Nanke Verloo: Okay, I will shortly introduce the the session that that Diana and I started developing like more than a year ago, I guess, when the call for the conference came out.
Nanke Verloo: So thank you for those who are here, and thank you also for those who are online.
Nanke Verloo: We are truly sorry that we couldn't fly out to Melbourne, but well, like always, things happen.
Nanke Verloo: And then we had to adjust our plans. But we were very happy that we could have at least this session, online, and then the next session in the room, so that everybody was still able to present their work, because we got an incredible amount of very good abstract. So it was very. We were very pleased to see that so many people were interested in this topic.
Nanke Verloo: and We were also very happy that we could really pick out and select the the best abstract from. Well, I think we received, like around 50 or 60 abstract for this panel, so we we really could pick. We could only choose in the end like 1010 abstracts, and the rest had to go to other places in the conference.
Nanke Verloo: so so what we were
Nanke Verloo: thinking to do today is to to discuss different ways in which citizens contest the city, and and especially local governments, and Diana and I had a bit of a prep. Talk, of course, for this, and we were sort of
Nanke Verloo: some some sort of getting a little bit. yeah. Down about what was happening in cities. We saw growing inequality. We saw. yeah, not so much democratic decision making. We saw.
Nanke Verloo: yeah, environmental harm. And we thought, Wow, where can we find some optimism, some hope. And we agreed very much that we could find still some some optimistic perspectives in what citizens do to contest the city and how they organize themselves. But of course much has been written about that already.
Nanke Verloo: and at the same time we see that citizens do things in ways that are not so obvious that are more informal, that are totally out of the scope of what we recognize as as as forms of citizenship when we see the literature. So we wanted to really talk about that. And we got curious about how this happens in different places in the world, in different institutional contexts.
Nanke Verloo: and what it means. If we look at citizenship or new forms of citizenship across the globe and in different institutional context, and also in ways of how these different contexts response to these citizens.
Nanke Verloo: So we had basically 3 questions that we would like to propose here, and that we might come back to at the end of the session. And that is what are these new forms of citizenship that emerge in cities and in contesting local governments
Nanke Verloo: that are doing things that we disagree with.
Nanke Verloo: what forms of citizenship are more likely than others to alter
Nanke Verloo: rather than to reinforce urban inequalities. And, third, how do these local governments respond to these different forms of citizenship? So what kind of institutional context is maybe more likely to respond in an inclusive way than others.
Nanke Verloo: and we are really hoping that in the 10 papers that will be presenting in these 2 panels today, we might get some answers or some starting points for that.
Nanke Verloo: And we might also think of, okay, what what do we want to show if we want to publish about this, we imagine that we could publish yeah, in various forms.
Nanke Verloo: different new perspectives and forms of citizenship, and in relation to local governments that really show sort of for yeah, cutting across different places in the planet that we might not speak to so often about.
Nanke Verloo: So then we got very enthusiastic when Juan of Sorio told us that he was happy to be the discuss. And so what we will do now is we will have these 5 presentations each present. Each presenter will present for 15Â min, and one will be the first to respond. We have around 5Â min to really go into the topic of the paper and to ask questions to the author.
Nanke Verloo: And then we go to the second paper, and like that, we go around, that is, in total, a hundred minutes. So we have some like
Nanke Verloo: 15Â min left to come back to these general questions, and Diane, of course, is going to spread her her beautiful minds to to respond to the papers, and to also wrap up the
Nanke Verloo: the conversation in relation to the topic of the panel.
Nanke Verloo: so the order will be first
Nanke Verloo: amok. Ada Khali will speak, then Laura Weiner, then Kuanosaurio, then Amelia Forb, and then
Nanke Verloo: so I think I'm off. Here. Here
Nanke Verloo: am I. Am I pronouncing your name correct? I'm sorry to.
Nanke Verloo: It's it's fine. Yeah, yeah, maybe introduce yourself. And with your correct pronunciation.
