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Then I guess I will start.

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I'll try to be brief.

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So I want to talk about Contemporary dynamics within the Polish anti-fascist movement. And what actually, anti-fascism now means in Poland.

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I hope people online can see me. okay, perfect. so just to to walk you through very briefly, for history of Polish anti-fashion is, of course it I mean the contemporary one. it's always starts with the emerging neo-fashes. More fascist tendencies. And these appeared in Poland around mid 1980 s.

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there are some allegations that they were inspired by the secret police. because they were mostly youth groups, and they were used by the secret police to combat a counter, cultural or subcultural groups that are opposing kind of the Communist state and these emerge in free main currents, which was the Neopagan and neo strictly neo-nazi and ultra nationalist that referred to the pre war tradition of polish. Far right.

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All right.

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 sorry I I I'll continue

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 so. And and in response there were some groups that were created mostly at Hawk. They were, mostly self defense group, like the radical anti-fascist fax fraction, etc. But what's the correct? What is characteristic for that? Time is rather high level of violence and high level of militancy? there's there was certain music festivals that were had to be cancelled because of the level of violence, because they were constantly attacked by skinheads.

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Here you see on your right a poster from a first concert that was actually interrupted, and had to be cancelled in the middle of

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a a middle of it. When was attacked by Skinhead was the solidarity against Award height. it was his concert organized by the solidarity movement in solidarity with people struggling with upper height and in South Africa, and that was attacked by skinheads. There is actually a few photos available. When you see a group of skinheads attacking and breaking the this Reggae concert.

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A.

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Then there was a first wave of institutionalization of the far right, which was roughly around years 2,000, 2,010, where.

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as a colleague of mine say, the former skin heads grew some hair, and started dressing up in suits, and and they became members of far right local parties and at this time also the Neo Pagan and neo-nazi currents. So within the New of within the far right or the neo fascist movement were marginalized Nowadays. They're around 150 neo pagans in Poland, which is a 37 million people, country, and maybe

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250 neo-nazis, a strictly new Nazis. So what remained was the ultra nationalist current. but also the anti-fascist side had to switch to or switch to the to more Ngo based activities like education, etc.

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and the last time for context is 2,015 the elections in Poland, where, law and justice party secured a majority in both Chambers of the Parliament, and also had their President.

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and within the ranks of law and justice. There were a lot of people that came from these far right, or even new or fascist groups. they were work as advisors. They what one of them used to be in the national

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radical camp. Which is one of the main organizations now at the far right. He's now the Minister for science and education. and That Also! The 2,015 elections were marked by a really increased hate speech. Appearing in during the campaign.

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and afterwards after taking over of the power also in public media one of the main teams. we're 2 main teams of this campaign in 2,015. One of them was the gender ideology scare and also homophobia connected to it. The second one was the scare of refugees. And on the in the upper right corner you see a picture from one of the pride for 8 in Belly stock

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which was attacked by the far right Some people even brought an improvised explosive device. Then, later, they were sentenced to 12 months in prison but in the lower picture, you see, this is screenshot. I I only had a few seconds to take it from public TV. When we had lockdown public TV started showing educational programs. So kids could remain in school more or less. And that was actually particular. This particular lesson was about pros and cons of colonialism.

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A. And for the pros that was The argument was that some traditions were eradicated, such as cannibalism, etc. And that was shared on public TV. And and this is a When somebody tries to watch, publish public TV. This is not Something, you know. extraordinary! This is actually quite common, that you have purely an openly homophobic racist. Speeches!

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And because of that first thing that has changed was the changes in particular and discursive opportunity structures. as I mentioned, between years 2,000, 2,010, there were a lot of Ngos that focus on compacting races and equality teaching for quality teaching, etc., etc. They were almost all defunded lot of, for for instance, pro refugee groups had to close or terminate their actions because they couldn't get any funding from the State.

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second one was the state basically withdrew from most of pro equality programs. for instance, we had to plenty pottery like Ombudsman for women's right. Now, it's called Ombudsman for family rights family issues. I'll really mention the mainstream of hate speech but also when they were a State agency that couldn't be closed or shut down or changed. They were either

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Parallel institutions formed or funding from them was a decrease, and that would happen with the office of Ombudsman for human rights, that his deputy told me that they had to twice as many cases, but half of the budget that they used to have

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erez agmoni in order not to, so they wouldn't intervene or interfere with politics. And there's also a lot of connections between the far right media and the state. For instance, when you look at ad advertisements in this really far right media they're often state owned companies that by air time. To promote themselves is basically 100

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a way to funnel money into these far right organizations. Some of them were shut down recently, some of them, but that happened only after the Russian invasion on Ukraine, because some of those media outlets had a very pro-russian stance.

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Now, since 2,015. What we can observe in Poland is a a rise of number of protests and protesters. When you compare data from 2,014 and 2,016 in Warsaw alone

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there were twice as many demonstrations, so the increase is really significant. also. For instance, when I completed my Phd. In 2,011. One of my conclusions was that big demonstrations are really rare in Poland. Now E. Almost every month that the record is, you know, the the the bar is set even higher in the higher.

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like, 3 weeks ago we had a demonstration of of roughly 400 5,000 500,000 people. It was an anti-governmental organ, a demonstration before that, in 2,020 we had huge women's protests, etc. Etc.

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Even The demonstrations that were held annually, like, for instance, anti-fascist demonstrations keep growing in numbers year by year. The second thing which is characteristic is, The blurring boundaries. Between grassroots, groups, civil society organizations. etc., there is. There is a lot of discussion about politicization of Polish civil society in the context of illiberal democracy that almost everything one does within civil society

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can be politicized and often is politicized.

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And therefore it's often combated by the government. There's also a huge increase in people on the streets, especially young people.

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Last year there was a report issued by actually a State controlled polling agency that showed One of the questions was, whether you have you participated in the last 12 months in a protest, demonstration, or a similar activity, and within the youngest H. Cohort, which is 18 to 24. In that poll. Usually the the response rate, the the positive answers with like 5, 6 to 7%

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in 2,021. The positive response was 24.9. So people got used to protesting. People got used to be politicized as well.

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But this is this is a new generation of activists. I use here Danielas Hironi's notion of millennials millennial activists

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that organize in in a different way. They don't tend to formalize their actions. they often have a conflictual attitude towards the State. Not only towards their counterparts or counter-movements. And they're very, very inclusive, and intersectional

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And this can be seen also within the Polish pante fascist movement. for instance, there a lot of alliances between various groups. When we did a protest survey in 2021 on November eleventh, at the biggest annual anti-fascist demonstration. there were groups that were pro refugee groups. There were women's groups. LGBT plus

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groups, etc. I think that has never occurred before. 2,015. These groups were usually acting alone. Now they went in a unified March.

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of course, increasing the numbers What also happened after, especially after 2,016 was a revival of militant antifa groups because of the close connections between the far right and the State. The far right is often used as a discrete tool for the Government to do things. For instance, in 2,020, when there were women's protests

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one of the targets was the church, because the church had advocated for ban on of abortion. So, therefore, there were protests in front of churches, or even inside.

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So what the then deputy Prime Minister, Kaczynski, which is, which is again Deputy Prime Minister, for since a few days now Instead of ordering the police to to provide security for churches, he made a speech that was, of course, transmitted in public media, asking for citizens to join and help to defend churches, and 250

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of obviously the the groups that responded with the biggest in biggest numbers was the far right groups, so you could see that there was a line of police and the line of far right activists like one E next to each other. assumingly defending churches. But of

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then also, these women's protes were attacked by far right activists and by football hooligans, which are often the same group. And that was But what happened then they were countered by militant antifac groups.

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And this is a trend that we can see for the last 7 years.

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Right now in Poland. They are at least 3 anti-fascist martial art tournaments held annually almost in every bigger or even medium sized city there is an anti-fascist gym, which is quite often underground. So it's not advertised as such. But there are more and more militant Antifi groups present, which was not the case before 2, 2,015

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 which is also interesting, is the rise of liberal anti-fascism. Because and I will Try to to tell a bit more in in few seconds. Anti-fascist has become a tool. To combat the government! It's a tool that is used by Liberal politicians, especially in a local level.

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who join anti-fascist organizations, or even organize their own anti-fascist organizations. But at the same time they hand out the European Union or national flags

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symbols that usually we're not seeing during anti-fascist demonstrations component. And these hardcore, especially antifa activists. They tend to ignore these these demonstrations. But nevertheless, the notion of anti fascist be became a part of political discourse. It actually one of the parties, the left party has a part of its program which is called Why we are anti fascist.

