultivators.

442
01:28:21.950 --> 01:28:26.529
They are not produced for the market they usually produce for the self-esteem.

443
01:28:26.730 --> 01:28:33.659
And today we have under the operation from the other classes, the big landowners.

444
01:28:33.980 --> 01:28:36.489
intermediate categories of the business where

445
01:28:36.500 --> 01:28:50.670
opencast in Indian context, because recently, mostly from the civil rights, civil cast and the other record classes. And so there are precedes where they should do the upper cast, and the big landowners and the businessman

446
01:28:50.920 --> 01:28:55.310
 the Northern airlines. The land default took place.

447
01:28:55.340 --> 01:29:00.270
It was the big landowners in the Alliance with development officials

448
01:29:00.390 --> 01:29:06.770
could, and other administrative operators, they could have it done. It was going to show the

449
01:29:06.860 --> 01:29:16.589
so they could find an interface between the State and this, you know, non-state, but in the present context

450
01:29:16.680 --> 01:29:21.869
the adversaries, and especially in my case, at the University of the States.

451
01:29:22.000 --> 01:29:34.500
they are looking for certain beneficiies and benefits can be given by the State, so state their time to negotiate with the State, and also that is where the

452
01:29:34.550 --> 01:29:50.199
I know what political part is coming to me to get a rule that how one political party can be more focused.

453
01:29:50.240 --> 01:29:55.560
But what is in the context of. along with this date.

454
01:29:55.720 --> 01:30:02.629
to mobilize the State. There has been an amount of ethnicization of the movements.

455
01:30:02.680 --> 01:30:08.730
When is the time when the protest is going on? The food is coming from the

456
01:30:08.850 --> 01:30:22.069
the police committee is authorizing the

457
01:30:22.220 --> 01:30:23.780
and the point of the

458
01:30:24.490 --> 01:30:25.620
then this

459
01:30:26.740 --> 01:30:29.540
videos are published in the future. Yeah.

460
01:30:43.440 --> 01:30:45.360
we need to go to the

461
01:30:47.300 --> 01:30:48.260
okay.

462
01:30:52.240 --> 01:30:54.930
Thank you. yes.

463
01:30:55.450 --> 01:30:56.190
Okay.

464
01:31:06.710 --> 01:31:07.490
okay.

465
01:31:07.920 --> 01:31:19.710
So yeah. My question is to the presenter who presented a paper on pro plan. So I just want to know whether this

466
01:31:19.730 --> 01:31:31.170
Nibali's speaking community communities are like discriminated at the hands of Bengali people.

467
01:31:32.130 --> 01:31:33.909
at my station

468
01:31:34.000 --> 01:31:38.320
for the Central Government of India.

469
01:31:38.460 --> 01:31:43.259
So because I just, I just want to know whether

470
01:31:43.460 --> 01:31:59.169
also, like maybe, that these the inequali-speaking people recur a kind of administrative unit for them to, you know, run their administration, or they need a surprise state.

471
01:31:59.240 --> 01:32:01.570
So I just want to know.

472
01:32:03.470 --> 01:32:05.480
Yes, you can. This one.

473
01:32:05.610 --> 01:32:12.930
 thank you so much for the question. So as far as this.

474
01:32:13.370 --> 01:32:21.790
your first question was, if the Nipani-speaking populace is facing some kind of

475
01:32:21.810 --> 01:32:34.160
you know, disruption and some kind of atrocities from the Bengali populace in an administrative level. When I went to my field I came across some very interesting points like.

476
01:32:34.320 --> 01:32:53.979
so we have espn all Service Commission right? Anyone who is a resident of West Bingo can give the exam, and they become part of it. However, if you are a Nepali-speaking President of West Bengal. In order to get a certain promotion, you have to clear the written exam in Bengali.

477
01:32:53.980 --> 01:33:18.790
Event of Ingol is not your language, however, that is not the case for the Bengali speaking populace, who will be posted in Golka and area. So even without knowing Nepali, they are good to go. But that is not the case for the Nipani-speaking populace. This is one case where they are Not treated at par with the Bengali speaking populace, even though they are living within the same state

478
01:33:18.790 --> 01:33:33.769
as far as the autonomy is concerned. See if they just wanted autonomy or state within state, then the movement would have stopped right after 1,988, because they got their local government body, which is the Julian Korea Hill Council.