Amogh Arakali: So my name's Amorg. I'm all very quickly, and I'm from Bangalore and India.
Nanke Verloo: Nice to meet you.
Thank you, you, too.
Nanke Verloo: Do you want to share your screen.
Amogh Arakali: Yeah, I definitely do that right now.
Amogh Arakali: is this visible to everybody?
Nanke Verloo: Perfect?
Amogh Arakali: Okay, great. So I'll just get started. thank you. Everyone for inviting me here, and thank you to everybody who is online, particularly towards the end of the conference. it's great to see everyone here
Amogh Arakali: My talk today is going to be about economy and environmental citizenship. looking at the linkages between economic growth and citizens, that environmentalism in my hometown of vendor, and India, also known as Bangalore.
Amogh Arakali: this is work that was conducted at an institute that was working with until March this year under under the project called the Peak Urban Project.
Amogh Arakali: so in this. let me just start with this particular story, which happened a little bit earlier this year.
Amogh Arakali: There was a proposal to build a a large flyover in in A, in a very central part of the city about a year ago, and this led to a lot of concerns from local residents and local citizens living nearby who wanted to. who are? Who worried that
Amogh Arakali: the construction of the Flyo was actually going to destroy a lot of the local ecology and a lot of the keys in the neighborhood. And essentially they organized the protest against it. this is part of a much larger series of activities that they conducted to raise a bed. That's about the problems being forced by this proposed fly over
Amogh Arakali: and What happened at the end of it is that once this protest was was conducted, the police ended up filing a case against them for unlawful disturbance. And you know, a bunch of other offenses as well, and this caused a lot of concern, and it reads a lot of anger amongst, you know, in public discourse in the city. Because,
Amogh Arakali: you know, these kinds of activities against large-scale urban projects, particularly flyovers in Bangladesh, have been going on for quite some time, but, in fact, even in that particular location where the flyer was being proposed. There's been a very long story of, you know, continuous back and forth between citizens and and the State.
Amogh Arakali: Where governments keep proposing to infrastructure projects which you know are aimed at increasing traffic capacity aimed at easing the flow of traffic. or, you know, there are plans to it, you know, to to privatize some of the land which public land which is over there 150,
Amogh Arakali: and over the last 15 years or so there have been several protests going on, and it has always assumed that it was fine, and it was legitimate, and it was. It was. It was allowed for citizens to come up and protest against these things, and the finding of the case really kind of marked a shift in the relationship that existed between them. And it was an activist and governments for some time
Amogh Arakali: where there was immense amount of push back on it as an activist, saying that you know we have a right to to protest against. you know any kind of new urban proposal? The new urban project that comes up the case was eventually dropped to where a new government came into office about a couple of months ago. but this also kind of led to
Amogh Arakali: a lot of disposing debate at that time, about what, about how the right to protest, and but how the right to kind of engage in citizen activism, much, much more broadly, has declined considerably in the last 3 or 4 years, in contrast to a very long history.
Amogh Arakali: all citizens from various walks of life, you know, regularly engaging with the Government to shape and reshape the city as a kind of so what we're seeing right now, even as we speak. So this happened a couple of days ago. there was a campaign to actually reinstate, or, you know, strengthen the right to protest by opening up public spaces for protest, opening up you know, more engagement between government citizens and so on.
Amogh Arakali: what I want to actually kind of do in this talk is kind of talk. Place this within a much larger kind of set of sort of movements that have been going on in Pando City for quite some time. And one of the striking aspects about
Amogh Arakali: this kind of citizen activism that has been high, that that I've been highlighting so far is that there is a very that there is always been a fairly strong kind of relationship between the activists themselves and the governments and the agencies. Who
Amogh Arakali: so who are in charge of, you know, running the city. And you know there are. There are very strong networks where people have, you know, built the relationships with with, you know, with academics and with scientists. Some of them have even started a political party which has focused exclusively on the issues 250.