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and they point out why they are antifes, and why it is important to in today's Poland.

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There are also new types of groups like groups of people of or age 50 plus That openly call themselves Anti-fascist groups, or committees, as they are called.

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but the the the the the main consequence is that the in anti-fascism. First of all became introduced to mainstream discourse in media in public. And here to the right, you see, it's from one

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fashion magazine. I think it was vogue Poland, or something like that. How to be prepared for a street demonstration, especially when Nazis will be attacking you. So it was, and it it was guidelines that were distributed 1015 years with an anti-fascist movement. Actually, one of my interviews said that they prepared a kind of a guide to how to act as a violent demonstration 15 years ago for a global justice movement protest.

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And then it was reprinted by one of the tabloids in Poland, almost word by ward. And it's here, it says, like you cover your hair, wear a face mask. don't wear characteristic clothing where comfortable shoes, so you can run away quicker, etc., etc., or put a a number of anti-repression group. With a permanent marker on your arm. So even if you're hit by water cannon, it doesn't blur, and you can still call for legal help.

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and they actually tab even tabloids mentioned these repression team numbers and anti-fashion is also becoming part of political programs, especially of the left party, but also in some discussions of other parties.

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And this also is combined with the shift to the left of young people, especially young women. But not only and There are more and more people that are openly anti-fascist, and that was something that was not Visible before. I just ran out of my 15 min minutes time. But I also wanted to say that

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part of that is on the that. The presentation was based on the Protest survey we did during this anti-fascist demonstration. However, it's not yet coded fully, because the Coder lost the surveys and only found it after 6 months. We were really nervous, and we we're lucky that to she found it. So we give it to another, another person to code it so hopefully, we will be able to

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show the results soon. If you know, there's a journal, Patrick, Batiana and Conflicto, which is an Italian journal based in salanto, it's open access, and it's in English, and in early 2,024 there will be an a special issue on Antifa, where we will be presenting this data with a a colleague of mine. We're call during a paper, so we hope that by then everything will be coded and nothing more will be lost. Thank you very much.

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Thank you so much, because I was 3 min right. But I was to jump from a session to another, and very sorry for this.

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And so now.

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yes. So what I do just

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it's not touchscreen.

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 okay.

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this is a collaborative paper. that it partly comes out of a larger project that we are doing on the wider social consequences of Hong Kong's

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past protests. The P. I. On this program is short in Kong. She's down as first author. But I'm Stevie Jackson, and I'm presenting. I'm her co-investigator.

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Okay.

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go down. And that doesn't work.

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That works.

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One thing that arose. What we were beginning to into was that the British Queen died.

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and there was an outbreak of

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quite extravagant morning in in Hong Kong.

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and so we thought we would ask our our interviewees about this morning process, and and have continued to ask them about it.

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There were press reports of thousands of Hong Kong as queuing for hours outside the British Consulate in Hong Kong to lay flowers and things like lighting up Lion Rock, which is an iconic place in Hong Kong. So this you know the love between yeah, Uk and Hong Kong, and you know, qe, 2 rest rest in peace.

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so it's kind of it's kind of odd in a post-colonial situation, that to mourn the monarch of your of of the society that once colonized you. So what's all this about? Is it love for the Queen, for the Uk colonial nostalgia? Or is it more complicated?

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one person who has written about this is Eva Lee? And she. She says that this deserves attention for at least 2 reasons. First, it was the first time since the imposition of the national security law which effectively banned all opposition. that some kind of public assembly was allowed, and secondly, it really it has reignited debates about the post-colonial city and decolonising the city.

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 So we need to understand this in the light of the past colonial history, and also what's happened since. And Hong Kong's relationship with China

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so very quickly

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Britain acquired bits of Hong Kong through acts of war. And while the Hong Kong Island and the southern tip of Kalan Peninsula were were granted by treaty after these wars in perpetuity, the bulk of Hong Kong's landmass. Most of what you can see up there was at least on a 99 year lease, and it therefore became more or less inevitable that it would be returned to China.

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The colonial regime was very far from benign, for most of its for most of its time, and this is something to bear in mind.

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although it did improve somewhat from the from the 1,900 seventys onwards.

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so

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Britain! The agreement whereby Hong Kong returned to Chinese sovereignty was the sign of British agreement of 1984, and Hong Kong was supposed to retain considerable autonomy, its own legal system, its freedom of speech, assembly, etc. and to be pretty well autonomous from from Beijing. Apart from in foreign affairs.

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but in in fact, there has been increasing intervention from Beijing, and also an influx of mainland Chinese, who are known locally as mainlanders, and from 2,012 increased authoritarianism on the parts of the Chinese State under the Xi jinping regime, which has also impacted on Hong Kong.

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and as a result of this and the resentment of China, there has been an intensification of Hong Kong identity, and also anti-china sentiment and political polarisation between the yellow side or yellow ribbons, who are pro-democracy

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to varying degrees anti-china, and certainly pro-hong Kong autonomy, sometimes even some some pro- independence, and the blue camp who are sort of pro-establishment pro-government.

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There have been 2 major phases of protests which hit the international news, the the umbrella movement in 2,014 very peaceful, orderly occupation of parts of the city, and then 2,019 protests

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which became much more confrontational, violent, and increasingly Nationalist, or increase prominence at least of Nationalist

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nationalism in the sense of Hong Kong nationalism in as it went on, and also increase hostility towards not just Chinese, the Chinese, State and government, but also Chinese people, mainland, Chinese people, and this was followed by the national security law in 2,020, which outraged secession, subversion, terrorism, terrorism could mean anything, including sort of painting slogans on something

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collusion with foreign forces. And all these things very broadly defined, tribe with out of jury. Maximum sentence, life imprisonment so pretty Draconian! law!

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So this is the background to, you know. Move on! 2 years 2,022. The the Queen dies.

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but even before then there are signs of of colonial nostalgia being mobilized politically. and it was often used in protests in protests against the Chinese government.

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that so bottom photograph shows is from a protest in 2,012 the top photograph is from a stand with Hong Kong. So solidarity demonstration in Manchester. Uk.

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But there's a lot of selective remembering and forgetting about the colonial era in this nostalgia. In an earlier project one woman we interviewed said, because of British civilisation that has been left to us in Hong Kong. You can protest on the mainland. You would be in handcuffs for even thinking about it. But in some ways she was kind of right at that time, in that there was still freedom of freedom of thought, freedom of expression, freedom to protest in Hong Kong.

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But there's also a and politicized version of colonial nostalgia, if we can call it nostalgia, and it's what's been called a Returnist position by Kevin Carrick, who's written about Hong Kong nationalism.

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And this is because of the idea that China has broken the sign of British agreement, and so that Hong Kong should

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should legally be handed back to the Uk. Which can then granted its independence. It's all hope, of course, but it's a position

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one of the the one of the people we interviewed. Yeah. a young man as a student, she seemed to. It's partly it's I haven't. I've missed a slide.

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Yes, So one young man actually is is vows at least a sort of equivocal version of this returnism, you know, and he also presents himself. As you know, he's very much pro-independence for Hong Kong, and he also presents himself as understanding the colonial history.

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I'll I'll leave you to read the quotes because of time. Most other participants. Reference colonial nostalgia in some way or another.

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in terms, in terms of making sense of of more of mourning the Queen, but with differing, self-positioning. So there are at their attitudes to the Queen, and and a mix of respect or affection for for her, and resentment of for the current regime, and I think, in a sense, I believe, is right, that this was in many ways, a proxy protest, a way of expressing discontent with the current regime.

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 so. one yeah. One young man who we've called Ryan. These are all pseudonyms. you know he he basically presents himself as politically and historically informed.

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taken from a much, much longer account from him, and he talks about the golden age of Hong Kong from the 1980 s. Until until the transfer of sovereignty and this Golden Age idea cropped up quite often, and of the Queen as an icon who represents that

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So so he! And he again, by representing himself as politically knowledgeable. He knows that colonial colonialism wasn't a good thing. But for Hong Kong people.

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their impression is that that era, particularly post 1980 S. Was much better than than what they have now, and that was a recurring, recurring refrain, You find it here, and this much older guy retired, retired. Guy, who sees the morning as as very

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heartfelt. You know he talks about it being natural. If you govern a place well, people will remember you, then they will love you well. Of course the Queen herself never actually governed Hong Kong, but she's sort of standing in for the colonial regime for him, and and again he refers to the the best. Few decades

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were during the British Government's period, so people felt it personally, and he himself went to sign a condolence book. So I really respect the British monarch with sincerity.