479
01:33:33.770 --> 01:33:56.449
But they did not want just attorney within the State they wanted a state of their own. This is because in India also there is a lot number of Nepali-speaking populace, and they are always questioned about their identity. They are always questioned about their political identity like, Where do you come from? Are you Indian?

480
01:33:56.600 --> 01:33:58.720
So called mainland

481
01:33:59.060 --> 01:34:07.570
the people from mainland. They will associate them with Nepal, or even Far East China, because of the official

482
01:34:07.640 --> 01:34:35.010
things. So all of this issue caused them to have a sense of identity crisis, and that has given rise to this demand of a homeland, a homeland within the state of India. They don't want to be separated from India, because anyways outside India there is Nepal. They don't need another Nepali-speaking country, but within India they want a homeland of their own, and that is the basis for these Go Kalan movement.

483
01:34:37.040 --> 01:34:43.980
Right now it is in Within the state of Bengal there are about 25 roads.

484
01:34:44.060 --> 01:34:46.080
but they are

485
01:34:46.470 --> 01:35:00.830
no, no, no, no, sorry, not 25 floors, 32.5, and they are like Mostly densely populated. They are situated in the top up of west Wing, in the gorcal and area

486
01:35:01.030 --> 01:35:04.930
50%. What messages? I

487
01:35:10.800 --> 01:35:35.789
I think not. But, sir, there are also coca population. This is the combined population who are also in this is the total population. And this was also one of the question which I had asked the my respondents that if Goka population is played across India, why is the demand for homeland coming only from Bingo and not from other parts of India?

488
01:35:35.790 --> 01:35:48.999
So they said, the population in rest of India is dispersed, whereas in Bingo it is located within a particular space, that is the reason their demand for homeland is against the state of West Wing.

489
01:35:49.460 --> 01:36:06.449
They are found in Sikh, but then they would like to associate themselves because their language is different. They speak secondies, and now, after 88, they have clearly defined Korka as Nepali, speaking

490
01:36:07.440 --> 01:36:08.210
nothing.

491
01:36:12.280 --> 01:36:19.069
I just one small pacificism. How to differentiate politics of identity from

492
01:36:19.240 --> 01:36:21.540
identity politics. This is one.

493
01:36:21.920 --> 01:36:32.370
So I also ask one person to, you know, but like it was a very good presentation.

494
01:36:32.430 --> 01:36:39.850
And I just want to. Can't we make a kind of critic of all into him now, because he wrote in 1,985.

495
01:36:40.120 --> 01:36:55.249
So now the I did the characteristics of the framework he presented for the societies. So so there are a lot of moments which may not fit into that. But I think there is a need to reinterpret and re-examine the whole framework. yes.

496
01:36:55.620 --> 01:37:17.210
So then the whole singular actually is working, related to my area. I addition to very carefully. you know, when you are Mickey comparison between Bengal and Onjab. These are 2 contrasting kind of cases, though you get some commonality of background. But fantastic as a when was the past set which experience capitalist agriculture

497
01:37:17.400 --> 01:37:19.700
up in the in the context of the

498
01:37:19.750 --> 01:37:21.050
you didn't know what it was on.

499
01:37:21.220 --> 01:37:29.039
and there are corrective mechanism for meaning, the number of the kind of investment in that is entirely different.

500
01:37:29.100 --> 01:37:35.590
But now recent context. though the growth is increasing, but profitability, and in the Us. Decline.

501
01:37:35.750 --> 01:37:42.929
But in the case of Bengal, Bengali's consent to some of marginal holdings, largely because of the impression of

502
01:37:43.330 --> 01:37:51.279
which did not happen in case of the Punjab, did not experience such a kind of radical aggression moments as it happen in case of

503
01:37:51.810 --> 01:37:52.970
West Ofingo.

504
01:37:53.020 --> 01:37:58.010
and also the tenancy kind of practices, it is more in better.