Amogh Arakali: I just want like. So there is a certain kind of activism that has been prominent in Bangladesh for a very long time. And one of the questions that I I the question I actually want to ask in this presentation is, How did it emerge? And what sustains it as, what sustains it in the city.
Amogh Arakali: we are seeing this this kind of activism where you have, you know, fairly upper class, upper middle class residents of the city, regularly engaging with the Government to shape and reshape the city. characterized by both civil engagements as well as protests happening over regular periods of time.
Amogh Arakali: I just want to kind of note before I go ahead that this is not the only kind of activism that exists in Bangalore, but it is one of the more prominent and more visible forms of activism that does exist. So these are some of the activities that that they have. You know that such activists have conducted over
Amogh Arakali: Mit Ctl, and the last several, you know, 1520 years sort of investigating encroachments and violations by large corporations on public land. you know, park beautification projects are trying to understand. Leak revival is extremely It's an extremely popular activity nowadays, where neighborhoods and local communities get together to revive 150
Amogh Arakali: you know, lakes and water bodies which have fallen into disuse or into disrepair. what I do want to argue a little bit over here is that this form of activism, this kind of civilian activism is very, very strongly linked
Amogh Arakali: to the economic and industrial history of Bangladesh. I will explain a little bit I'll explain why, as I get to go ahead to this presentation. but here I just want to kind of talk a little bit about what the industrial history of Bangalore was like.
Amogh Arakali: So Bangalore was one of the earliest cities in Asia to actually start to see the emergence of modern industry. It was actually the first city in Asia to be electrified. because there was a mining corporation going on nearby, and the mines needed electricity. So I think around 1,901 1,902, you saw the link of electric lines in the city.
Amogh Arakali: And what this actually led to was the establishment of fairly modern industries modern for its times in the 19 twenties of, you know, powered of electrical turbine power looms and textile industries which really created this sort of sort of early industrial bo in the city. That
Amogh Arakali: that that really kind of set the base for what was going to happen in the future and this coincide, and this the setting up of of this kind of industrial base was also pioneered a little bit by the local government of the time, which was the the princely state of my sword, which was one of the the royal State. That kind of existed under the British Empire. And you know, right from the start, like as early as 1,910,
Amogh Arakali: you saw members of the bicycle government actually, set up conferences set up you know, initiatives to increase and promote. You know, the the growth of modern technological technology based industries in the city of
Amogh Arakali: So this was, you know, one example of some of the textile beds that the setup is for the middle of our bells. but the and and this is set up about, you know, a hundred years ago or so.
Amogh Arakali: this was.
Amogh Arakali: you know, this industrial base was then kind of built upon, as we kind of go further into the twentieth century. So India became independent from the tradition, 1,947 and post that the ninth, the the Internet, up to the 19 fifties and the 1,900 sixtys chose Bangalore as a site for several new public sector industries which were run by the National Government of the time.
Amogh Arakali: and you know, a lot of these public sector industries were very, very heavily. engineering based technology based science based
Amogh Arakali: and and and, you know, had link to to, to, to, to to defense and things like that. So you had aircraft manufacturing, you had instrumentation. You had all these kinds of other industries. That kind of came up with that at that point in time. and there was a sense that, you know Pavilion was essentially the city. That kind of was supposed to be a city of the future, for India like that was one of the claims that was made back in the early 1960 S. As well
Amogh Arakali: erez Agmoni, and the combination of these 2, this, this, this manufacturing base that was set up with the textbook textile industries in the 1910 s. And the 19 twenties. And then the later technology based and scientific industries that came up in the sixteenth and seventies set the stage for what is what is largely the industrial pattern of Bangladesh.