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And these people are really nostalgic for her. And it's in. And you know, it's the the final line that really capts us. Yet, compared with the current Hong Kong and a Chinese rule, you can see the difference.

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So it is, in a sense, a sort of implicit protest.

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 Others talked about it much more in terms of

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others's views, so that they were in a sense expressing sympathy for those who went as mourners, although the first one who did go herself. but they they self represented as fashionable but empathetic observers, and these are both young women in their in their thirties, who Who, in varying way, show understanding for others, feelings. The first one went to in order to support her mother. The second one.

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you know, talks about the emotional attachment from Hong Kong people to the British colonial era, either nostalgia or a desire to return to that time.

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So you can see again this idea that it's understandable, because people think of that time as much better than what we have now.

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We have. others who have rather different views in the first one. This slide basically said he learnt all about the Queen so that he could understand British culture before he moved to the Uk. Which was rather sweet, but perhaps not very well informed. and

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the other one claimed herself to be an independent thinker, but actually turned out to be pretty well-a-political, and her notion was well, of course people paid attention when the Queen died because she was famous, and it was like, say, when Elvis Presley died it was the same when Bruce Lee died, so on and so forth. So there's a whole ramble about that. So again, this is just a short extract from it.

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So moving on

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our Hong Kong people really attach to the monarchy.

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one way of thinking about this is how they react to the Queen's death and how they then reacted to the King's coronation. There was a lot less enthusiasm amongst them for the King's coronation, and we all, I should have said we were also following social media at the same time.

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And so But the coronation was used by some who. All the people we interviewed, by the way, were from the new Hong Kong Diaspora in the Uk. We also interviewed in Hong Kong, but all the quotes are from those who are already in Britain.

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 Some of them were keen to represent themselves as kind of good British citizens. So there are a few instances, and these are things that are popped up on social media. So Simon Cheng, who actually was famous for a few days because he worked for the British Consulate in Hong Kong, and he was detained by the Chinese authorities who are on a trip across the border. Now in the Uk. He presented a picture

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to a portrait to the monarch, to the monarch with with Lion Rock in the background, and if you can actually make it out on there, but it's the picture is called the Spirit of Lion Rock again. That sort of like iconic iconography of Lion Rock. You know, Kong Kong people are talked of of being born under Lion Rock. It's you know it's an iconic place for Hong Kong Earth.

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and then another another group in the city in the city of Reading. Posted about how they had joined the big help out, which is one of the coronation events and shared typical Hong Kong food with other people. So you know, they are sort of demonstrating goods and ships so traditional. Hong Kong food fish balls. If you don't know what that wasn't pictures.

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egg tarts which came to Hong Kong via Macau from originally from Portugal. Anybody Portuguese in the audience might vaguely recognise them, although haunt the Hong Kong version

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has evolved a bit, so they were simply presenting themselves as good citizens, being a good Hong Konger, a good immigrant, and this is actually important, because in Britain Hong Kongers are often represented as as good immigrants, and as an excuse for the Government not to allow other immigrants in, because whenever anyone says that they're unfeeling, they say, Oh, we we accepted all the Ukrainians. And look how well we treated the Hong Kong people.

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Yeah, the fact that we're treating everybody else really badly doesn't matter.

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So what's off Hong Kong as in the British Monarchy, and it's difficult to actually assess a degree of prevalence of Monica's sentiments amongst them. There's clearly are some who really genuinely feel for the monarch. But it's also a thing for a lot of people. It's performative and instrumental. It's a way of expressing

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discontent with the current regime, and particularly for those who are still in Hong Kong. At the time that the Queen died, it was one way that they could actually express their discontent with the current regime without getting into trouble.

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and there were different degrees of identification with the mourners and amongst our participants.

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There's also clearly this idea of shaming China by comparison, and there's a degree of implicit and explicit critique of the current regime in all those that we interviewed.

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and once they arrive in the Uk. Displaying attachment to the Uk. Or integration into their new home, is a way of presenting themselves as a good immigrant. A good British Hong Kong. So I'll finish there.

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Okay.

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data presenter are online. Are you connected to?

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 Good evening, please. Few line of for your presentation. And then present, okay.

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Augusto Gamuzza: okay.

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Augusto Gamuzza: good good morning, everyone. And thanks for this for this possibility. My presentation today is a part of a a very huge study from the under the horizon. 2,020 European Union for me framework

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Augusto Gamuzza: and it is a part of the larger process, name and participation.

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Augusto Gamuzza: And in this presentation. Today we will present a section of our work devoted to the analysis of to radicalization and and and polarization dynamics, into to the to religious.

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Augusto Gamuzza: the environment. In 3 European countries.

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Augusto Gamuzza: It's a common work. It's a common It's a common effort to together with me, coordinated by our liana dial. That is the that is the principle that is the principal investigator. And for our research, you know where

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Augusto Gamuzza: university. This section was edited by me, Anna Maria Tglomera and Junior and Georgia

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Augusto Gamuzza: So our get terroristic objects in our research was first of all engaging religious communities into participation project at the welcome level. The main idea of the needs participation process is as it as it's title reveal is the application into

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radical and

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Augusto Gamuzza: and the and the anti-radic organization studies to apply participative

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Augusto Gamuzza: to research as the key the key meters in order to foster and to analyze polarization into our our context. And especially we, we concentrate our attention on exploring the role of religious communities in build. The religious identity of of of of the subject

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Augusto Gamuzza: on the other side, it's important that we will go into the into the next slide. We built an operative space to get the further evidence on the relations between very easily motivated polarization and exclusion.

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Augusto Gamuzza: and on the other side, it's really important for us, the operative dimension that is translated, thanks to participation. Social labs. just to briefly, Introduce what? What social labs are into our project. Social labs are participative.

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Augusto Gamuzza: places work and and laboratories where people and and and stakeholder meets design implement and evaluate some, some, some, some some some some some things and issues related to the, to the

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Augusto Gamuzza: terroristic problem. The points is quite is quite simple. Our research is not only a way to it! To explore people, but even to connect, even to connect them.

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Augusto Gamuzza: did to research questions, how can we be started? The potential relation between religiously to motivated polarization and social exclusion?

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Augusto Gamuzza: What that societal and socioeconomic factor, and for each driver or polarization and excellence in the perception of the religious communities. And and what are the connection between the religious communities in building up the religious identity of the subject. We have done 3. We are conducted 3 integrated research step in that unix and method research.

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Augusto Gamuzza: and we use it, combining

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Augusto Gamuzza: at now at the interviews with release. Lita. Then we have workshop with what is this computer representative debated the polarization dynamics into the lock of context. And then we are working group with interrelates, dialogue networks to elaborate a set of guidance. And this is why we token before

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Augusto Gamuzza: about participatory research. And we want to collaborate a set of guidelines

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on how to prevent religious radicalization and promote interreligious dialogue at local level. And, as I told you before, we work in 3 convex. We work in Italy, we work in in Belgium, and we work in in in the Netherlands.

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Augusto Gamuzza: and from A, from A, from a methodological point of view. We are divided out of works in 2 times in time. Now in time one, we match it together, the minority outwards, coming from narrative interviews with religiously the plus the workshop with community or religious representatives.

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Augusto Gamuzza: and we started. To collaborate a first version, your first version of our guidelines.

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Augusto Gamuzza: these these guidelines can be can be considered as a sales just sort of resume of what are the main narrative outputs coming from from from the To to research that before. And then we realize it. Social lab. The social map was realizing in time

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Augusto Gamuzza: ere

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Augusto Gamuzza: suggest the final version of of this guidance. But the process was not completed, because, 20 days 20 days before I was involved with with the other, with other partners for the consolidation and rewarding

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Augusto Gamuzza: and the validation of of this guidelines. So the consult you continue to work on on these guidelines you in order to tune them in, you know the to to to to fit them in order to consolidate them.

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Augusto Gamuzza: So into the working group with with inter-religious

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Augusto Gamuzza: dialogue network. We have. So the punctual definition of the lessons learned in Step one and in step 2, we have the content, selection and organization, and the third part, that is the guide. That was the guidelines femalization. So our participation guidance related to these teams,

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Augusto Gamuzza: team best 7 7 areas that to roles from the qualitative analysis of of our interviews and and and and worship sessions and we have the relational network activation. What kind of actions and strategies?