505
01:37:58.140 --> 01:38:04.439
So the point. Actually, I I want to tell you, these are 2 contrasting kind of professional harmonic movements

506
01:38:04.560 --> 01:38:10.829
in Bengal. Now, on the single moment. You are taking these at the moment in response to this new Liberal kind of

507
01:38:11.280 --> 01:38:29.169
things. But in one job I don't think at a similar kind of things are there, and these are 2 different things, and I don't know how this context are entirely different and regional, despite. If you make a comparison between Bengal and West.

508
01:38:29.420 --> 01:38:40.689
It's entirely different, because there are heroes who. you know. They see that these are the kind of things you know. I know you.

509
01:38:51.080 --> 01:38:52.620
Yeah.

510
01:38:52.629 --> 01:38:53.959
Oh, yeah.

511
01:38:54.000 --> 01:39:00.709
And they all I will not agree is Simur, and on the ground should be true that they are near annotations.

512
01:39:02.120 --> 01:39:11.820
They don't fit into any of the requirements of the agitations. Okay, so may I request

513
01:39:11.860 --> 01:39:22.099
thereafter I haven't heard about the general movement that there are protests. So would you in in the case? And so is the case in case of

514
01:39:22.250 --> 01:39:23.200
But yeah.

515
01:39:23.480 --> 01:39:32.729
Punjab, what happened several years back? They they they they get out there for one year. Still, we are debating, we are. We still do not agree with the time that we call every moment.

516
01:39:33.490 --> 01:39:35.209
whether in a structural issue.

517
01:39:36.900 --> 01:39:40.899
So Mondays, who was only the issue of a particular class.

518
01:39:41.459 --> 01:39:52.600
80 to 90%. As for the Planning Commission report, 85 to 90% of Indian population, such as the Indian peasantry today, a small and marginal fact.

519
01:39:53.799 --> 01:39:58.930
So the issue of a big present, etc. Now they are David. So this is a basic fact.

520
01:39:59.180 --> 01:40:17.489
It it's it's coming commission data and nitrogen nitro 85 to 90% of India. So sorry farmers are treated as smaller than the farmers. So the ghost what we used to be there earlier, the big farmers and the left is paradise that is lost. Sorry?

521
01:40:17.740 --> 01:40:20.270
Yeah. Some of the

522
01:40:20.440 --> 01:40:24.130
the disk is good good that I want some kind of

523
01:40:24.139 --> 01:40:26.389
critiquing, also the issues.

524
01:40:26.500 --> 01:40:32.290
Let us start with certain basics. I don't know what we consider to be social.

525
01:40:32.850 --> 01:40:44.030
This basics say it is, there is an element of organisation identified leadership.

526
01:40:44.180 --> 01:40:48.190
If we go by that, it comes out that the without, the

527
01:40:48.709 --> 01:41:12.320
however, this movement got co-opted by the State and the political party. That's a different issue. When a movement get institutionalized or in traditionalized political parties, lists a movement those are 2 different kind of permission initially to study. Yeah. So, but initially just started by Kishi Jomi Shura Committee. We started with that.

528
01:41:12.500 --> 01:41:29.489
and we started with this small girl, and gradually it was co-opted by other first political party. Cpm. Tried to co-OP it. Then they thought that okay, they can't fall. Then it just got co-opted by the. So there is a process of transition. We will have to accept that.

529
01:41:29.730 --> 01:41:39.890
Secondly, it is what happened to the partner slope. You don't want to call it a movement. But matter is that we have identified

530
01:41:40.040 --> 01:41:43.170
organization and also having some impact of it.

531
01:41:43.510 --> 01:41:50.929
What has happened is the real process of movements of movement. It is not only one farmer's organization harbor organization from

532
01:41:51.580 --> 01:41:52.600
Vienna.

533
01:41:52.680 --> 01:42:03.479
Western we, and also so many other civil society organization came forward to give a shape of a movement of social media that took place. So we'll have to look into what we've been doing about.

534
01:42:03.570 --> 01:42:14.979
Now. This point is very clear that this is an over there we can make a comparison between 2 different kind of a formation. My only one thing was that both of the agricultural capacities

535
01:42:15.390 --> 01:42:18.520
they have started with a trajectory of.