Amogh Arakali: those scientific industries that I talked about earlier eventually evolved into software and information technology. And you know, you know, technology-based startups that we often see quite commonly today, and
Amogh Arakali: but the large employers still remained textile manufacturing and vomit manufacturing were largely located in the western part of the city. And what this basically meant was that because the nature and the structure of industry and binding over so heavily, you know, based upon technology. And this was heavily based on model
Amogh Arakali: kinds of innovations and scientific innovations. you saw some particular trends. One was that we saw an incredible amount of increase in the population of the city post India's independence. So since the 1950, S. Bangalore's population growth has been exponential. 250,
Amogh Arakali: and it's grown from, you know, you know, one of the like it. It wasn't even in the top 10 largest Indian cities back in at at the time of independence. Now it is the third largest metropolis in the country today, and though and you know there there is, there are constant complaints and concerns about how the city is kind of growing. But what this is also kind of led to is
Amogh Arakali: erez agmoni, because of the nature of the industries that kind of exist in value at this time. you also saw the rise of this this class of workers who were very strongly connected to scientific and technological industries. Who, you know, developed linkages with 150.
Amogh Arakali: You know the scientific institutions of the city, and because they were public sector industries had very strong links to governments and to government officials. So so these were so what I what I'm showing here on the slides over here are, you know, some of the early pioneers of civic activism in the city. So at the top left, you have this, this, this this person for Dr. Luxembourg, who was actually a civil servant.
Amogh Arakali: But he was the one who started pioneering. He started calling attention to the problem of lake and water body to duration in the city. And next to him is
Amogh Arakali: who was an auditologist and a biologist who worked at the Indian Institute of Science, which was one of the premier scientific institutions of the city, and there was a lot of collaboration between. you know, the scientists who work at the scientific institutions which we, the engineers who work with these companies to kind of understand what is actually happening in the city to kind of reshape it in collaboration with the Government. And this is kind of grown with time. We're starting to see that beyond.
Amogh Arakali: And what has happened in the last 15 years or so, and for most many times to go a little bit faster what you see in the last 15 years or so is You know, the rise of
Amogh Arakali: several neighborhood based we welfare associations and resident associations, many of whom comprise of people who work in the city's information technology industries and who work in many of these high-ending high income industries there industries as well, and I, and
Amogh Arakali: part of the and and they often use both the networks and their expertise and their connections to the Government to actually help, you know, to to to shape and shape the city in in various ways. So many. So one very good example of this is the lake revival movement where?
Amogh Arakali: So these are some of the agencies that they often kind of collaborate with. But you know, one very good example of this is, is Lake Revival, where you have, you know, citizens who have, you know, who have built connections with local city corporations who are built, and I have used their connections with the private sector and in the information technology sector to actually kind of adopt lakes and adopt adoption regulations as well. so there is. So to you know, there there was a particular kind of
Amogh Arakali: kind of thinking for a very long time that particularly with this form of citizen activism that it was
Amogh Arakali: that your collaboration with the government and collaboration, and you know the in regularly engaging. And and you know, even fighting and arguing for the government was, you know, it was normal. It was a team, but you would never, often deeply punish for it. because of the kind of networks, and and the kind of relationships that you had with various people in the State and the government. And this kind of you know this. What you saw recently was a bit of a shift in that thinking where you realize that, you know, Steve can actually be a little bit more punitive than anybody else.
Amogh Arakali: so I'm going to like stop with like a couple of final questions one. Is that The economy of backlog and the structure of the economy in bio is changing considerably, particularly in the last 10 years or so.
Amogh Arakali: so you're no longer just restricted to it, or technology or scientific based industries are starting to see an expansion of the economy to include many other industries. But at the same time you're also starting to see a large kind of informalization of the economy where you are starting to see more informal workers.