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Augusto Gamuzza: The interreligious dialogue as social practice, the process of reshaping religious identity and the connected relation with the religious community.

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Augusto Gamuzza: the religious community belonging this socio economic condition at the polarization awareness. Now I will briefly comment. Some of them in time will present to you what is the latest version after the further refinement of all of the from the recommendation made in Paris 50, 15 days ago.

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Augusto Gamuzza: So it's it's it's the most advanced version of our work. So the first point that that really comes to into into light is the importance of created and activated relational

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Augusto Gamuzza: to relational network, relational web network that must be diversified and must be definitely connected with local authority. Still, in society, civil society stakeholders. So in this sense this is consistent with with with theories about polarization and

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Augusto Gamuzza: to radicalization that especially into in the last 5 5 years. In the in the, we found clearly that there is a sort of changing and and continuously transforming phenomenon. So in order to deal with this kind of phenomenon, we need a multi stakeholder

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Augusto Gamuzza: approach but a multi-state cultural approach that that must be regularly involved over over time.

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Then here we have some some of the of the chunks of our

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Augusto Gamuzza: our interviews. That's in a in a certain sense, are guided us into the consolidation of this recommendation. I do not want to go into into. Into this comment we have a very huge

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Augusto Gamuzza: description of different action and kind of strategies. in order to promote this this kind of participation. This kind of involvement that shift from create, from from the creation of place to places of structure, interaction into the European space

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to foster. And this. This was very interesting, because the presence and the recalling of the contribution of young people are really important for our

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Augusto Gamuzza: for our rescue night. In fact, if we concentrate on first of the participation of ambitious young people supporting the virgin and critical thinking into into the public field. This is a sort of translation of social innovation related to these things at the local level, and young people are, even in the religious media, can be a key player

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Augusto Gamuzza: promoting the logic practices making any any effort to to VoIP isolation. And and the for some nationalization create a positive role, positive role. And religiously, that in this in this field

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Augusto Gamuzza: are really fundamental. If we go to the to the interface dialogue intended as a social practices it is key to, to, to merge and to embed religious integrals dial into current social crisis. So it is something that really opens this.

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Augusto Gamuzza: these kind of networks, this kind of this kind of collectives to the, to the current current social

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Augusto Gamuzza: social question and the reshaping identity and religious community. So this kind of relations.

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Augusto Gamuzza: the main. the main! The main suggestions when recommendation coming color will work, is to send it to reliable information of different on, on different religious funding values. If we had to create a common sense.

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Augusto Gamuzza: it's a common sense of belonging. And even in this case the presence of youth is really fundamental.

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Augusto Gamuzza: And I I want to. I want to go to social economic condition. and the religious communities must be integrated into the integration process especially. This is especially very for vulnerable.

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Augusto Gamuzza: The individuals, when we need to foster synergies that are absolutely involved in the reception and care of people with a migrant

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Augusto Gamuzza: with the migrant background. But on the other side it is important to foster and holistic approach to probably address root causes of radicalization.

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Augusto Gamuzza: So the last point is about polarization awareness.

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please. I was to 2 min ago.

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Augusto Gamuzza: Yes, I'm I'm just to the to the conclusion. So polarization are really informed by the presence of and the front of, consult, conspiracy, theories, and the and the role of media endorsing stereotypes and giving voices, especially to the release of 3 voices must be taking into

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Augusto Gamuzza: account. echo.

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Augusto Gamuzza: it's it's a general sorry. Okay. Glass fund. It was

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alternative counter to narrative that recalls the importance of in power, prediction, and working with with young people in the, in the source of film support in the into generation of dialogue, into teams. The final context and use data and experience to underline the 90 effects of radicalization.

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So these are the main points where we are founded. And the last point is in the conclusion we can say that dealing with radicalization processes and connecting them with the religious one

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Augusto Gamuzza: environment, it is something that is much more crucial because it's to invest the in the interior part of of of the subject, but to back with great outcome into into action. Thank you. Thank you so much for being

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is leave.

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And I use this. Okay, I'm sure it's for sure.

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Thank you. Okay.

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Next presentation.

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please. It means us to. Okay, thank you so much.

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Just a short before work of introduction. They have

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colleagues. Good afternoon. Good morning and evening. Depending where you're at. My name is meed Latif. I'm the post-doctoral associate at the University of Pittsburgh, soon moving to the University of Massachusetts, Boston.

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I am pleased to present this research on behalf of my team, which includes Kathleen Blee beat Semi, Matthew de Michelle. We'd also like to thank the organizers of this session

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to give you fair warning. I'll be using some images that are quite disturbing. They were collated from public access size and also shared by our research participants.

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The research that I'll present to you today draws from one of the most extensive qualitative databases on former white supremacists in the United States

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groups that include the Ku Klux Klan, neo-nazis skinheads and other white supremacist groups.

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Broadly, this research project aims to understand why people enter and why they leave today. I'll be focusing on the gendered dimensions of disillusionment, or the processes by which people grow disappointed with their groups and the broader movement.

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I'll draw on both group level factors, but also highlight internal dimensions by examining the impact of variables such as emotions.

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So how did we undertake this research? I'll briefly talk about the data and analytic approach.

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As I mentioned earlier, this detailed analysis of disillusionment is possible. Given the highly unique set of data that we are using.

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This is based on life history interviews conducted in 2,015 and 2,016, by Mike, 3 of my collaborators, and we interviewed both men and women involved in the movement.

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The people in our sample were selected through a multi-start sampling approach.

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also using referrals from one of our partners, an organization known as life after hate that's comprised of former extremists, that is, assist. Individuals who want to leave with psychosocial support.

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The interviews were lengthy, ranging from 6 to 8 h.

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They were conducted face to face in coffee shops and in homes.

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comfortable settings that allowed individuals to sift through their beliefs. The interviews were tape recorded and transcribed verbatim, generating over 2,500 pages of transcripts.

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The transcripts were hand-coded primarily by me through inductive reasoning that allowed us to capture data on aspects that were understudied, such as emotion and belief, and deductive codes that were derived from the literature.

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To understand the gendered trajectories for disillusionment, we match sets of men and women who had similar movement experiences

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while matched pairs is a technique used in quantitative analysis. There are virtually no examples of it in qualitative analysis.

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So we employed this strategy to control for group level variables, so intergroup differences which allowed us to compare gendered processes more closely. In other words, we used match pairs to magnify the effect of gender on social processes that contributed to disillusionment.

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We picked men and women who are similarly positioned within the movement based on their group movement roles, for example, exposure to violence.

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age, and family responsibilities.

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Following the selection of matched pairs, we mapped timelines for each of the matched pairs

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we mapped both personal and movement milestones, especially those linked to disillusionment and exit, and these timelines helped us to better understand the variables that played a role in facilitating and inhibiting disillusionment.

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For instance, we paid attention to when people said they doubted ideas they had believed in previously, or when they expressed emotion such as regret

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following the timelines. We develop detailed case studies. And I'll be just sharing one of those to you today. And we selected these cases because they reveal broader trends in how disillusionment processes differ for men and women more broadly.

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just a moment for definition. So we are defining disillusionment as the moment when men and women begin to question their involvement in these groups which should tail cognitive and emotional processes

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by which they become disappointed, and they question their involvement.

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We define exit as physical disaffiliation or no longer engaging with racist groups and their activities. And we've shown in previous published work that these are distinct processes, though in this paper we focus on the former

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both Brenda and Brad and these are pseudonyms, were members of highly racist white supremacy groups that aimed to establish a separate colony for white supremacists. They're about the same age. They joined in their mid twenties. Although Brad stayed for almost twice as long as Brenda 23 years verses 12.

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Both had children while in the movement, and they played a coordinating role.

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Both of them defined their roles themselves, although Brenda struggled to find meaning, while Brad was able to get recognized for his efforts quite easily.

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So I'll explore their timelines before turning to a comparison.

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Brad prided himself on having a critical mind which he claimed to let him down a path to join a neo-nazi group, and later served as its leaders.

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Now Brad came from a family who claimed to have neo-nazi roots in Germany, and was introduced to the ideology as a child. So, even though his ideology is steeped in Nazi ideology. He emphasized in the interview his self-guided exploration into neo-nazi movements, and part of this is is constructing a particular form of gender identity.

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so Brad highlighted, that he was drawn to white supremacy because he was angry about the differences between what his family taught him about the holocaust and what he was taught at school.

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it mobilized him.