536
01:42:18.630 --> 01:42:21.019
I know, land-based economy

537
01:42:21.530 --> 01:42:36.249
until 1,900 sixtys. The appropriate protection of both the pressures are more or less the same. What made the quality was 1,966 on world, on the Green Revolution.

538
01:42:36.310 --> 01:42:44.230
the it is not the quality quantity of the one alone, the quality of the input agricultural inputs.

539
01:42:48.430 --> 01:43:09.219
You see 2 different things that are taking place in 2 to 3 places, when, if you go to bing on in 1,969, onward 1,968 was a watershed, the Congressional department, Paul and the Alliance of 16 Communist parties bungalow from this to to go

540
01:43:09.220 --> 01:43:19.560
how they are, we find the research in of we're going to open their national air moving that they're taking place, and the implementation of the landlord.

541
01:43:19.860 --> 01:43:28.470
What the Hercicians in Soji than others are doing in finance at that time. They are also mobility in the presence. But the land reform implementation.

542
01:43:29.130 --> 01:43:34.550
What happened? The town took place when Austin, you beat Punjab and Brianna was picked up.

543
01:43:34.570 --> 01:43:35.720
I did

544
01:43:35.810 --> 01:43:39.289
the experimental point for the implementation of.

545
01:43:39.460 --> 01:43:50.310
We found a huge amount of money, some materials to new technologies, fartilagers, and other things.

546
01:43:50.530 --> 01:44:05.959
and that we can make a different kind of information of the agency that basically to the form of the commercial cultivation that we come from. Now, we know later on. It must be commercial calling, a new farmers movement based on the identity of the commercials.

547
01:44:06.060 --> 01:44:18.599
Whether we will quantify the new, however's movements or not, that we will give it later on. But the question of who is pushing is clear. Very well. My only point is that 2 movement that said last

548
01:44:18.860 --> 01:44:31.079
but one slide I showed. I tried to show the different trajectories in terms of the in terms of popularization in terms of their alliances in terms of the

549
01:44:31.360 --> 01:44:35.330
and It will be quite

550
01:44:35.370 --> 01:45:04.029
interesting to look into. It is not to say that there is no

551
01:45:04.030 --> 01:45:16.060
in Punjab. Also, there are small cultivators that represents both themselves and the for for the market. But what has happened in Punjab? The big farmers have been able to take

552
01:45:16.430 --> 01:45:18.329
the land of the small form of

553
01:45:18.930 --> 01:45:21.880
under their control and the cultivator.

554
01:45:22.490 --> 01:45:29.179
But the commercial cultivation make profit, and you again invest in. I'll just give a small case study

555
01:45:29.330 --> 01:45:30.560
how to happen.

556
01:45:31.090 --> 01:45:39.140
2 farmers on small cultivators having less than one acre of land. There's a one in one half a half the length.

557
01:45:39.180 --> 01:45:42.590
Another cultivator was having high directors of land.

558
01:45:44.170 --> 01:45:48.920
The big land owner introduced initially a taboo to help support them.

559
01:45:49.410 --> 01:45:53.310
Small contributor of the started doing it 2 months back

560
01:45:53.320 --> 01:45:57.249
for a few years, where the big cultivators use their gift to one.

561
01:45:58.120 --> 01:46:04.870
so what they will call for the small farmers is unable to get one for a standard.

562
01:46:05.080 --> 01:46:08.610
What he did, he gave his land to the big labelers

563
01:46:09.010 --> 01:46:12.099
cultivated under the shift of his sister.

564
01:46:12.270 --> 01:46:30.980
In bring all these the small owners became the sheriff coppers. In here. Case it is the Peak Landers. We kept taking the land on leads. So things have between different dimension. What I was trying to show that is how the different dynamics is playing in the equilibrium society of being all and everything we want to carry in a component.

565
01:46:31.140 --> 01:46:41.330
The time is the over. So thank you so much for a wonderful session. And I, personally,

566
01:46:41.340 --> 01:47:02.970
thank the the presenters. the that is online presentation by Tatar Institute of Science, ph, the student. And so thank you all. Thank you all for this session. And thank you.