Amogh Arakali: come into the city and take up other kinds of jobs and on top of which you're also starting to see the rise of other kinds of new spaces where people work and functions of. So you know, for instance, of social media, you have the influencing economy that is becoming quite prominent, invisible, and battle as well. And the question that I want to kind of talk about is as the economy of of the city changes 250,
Amogh Arakali: and the need to the work changes, and the nature of connections and relationships of the government to government change. What happens to this kind of citizen activism? what kind of new forms would it take as we kind of go ahead. and of course the other question that I want to talk about is what kinds of new activism are likely to come up. And how would they interact with the existing
Amogh Arakali: forms, the citizen activism that that that are already in the city? So, for example, the influence economy right now. if you if you talk about, there are many social media influences in backlog
Amogh Arakali: who have started taking up a democracy for particular kinds of infrastructure, particularly the types of flyers. And you know, metro and and large scale infrastructure project that many of these citizen activists have a course in the past. So my question is, you know, what would be the nature of the relationship between different kinds of activists as the city kind of grows and develops. So I'll stop with these 2 2 questions and thank you so much for allowing me to present.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): So I think I I go now, right? Thank you.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): Okay, thank you. thank you so much for your presentation. that was great. I made a couple of notes over here that I wanted to highlight. I thought it was really interesting to the way in which you began connecting the relationship between the economic and industrial history of Bangalore
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): with some of the specific forms of activism that you noted. And I wanted to ask a couple of questions. to further understand that one is I. I was wondering if, if, in relation to your first question, you can talk a little bit about the spatial distribution or the spatial implications of you know where? Where have been sort of like the private land, a real estate, or or or or the, I guess,
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): a areas of influence of these corporations. One
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): in. In in addition, I was wondering if there's any difference between local or Indian corporations or companies with foreign investment in the city, and whether that has any implications spatially? In other words, are there neighborhoods where they're concentrator? And or where has the city, for example, plan to attract
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): private investment in terms of of you know, its own geography. That's that's one part of the first question, and then the second question. I was wondering if you can you? You talked a little bit about the relationship or the historic connection or collaboration between
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): scientists and local advocates, and I was wondering if if universities themselves some of them as corporations, some of them as just anchor institutions manifest themselves spatially and and and whether or not you know they are, they participate in the type of spatial configuration that we were just talking about. Thank you so much for the presentation. I I hope you find these useful.
Amogh Arakali: Thanks so much. Yeah, they're all very useful questions. So this kind of go through them one by one on the spatial distribution of where these projects are kind of located. there are 2 kinds of scales that we have to think about. One, of course, is the is a local scale which I talked about a little bit more in my presentation. So you have neighborhood level projects like the fly over that I began my presentation with. However, in the last 5 or 6 years you're starting to see an increase in the scale of the products as well.
Amogh Arakali: So One of the largest protests that happened in recent years, citizen by prophecy that happened in DC. Us. Was against what is called this elevated corridor network.
Amogh Arakali: which is essentially the series of very large city scale flyovers that were basically connected to the south and east of the West. So you had these very, very large kind of scale, planning the entire kind of city spanning the entire city. And just now, with a new government that has come into place. There are proposals to build, you know, a series of tunnel roads when underground, some of the roads that connect the city as well, and that now
Amogh Arakali: a lot of discussion and debate are where that's going to go, and whether that's in the school, or whether that's helpful. And you know this this kind of like citizen discussion. That's kind of taking place with that
Amogh Arakali: on the so I could. You give it a second question for me, please. I I couldn't.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): Yeah, thank you. Of course, the the it's been also your clarification on the first question as well. The I guess the what I was wondering is when you were talking about the nature of these infrastructure projects. I was wondering whether some of these projects, where
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): meant as public investment initiatives to attract private investment, or whether they were initiated by private interest in developing that type of infrastructure. In other words, what is which one goes first, but but I think you you already answered it. The the second question I was wondering if or I was focused on, Whether
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): the scientific partnerships that you talked about had manifested spatially, either through the universities or the research institutions that these some researchers were affiliated to.