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It's important to note that Bad's path into white supremacy wasn't inevitable. Given his family's influence. This is a point that he underscored repeatedly by comparing himself to his brother

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almost to highlight, a sense of agency based on gender, also pointing to the fact that there are multiple

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Construction and masculinity

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such. At this point Brad characterized himself as an aggressive fighter while his brother was was laid back.

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 Again. This this points to Brad, constructing a gender identity for himself. Although this was reinforced by the wider, by the wider group.

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his first point of contact with another person was a World War Ii. Vet, who handed him pamphlets at a social event that Brad attended with his family.

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So, even though his contact with this individual was fleeting. The exchange evoked a sense of intergenerational male camaraderie that struck a chord with Brad.

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especially since he didn't fit into his mainstream community.

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So, in contrast to the lack of ties in his community. Brad was impeded very deeply in his group. For instance, he self appointed himself as a recruiter.

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and in the early days of the movement. His sense of accomplishment and validation was sufficient to suppress any self doubt that he experienced even the fact that he donated so generously to the movement through his own personal earnings, an amount that he claims totaled tens of thousands of dollars.

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Instead of feeling that the movement was taking advantage of him. He celebrated connections with his European fatherland, underscoring his sense of racial pride as this quotation suggests, he uses the movement to celebrate his connection and develop personal ties which again allowed him to ignore any red flags.

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Now here I want to underscore that emotions are key to identifying the direction of Brad's pathways and the stability of inter-network connections which reinforce that that's that positive reinforcement.

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while Brad's masculinity got him noticed. It also contributed to his disillusionment.

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He married an outsider to the movement, and his masculinity was threatened. In fact, his ability to lead because of how people in the group mistreated his wife, and through her, undermined his position.

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In other words, the infighting struck at his movement, identity, and the special privilege that he enjoyed as a man in the movement

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at the height of the attacks a former group member went as far as to make a call, reporting him to child services on charges of sexual harassment.

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Like Brad Brenda, grew up in Amelia, where she was exposed to anti-semitism.

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Her mother forbade Brenda from participate from playing with her Jewish friend an attempt to honor their family's European ancestry, which her mother felt was not compatible with the Jewish faith.

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Brenda claimed that otherwise she had very little awareness of organized racism until she met her husband, and she learned about white supremacy through him.

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as this quotation suggests. During the interview, Brenda described how her relationship with her husband was extremely coercive.

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Well, coercion is an important part of Brenda's engagement in white supremacy.

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Her involvement, and the fact that she was sharing in secret knowledge made her feel very important. This feeling of importance contributed to fostering a sense of racial pride, and in turn strengthened her commitment to the cause

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Brenda ultimately left when her movement role

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conflicted with her personal role as mother. Once she decided that her children were at risk of becoming involved in the movement and pulled it into its violence. She physically distanced herself from the movement.

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She also began to question other aspects of the of the movement, such as how she was treated by the leader and her husband, and she began to talk more about the coercion, and also articulated how she felt alienated.

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A comparison of Brenda and Brad's case. Underscores. How gendered! Dimensions of disillusionment, underscores, the gender dimensions of pathways that contributed to how they felt disillusioned

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these dimensions include their distinct entry points, their experiences of gender hierarchy, and also their respective strategies, for how they coped with disappointments.

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while they were both exposed to racial ideology early on with through their families they had distinct entry points that are linked to gender. So, as I mentioned, Brad felt a sense of kinship with a man who introduced him to white Nationalist thought.

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These connections and the associated positive feelings contributed to Brad's sense of racial pride.

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In contrast to Brad Brenda was coerced into white supremacist ideology and activity by her husband.

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These distinct entry points contributed to their ability to manage subsequent relationships with their groups. Again, Brad quickly assumed the position of leader, and while he was providing he was undertaking more than full-time work for his group, and, in fact, paying on it, paying to it through his personal finances. He felt very good about his contributions, at least initially.

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 Brenda very quickly

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grew to have an insider perspective on her society, but her subsequent negative relationships, especially through the leader of the organization, diminished her commitment to the group.

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Her she felt undermined, and as a result.

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didn't feel seen by the by the group.

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Further, the lack of connections with other women she worked with, which might have impeded feelings of disillusionment didn't develop.

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In addition to their unique trajectories. Group interactions were critical to their subsequent sense of disillusionment.

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Brad's central position made him a target for group infighting, and as he assumes a leadership role. He was increasingly questioned and left very quickly after facing those allegations of sexual misconduct.

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Given that, Brenda. Brenda didn't have that central role. She allowed her to linger on in the movement long after she became disillusioned.

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Our analysis of these matched pairs, highlight, that disillusionment, dimensions of men and women have to acknowledge the multitude of gender roles and hierarchies that are present in the movement.

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Men and women employ different strategies to come back, disillusionment

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at the individual and at the group level.

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To some extent men and women shift their identity and links in the group to address these areas of disappointment. However, certain mechanisms are more salient for men versus women.

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Men mediated the disappointment through an identity that was highly salient for Brad. This meant being a leader.

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They were also supported by the wider ties that he celebrated.

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So that is, their resilience to their early disillusionment. Factors included both cognitive and relational mechanisms.

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Women also adapted to disillusionment based on individual and relational factors. However, as Brenda's case showed, she received significant pushback from her group, her work was never acknowledged. She felt demeaned by the all-male leadership, and to that end shifts within the group had a greater impact on her disillusionment as compared to Brad.

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As I've discussed this illusion presents recursive, complex, multi-dimensional pathways, and therefore the interventions similarly have to be long-term. Helping individuals address the immediate sources of disillusionment which may include trauma and abuse as exhibited by Brenda's case, but also identify and keep track of triggers that may range from continued belief

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to feelings of loneliness or the sense that non-movement relationships, feel lacklusters compared to those in the movement, which is very true of Brad.

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especially in the context of the high felt by violence.

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the salience of emotion questions. The rational choice approaches that many employ when designing de-radicalization interventions. So while the need for stable employment is an incentive, for example, for some to leave, the vast majority do not, because of the high they experience how that contributes to their sense of self

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and the resulting movement ties. The far more work is necessary to understand the impact of emotions on participation and the range of resources that is required for individuals to re-envision or recast a sense of self, so that is, create identity stabilization. After exit.

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Some people are able to substitute one set of beliefs for another which helps to break ties.

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but many continue to feel the pull of the excitement of the street and the high felt by violence. So it's important to underscore that in these cases of which we have several. The interviewees highlighted that they were not able to break free of the emotional pathways, even when they began to disassociate from the ideology which is a critical point to consider when designing interventions that we integrate formers into the mainstream.

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Thank you very much for your time. And I look forward to questions.

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Okay.

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thank you so much for your presentation.

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And next presentation is a sun here. And we have, okay, so we, I'm gonna share my screen with you. Mine. Yes, please.

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Thank you very much. Sculpture. Thank you so much. Thank you so much, please. A very short introduction of yourself.

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Zitian Sun: And then you can start. Thank you. Yeah, no problem.

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Zitian Sun: yeah, no problem. Thank you very much. And my apology for not being there because of the visa problem. my name is Dickinson. I am a Phd. Students at the Department of Sociology, Mcgill University. My contacts, my contact information on the on the page I was very looking forward to goes to the she Australia. But the ha! Unfortunately that can, you know, that couldn't happen.

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Zitian Sun: And today, my presentation is about Hong Kong. The 2019 protests as previous presenter has this wonderful presentation on Hong Kong identity, this, I hope hopefully, my paper can kind of provide some more detailed it. Investigation on the movement dynamics that what happens in that was happened about this very violence, very confrontational protests in the 2,019. So

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Zitian Sun: the general trajectory of the presentation is with a

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Zitian Sun: primary focus. Under what condition does repressing against a violent year? Popular movement becomes successful, that this particular question is very particularly designed to challenge or to inspect some some of the social movement. Literature, because usually a popular move, a repression against popular movement would not succeed, and a movement with violence are usually not very successful.

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Zitian Sun: So my case in my research, I am going after this particular aspect and exam the entirety of the movement. to to answer that questions

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Zitian Sun: the main structure. I will go through some of the background for the audience who didn't know about the movements the theoretical framework that I'm mostly working at working with, and the the mixed method approach, which is a primary aspect of my research design and some findings and empirical

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Zitian Sun: because this is an ongoing paper, although I have finished it, I have finished it. But because the limit of the time I got to focus primarily on my data section so that I will have some lee ways to give you more concrete understanding of the papers. And and I'm looking forward to your criticism and your questions.

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Zitian Sun:  some basic backgrounds that we know the protesting 2,019, starting June, and last more than 6 months, and he was interrupted by the COVID-19 pandemics and a resume in 2,020 with scattered protests. Some participants and observer will will believe that the

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Zitian Sun: the movement is still going on, or is going on for a considerable amount of time after Co. Covid. But I'm working very specifically on you. starting from June to January 20 January 20, because that's the height of the movement. That's where the violence is back.

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Zitian Sun: There was extensive violence. Rep and repressions police fire over 16,000 tear gas canisters, and over the 7,000 people are arrested, and they are vast majority popular support for the movement. We have some protests involved millions of participants. We have large number of demonstration.

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Zitian Sun: so in the general theoretical framework on the sending protest and repression is usually consider repression raises the cost of collective back action, which is a typical a rational toy theories of trajectories. But

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Zitian Sun: when social movement feels start to look into those conceptions, we start having this 2 basic categorization that is between indiscriminate violence and the targeted lines, that is, the States attack indiscriminately against protest, and states are ha heavily targeting specific individual funds in the process. That is very typical. If the police attack or the States attack.

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Zitian Sun: you know. peaceful protesters, general audience bystanders to eliminate mobilizations that usually backfires because people would not see? we'll see those repression as illegitimate. On the other hand, the targeted repression from the State that such as arresting people who are breaking the law, who are disturbing public, or who are threatening to the public security.

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Zitian Sun: That usually be okay in some in general cases, but we also see many different circumstances that it doesn't. But that's the general criterion. So we s social movement to social moment theory. Go after those theories and start understanding. Okay, we once the protests are, why is the protest or the general audience start leaving the regime's action are no longer you, no longer legitimate

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Zitian Sun: mobilizations likely to expense, and once the repression become legitimate, the mobilization contracts. That's the general general as theoretical expectations. But

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Zitian Sun: like identified the are leeways, and they are complexity behind those mechanisms, so that I call them in dynamics of contention that is, usually protests and the repression work in inter inter interconnected ways. That is.

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Zitian Sun: States. Repressed protests respond to it, and it's going after rounds, after rounds of interactions, and of course, and States can engage in not other. What form a pro form of repression, such as this information campaign censorship, the denial access to information. Those are pretty typical form of alternative repressions. I just call them alternative repression. There, you know, there are different words for it. So

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Zitian Sun: these general anticipation formulates the way to examine Hong Kong protests so why, what what I did in this paper is I first, I select June fifth

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Zitian Sun: to a J June fifth, 2019 to January 30, first of 2,020. That is the 241 days, because, June 6 are the first major mobilization against against the government, and after within January 2020. That's the Covid case. Start being identified in Hong Kong, and later on following up with the Government's lockdown policy, so that people are no longer, you know. They cannot go on the streets

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Zitian Sun: the general coding criteria, or the way that I'm doing it is I call day by day to record protest occurrences against predicting variables, that is, repressions and the propaganda from both Chinese mainland, government and Hong Kong Government.

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Zitian Sun: the general analysis pattern. Or now, this model is linear log models, and with some regression for a probability arguments. And I use previous weak variables to predict

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Zitian Sun: a later protest that it is a typical time, serious causal design to argue that previous

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Zitian Sun: our current repression has a meaningful predicting power for later protests. So in this case, although this is a a causal model. But I don't call caught a commonality, because in my mixed method design, I do not believe the

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Zitian Sun: statistical evidence can be stand by itself. He has involve contextual information. He has to involve interviews, city polls, protest, observation, those data to make it a meaningful, and meanwhile those qualitative evidence and qualitative information can be much more generalizable or much more informative. When we have a statistical model to facilitate.

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Zitian Sun: to help it to become more more meaningful.

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Zitian Sun: So these 2 models these 2 patterns, or these 2 methodological approach combines in the dynamics of pro in the process, dynamic tracing. That is because I look at day to day protest occurrences to record how many protests that happens. I'm able to know who did this? And who? Why did they did this? And

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Zitian Sun: what's the what's the argument? What is the disagreements over those broadcast activities? I have also involve city wise, holding results with protest. and protester memoirs were interviews, and they also include in movement and post movement interviews, so that

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Zitian Sun: I have a better be better. Look on those those results or those information. So

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Zitian Sun: the next slide, I'm go. This is the general overall findings of the protest occurrences. The blue lines are scheduled protests the green lines are non-violence protests, and the red lines are violence protests. So in this particular case the I'm combining various sources of database to in to to build my own to build my own data sources. but very particularly we are able to see that

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Zitian Sun: violence pro This is The overall trend with the loss SMS are, are are combining, or at least fit, to our general understanding of how, when the protests have become escalated, and in this particular cases I identified virus protest as

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Zitian Sun: targeted attack against police or government property or individual in this. I made this quite here very strict status. I want to only code protest that is, specifically targeting police and government rather than scatter attack or pushing, doing, you know, or pushing or little bowing between protest and police during a heated confrontation. I have control variable for that. But for

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Zitian Sun: these protest occurrences result, or the statement for or for these data, I want to be very, very specific.

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Zitian Sun:  next, we look at the repression and that is general indiscriminate.

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Zitian Sun: I identify 3 major criterion that is, tear gas, rubber bullets, spin bags and reactive browns.

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Zitian Sun: we can see, these variables are highly corresponding to each other. They are the lost SMS are almost overlapping, so we do anticipate some of the interaction among them, and the

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Zitian Sun: repression are targeted that is involved. Live rounds because these are life around arrests and police injuries life around. Because they I report them because they are feeling numbers, but because but they are most lethal way to repress the protest, and arrests are pretty

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Zitian Sun: common across the pro across the entire movement, but because of their because because they're because they're required the police to actively go after a protester, so that I take them as a in this as a targeted form, and police injuries are more like, are generally identified as as a confounding indicator, because

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Zitian Sun: we both reflect the intensity of the repression and the intensity of the movement. So I had them separated in the general dimension just to see how what is the distribution? And

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Zitian Sun: because we identify. They are all similarities where they are co co-occurrences across these these variables. I have the I have the use the Pca models to general to find out what's the dimension across these repressions? indicators the being back. Obviously with the standard approach we see these English women

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Zitian Sun: accounts there are more likely to have occur commonly, that is, you know, when police fired tear gases they are more likely to fire a robot

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Zitian Sun: but for arrest and police injuries they represent a separate dimension of the data. So that's not necessarily these are happening at the same time. But this is just statistical distribution to help me to facilitate saying, Oh, we see this form of covariance across these data. So we are able to combine some of the Information.

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Zitian Sun: for instance, being back reactive round rubber bullets and tear gases are to consider as an indiscriminate form of repressions, and the arrest and police injuries are considered. Consider as a general indexes for targeted repressions and life rounds. I

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Zitian Sun: I allocate them as target to form, but because they're low occurrences and frequency. The It's lucky that the lot linear models are able to kind of undermine that particular particular particular occurrences.

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Zitian Sun: So this wouldn't have a overall implication of the statistical analysis. So

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Zitian Sun: here is the empirical findings regarding the general models. I have the let's look at the first 2 role. That is the in the square minutes repression and the targeted repressions. We've found a Co. Relatively on common with circumstances, because in this form and repression actually demobilized the moment

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Zitian Sun: because this is also this is because of personnel requesting this, consider the odd ratio in translation. This is roughly correspondence to you, you know, 1.0 1.1, some some some type of moment, that is, each unit of the increase in indiscriminate account. The repression the protest goes down by the repression goes down by around one.

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Zitian Sun: So it's quite uncommon to see this result, because in discriminative repressions actually demmobilize very effectively across the movement, both a total and novice protesters, but surprisingly, the to total violence protesters are not responding to that.

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Zitian Sun: On the other hand, target repressing is actually driving the the majority of the protests that is still post non-violence, and and I have a fifth interactive variable. That is very simple Venus movement, minus now minus movements. And we're able to articulate how that would defer. It seems like the indiscriminate repression, is driving more violence movement rather than nonviolence.

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Zitian Sun: And also I put input the propaganda indicator. That is the number of negative publicity, negative a negative commentary, negative come from, and publicity from the Chinese governments to against the movement mostly. And I have the Hong Kong and police press releases, as the general indicators to account for those covariance. it turns out, the

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Zitian Sun: mainline counter movement publicity is actually very meaningful, positive predictor for the movement occurrences. And furthermore, I have a number of control variables to indicate. what precisely whether other influences or whether

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Zitian Sun: control variables can meaningfully that predict the movement we have. I have the June to September's indicators, October to November indicators and the December, the January and the Indicator, because I we we know the movement become particularly violence after November, and we know the movements, is taking advantage of the seventies. 90 anniversary of the People's Republic

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Zitian Sun: to mobilize against the Chinese government. So we see as by using the last category the last 2 months as a reference category. The previous couple of months are on a increasing trend, and of course, lastly, the another controlling variable for average temperature. because Hong Kong Hong Kong in the summer gets hot, and the movements does experience some of declining.

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Zitian Sun: In August I will, was trying to put in into consideration whether a temperature can have any meaningful effects, although they do carry on Brila typhoon is less of the less of the issue. but average temperature does have some predicted predicting capabilities. That is a negative coefficients. But the the general of for scheduled protest is pretty salient, for total protest is mostly coming from the violence protest indicators.

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Zitian Sun: So the statistical result result is contradicting to some of the theoretical anticipation, because the in this State violence is leading to some sort of a violence, mobilizational extension.

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Zitian Sun: And, on the other hand, the targeted States wireless is actually driving some of the some of the nonviolence mobilization. So some some of the violence mobilization. do. I have 2 min?

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Zitian Sun: Thank you very much. It's about yeah, thank you. It's a I'm about to finish. unfortunately, I don't don't have the chance to go over it all the details that I have, but the what I have in the current results, and the the paper that I was able to identify that

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Zitian Sun: these Co these outcome, these statistical. How we just observed it's actually had a lot to do with the strategic and technical shift in the movement.

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Zitian Sun: That is the Hong Kong professor actively. use this decentralizations to avoid police repressions, and there are, the violence and nonviolence. Reconciliations are also refer as no cutting the match, that is, team violence and nonviolence. Protesters are no longer alienating, id and dating against each other and increasing tolerance of lion tactics across the city based on posts.

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Zitian Sun: statistics, the population star star having a more general understanding of Why, this is more justified because the States are, you know, being brutal against the population.

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Zitian Sun: So the eventual arguments that lies still focusing on the repression tactics and the overall and physical results. That is, repression. Dust does back fires, but the indiscriminate violence can be mobilized.

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Zitian Sun: But when we go after those tactical shifts over the decentralization and violence and nonviolence, reconciliation. We start realizing the protester adaptation to repression has a lot to do with with the overall tactic and strategic changes over the movement. They they are not. They are longer negotiating with the Government. They are no longer building over

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Zitian Sun: all coalition to force the Government to substantiate a year ago, but they are focusing on the mobilization of the expansion of the mobilization of capacity, buying, corporating both nonviolence and vital protesters. So that's In this case I'm tend to argue that the violence serve as a both tactic and a solidarity instruments for movements, mobilization. And if

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Zitian Sun: many many of the audience may realize this is kind of conflictual to the Hong Kong. Not a peaceful non-violence approach since the 70 handovers, but we we are also able to identify that these tactics are very commons in the 1,667 Hong Kong riots by by the latest.

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Zitian Sun: So you're much to be done. And the further exploration is, I would like to see how whether I can find any out of the narrative from violence protesters. But you know that's a long shot. It's very hard to find those people. They are considered their identities.

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Zitian Sun: and these for a statistical model. There are ways and I have to come up with all these different ways in the to eliminate and possibilities and the lack of instrumental merit variables, because, you know, protest repressions usually happens, you know, in a in an interactive way.

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Zitian Sun: So thank you so much for this opportunity. And

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Zitian Sun: please, I'm looking forward to your comments, and please let me know if you want to have a conversation. Thank you.

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Thank you so much.

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Yes, okay. Now is a time for the boy and back. Presentation! Could you share your screen, please?

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Bojan Baca: just give me a second. So first of all, thank you for having me, and of course I'm sorry for not being able to be there again. Oh, problems with Lisa! Now, since I have some connection issue, I would turn off my video and start sharing screen just in case.

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Bojan Baca: Okay, there we go. Can you see it? Yes, yes, yes, the presentation. Yes, perfect. Thank you so much. Thank you so much. Okay, thank you. So I'm gonna present, like, this is, this is a work in progress. And just to give you a sense of the importance of this event, the so-called anti bureaucratic revolution. Basically, it's the the, the, the event the the the protest wave that signal the end of

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Yugoslavia, and its importance in Montenegro of just again to get a sense is that, for example, one of the key figures of anti-bureaucratic revolution in it, in from 1,988 to 1,989 was a a President of Montenegro until a few months ago. So more than 3 decades

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Bojan Baca: one of the the the things Sec. Okay, So one of the really interesting things about anti- bureaucratic revolution in Montenegro is that there is almost kind of no scholarly work on this event in Montenegro, on antibiotic revolution in Serbia, which was pretty much controlled by Slobot, and most of it. Yes.

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Bojan Baca: but, Montenegro, you just mentioned in passing, and the the other thing which is interesting is is the public perception. The way it's used in the public discourse is this kind of the defining event that is now kind of free to a retroactively seen as the the the calls of all problems that we were facing.

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Bojan Baca: in the past 30 years. Now, what was interesting is that, and which really kind of annoyed me, is hearing that, you know. Like all of a sudden, Ethno Nationalist counter elites a appeared, and they gave few speeches. And all of a sudden, people who really believed in kind of Socialist self management values and internationalism overnight became a a

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Bojan Baca: kind of nationally school started this at the Nationalic frenzy.

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Bojan Baca: it was kind of romantic for me, because people, people, citizens and masses were generally seen as kind of these automatons the void of agency, and that,

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Bojan Baca: well, antibiotic revolution is often seen as this kind of continuous event controlled by these only omnipotent to lead. Now in this paper, this is just the segment of my research, because I was collecting data for a period more than 2 years.

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Bojan Baca: Basically, I was just interested in how the regime fell

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Bojan Baca: within few months, going from basically this small scale resistance

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Bojan Baca: to mass protests within 6 months, basically.

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Bojan Baca: And I was really interested to see like what was the kind of noise of these masses that's that's perceived to now. by many in the the public discourse like I really wanted to turn it into speech, Li, really to listen to what they were saying and how they transform form from Socialist Demos to Nationalist ethnos.

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Bojan Baca: So were they manipulated by the elites, or it was a genuine grassroots uprising which at least capitalized on

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Bojan Baca: just briefly. So basically, I'm using a mixed methods analysis, and critical discourse analysis to analyze the the, the, the discourse of the elites of that time from selected periodical magazines and publicly available documents, and for the protest they use protest, event analysis. And I'm still kind of creating database. I'm still here trying to clean out in for

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Bojan Baca: the a different variables protest events.

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Bojan Baca: and I'll speak about them later. And now, just to give you a context. So whenever the the the, the empty bureaucratic revolution is invoked in public

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Bojan Baca: is, it seems, that people were living right, and all of a sudden they were easily manipulated, and they started rebelling. So there, there is always this discussion that yeah, the the idea of socioeconomic discontent. It was fake, and that it was kind of. There is this conspiratorial kind of underpinning. It was kind of Ethn Nationalist frenzy, disguised and social economic discontent. However, if you see in the

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Bojan Baca: in the table across the former Yugoslav Republic. There was rising discontent. If we look at number of strikes from within a decade.

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Bojan Baca: So for Montenegro, it basically went from 0 2 more than 50 strikes per year. But what was interesting in the summer of 1988

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Bojan Baca: was that strike actions started the occurring in the streets. So workers were leaving pre premises and going in front of the State institutions to make their demands or articulate their grievances, which really made them kind of political. And also another thing during that

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Bojan Baca: summer was that a lot of cultural events, mostly in the coastal region of Montenegra during certain festival, started inviting

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Bojan Baca: Nationalist counter leads, which really started giving frame different frame right wing frames to to to discount, which are going to be taken later on.

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Bojan Baca: Now this is at the level of Yugoslavia wasn't able to find anything in the archives or newspapers regarding this in Montenegro, but this will just give you a a a a sense of the

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Bojan Baca: what was going on. So

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Bojan Baca: there was. For example, you can see here over 1,000 appeals. Address to the Federal Trade Union Council in the first half of 1988

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Bojan Baca: 92 cases of violation work duties involved ordinary workers. But what was interesting is that the labor disruptions were mostly organized about increasing accountability and terminating privileges of the elite, and this is when the elite started to be perceived, the like party State to lead, started to be perceived as a bureaucracy, ergo, the anti- democratic revolution.

387
01:36:44.020 --> 01:36:51.049
Bojan Baca: Another thing which is really interesting. Yet nobody was mentioning. This is, I was just by

388
01:36:51.059 --> 01:37:13.850
Bojan Baca: accident I found it was the importance of infraredolitical resistance. There was a huge ovation of work place called Mass on a Bolivanya, or kind of a massive leaves in social enterprises, basically for some comp for some companies, more than 3. For of the the the

389
01:37:14.200 --> 01:37:36.820
Bojan Baca: workforce went to kind of fake sickly. Basically, the idea was for basics is subsistence. Instead of engaging non responsive authoritarian government. People would just take sick leave go to their small farm in their villages or their their houses in the coast, which they would rent to rooms, to the.

390
01:37:37.940 --> 01:37:49.320
Bojan Baca: to tourists, and basically within 2 or 3 months they could earn more than their entire yearly income like regular income.

391
01:37:49.730 --> 01:38:01.649
Bojan Baca: And by the end of August there was, say, there was script now on the same safety evolves, which included also illegal bars basically that were like what they call them wild bars. There were.

392
01:38:01.820 --> 01:38:16.960
Bojan Baca: They were these bars where you could gather to criticize the regime. And these are just some titles where you can see here. about the epidemics of sea cliffs and the crackdowns on

393
01:38:17.150 --> 01:38:19.069
Bojan Baca: and wild bars where

394
01:38:19.809 --> 01:38:34.210
Bojan Baca: so by the end of August, the most of these kind of safety evolves in terms of kind of thing for political resistance and through institutional means. We're kind of close by the regime. And

395
01:38:35.200 --> 01:38:55.400
Bojan Baca: another thing is that this is where the actually antibiotic revolution starts. But what was interesting for me is that I was able to find that it wasn't a continuous event it was basic. It was 3 acts which I call with different actors, different stages, different dynamics, and even different audience.

396
01:38:55.460 --> 01:39:08.019
Bojan Baca: So the first where the rallies of solidarity meetings is solidarity. 6 of them mass large scale events. More than 10% of Montagnan population, which is still

397
01:39:08.200 --> 01:39:17.689
Bojan Baca: small. Half a million people were in the streets. and these were organized by serpent Montenegro activists from Kosovo, who are basically coming

398
01:39:18.080 --> 01:39:37.739
Bojan Baca: from Serbia because of was was part of survey at that time. And they were, basically wanted to organize protest where Montenegro and citizens were express their solidarity with them because they they were stating that they were allegedly terrorized by Albanian ethnic group.

399
01:39:37.740 --> 01:39:52.830
Bojan Baca: Now, another thing which was really interesting was that the way they started organizing this campaign, they would start to a a protest. They would start with rumor campaigns, and then they would use strong kinship and friendship ties in Montenegro.

400
01:39:53.390 --> 01:40:10.689
Bojan Baca: then, which then would go through kind of local opponents of the high officials in Montenegro, and then strategic placing of radical groups in the crowds where they would yield the name of Slobodanami, or the the selected local O or officials, is the chosen ones to to

401
01:40:10.870 --> 01:40:12.070
Bojan Baca: help them.

402
01:40:12.220 --> 01:40:24.720
Bojan Baca: Now, One of the interesting things is again with the consequences of this rallies is that it became a vehicle for legitimation of new political subject. It was the people, not.

403
01:40:25.260 --> 01:40:32.010
Bojan Baca: and this is the moment where this became incompatible with parties control over state and society.

404
01:40:32.090 --> 01:40:39.159
It also blurred symbolic boundaries between Serb and Montenegro and identities, which is still now, because, being a

405
01:40:39.500 --> 01:40:53.400
Bojan Baca: problem, and the most important was the relies exposed the weaknesses of the regime into because they were unable to stop these mass gatherings, and that really started to to show crackdown strategies. The other event was

406
01:40:53.430 --> 01:41:04.520
Bojan Baca: in October. It was organized by workers and students from Montenegro, so nothing to do with with with actors from the the previous stage.

407
01:41:04.590 --> 01:41:22.549
Bojan Baca: They started here challenging government. Paul, we see an openly contesting party State leadership, or at least certain parts of party State leadership. However, with we, we're really the the. The the party states leadership lost. The the moral authority was then, when they use force.

408
01:41:22.550 --> 01:41:42.010
Bojan Baca: and which was pretty much unheard of in Montenegro to that time, which is funny, because now, whenever there are protest, they chose dear guess and rubber bullets. But then the police use just tear gas. And people were outrage because the idea was that, okay, now, State is attacking its own people.

409
01:41:42.820 --> 01:41:56.609
Bojan Baca: And now the local opposition within. The party started to capitalize on this. So the discontent started moving from the streets in the institutions, because

410
01:41:57.340 --> 01:42:03.019
Bojan Baca: party youth in particular realized that they have actually mass support

411
01:42:03.080 --> 01:42:06.500
for for this, so that they can take over the party.

412
01:42:06.780 --> 01:42:20.219
Bojan Baca: And of course, then there was kind of strategic alliances between manager management of the largest State enterprises and local officials. But basically this act to reflect the generational divide within the party.

413
01:42:20.330 --> 01:42:32.720
Bojan Baca: And of course the Act 3 was the the the overthrow again organized by workers from the previous act. Yet new members of the students and party youth, and in this

414
01:42:32.720 --> 01:42:53.919
Bojan Baca: point they started questioning the legitimacy of the party. They blame the party that they lost its way with kind of trademark, you of self management, Socialism, and that their idea is actually wasn't to abolish the State to abolish Socialism, but it was to better the the the self management Socialist.

415
01:42:54.090 --> 01:43:06.109
Bojan Baca: Of course the party State, naming contour resign. And from this point, like at this point, is that it was a generally kind of a grassroots movement

416
01:43:06.490 --> 01:43:20.589
Bojan Baca: with the revolutionary character, but it's better to call it kind of revolution, because it was just a change of personnel, although I wasn't able to find anywhere where the the term antibiotic revolution originated.

417
01:43:21.130 --> 01:43:37.830
Bojan Baca: So it was basically the the lead to this point capitalized on taking a capitalized and mass discontent to take over the party. And then it was. They were called to the the, the, the, the, the smart, and the beautiful, the the the

418
01:43:38.040 --> 01:43:47.629
Bojan Baca: generation that took over the party now at this point, like I'll be brief here. I'm now trying to identify. From the dynamics of contention

419
01:43:48.010 --> 01:43:56.649
Bojan Baca: theoretical approach time to I I was able to identify certain mechanisms and processes that were occurring basically in this, when

420
01:43:57.030 --> 01:44:07.349
Bojan Baca: and also what I was able to to find in the archives from the daily newspaper. how the events following the the

421
01:44:07.690 --> 01:44:27.770
Bojan Baca: the anti-bureaucratic revolution. it's the cold so called the be the bureaucratization process that they were quite so few protests, because the general consensus is the after antibiotic revolution. Montenegro and civil society became quite docile like it. It just

422
01:44:27.970 --> 01:44:52.550
Bojan Baca: it became silent. But that, empirically speaking, that wasn't the case. It was very lively and in terms of numbers. The majority of these protests, with the exceptions of large scale demonstrations and rallies were around socioeconomic, environmental and everyday life issues rather than ethnopolitical issues or nationalistic

423
01:44:52.600 --> 01:44:54.899
promotion that it's old way

424
01:44:55.000 --> 01:45:08.690
Bojan Baca: most of the time. Okay, that. And just to conclude here, these are some myths and realities like me, from the the general literature on former Yugoslavia, or even on Eastern Europe.

425
01:45:09.140 --> 01:45:15.049
Bojan Baca: and kind of empirical reality that my findings, preliminary findings showed.

426
01:45:15.370 --> 01:45:39.449
Bojan Baca: So here you can see that, since it was very lively, socioeconomic hardships predominantly bottom up, articulation and aggregation of interest in the deal with the elite capitalize on this tent, and it took more than a year for these protests to become kind of more right wing to to go from socioeconomic issues to at the Nationalists.

427
01:45:39.550 --> 01:45:40.799
Bojan Baca: Thank you.

428
01:45:41.800 --> 01:45:43.660
Thank you. Motion

429
01:45:43.710 --> 01:45:51.000
for your presentation now is 5, 20. If you like to spend some mute more here. we can. Proceed with some question, please.