Amogh Arakali: Yeah, it's a it's. It's it's I would say it's a little bit moderate, but also a little bit complicated to understand, because I think by and large. If you were to ask anybody, in fact, or whether the Universities or the Institute actually have an impact? the answer, would you need to know? Because they're not very visible? And they were not very prominent in
Amogh Arakali: many of the activists of in the the activities that you see. But, you know, having observed the these books for quite some time. There are subtle ways in which universities and institutions do come in You often don't see them at the front of protest.
Amogh Arakali: But, for instance, in this particular flyover protest that you that I talked about earlier, one of the things that happened is, you know, the citizens organized a meeting with Government officials, and they actually invited a transportation, a professor from the Indian Institute of Science to come and talk about how the Flyo was a bad idea, and you had other options in which you could actually like manage traffic much more smoothly.
Amogh Arakali: So you do have. And and and in recently, as you also started seeing some other into research institutions, not universities for, say, but some research institutions who have started plugging their imports and started plugging in their expertise, and that knowledge into the into the Lake Revival and the lake rejuvenation projects as well. So
Amogh Arakali: there. There are organizations which have, you know, which have had, which have been part of collaborations to adopt, leads, and to rejuvenate and and provide them at the same time? they're not from that. You don't see them at the face of the, but you often do see them very much in the background.
Nanke Verloo: I see a question here from Amelia. Are there any questions in the room so far?
Nanke Verloo: No, okay, then let's let's go. Let's Emilia go first, of course.
Amelia Thorpe: Thank you. thanks. It was a really fascinating presentation. I'm I'm curious about particularly at the end. When you mentioned what sound like projects out of Blade Run. Are they elevated? elevated network and the underground tunnels. What is the planning process for that? So in in Australia we have some of those those projects, but they've often been planned 20 or 30 years ago. And so that's why we get this lock into this old fashioned practice.
Amelia Thorpe: But there is always some sort of public consultation process. I mean, the problem is that they take so long to build that by the time you know, it actually happens, the people who were consulted are all dead. But It was there some earlier process. How did that work? And how do these protests fit in with the official consultation?
Amogh Arakali: Yeah, I think that's one of the points that the the activists often make is that many of these large projects are not part of normal master plans. There is a formal master planning process. I mean, that's an entirely different set of politics and dynamics, which you know have been stuck, and you know, on stuff for various points in time.
Amogh Arakali: but there is a formal master planning process for about a 15 year time period where every 15 years you basically have a new master plan and one and many of the projects that I talked about are not part of that very often. The master plan is really used
Amogh Arakali: but once the plan is released. you often see other projects come up which have no relation to the plan at all, and one of the strong like talking points. It's like to the active users that you haven't mentioned this in the plan. So why are you building this right now? Why are you proposing this right now? what makes this a little bit more complicated is that
Amogh Arakali: you know many of the proposals
Amogh Arakali: have a sort of, you know, like a a very long shelf life. So This elevated corridor of for instance. it was just the latest iteration in, you know, until in a series of proposals that have come from governments before to actually build large scale transportation infrastructure that connects different parts of the city.
Amogh Arakali: So every 5 years. You see, you know, project be dying down to to, you know, protest with your interest. And then a new government comes in and they bring back the same project, but in a different form or in a different you know, things like that. So, yeah, that makes it a little bit more complicated in terms of shelf life.
Nanke Verloo: I'm all I think we have to move to the next presentation to stick a little bit to our time schedule. Thank you very much. That was a very, very interesting, but we will come back to your presentation at the very end.
Nanke Verloo: So, Laura, yeah, I'm next, and I'm going to share my screen?
Laura Wainer: No. it will take 2Â s to pop popping on screen.
Laura Wainer: Yeah. And can you see it now?
Laura Wainer: Great. So thank you again, and K. And Dian for this space for sharing research. And and and I'm honored to be part of this in panel, as I propose in my abstract my research centers on the role of space and materiality and urban governance.
this is a presentation based on a paper I actually published in 2,019, and I am revisiting now, updating the information. It's like a go got come back to a a project I already studied many years ago. And I am providing it in the light of what I consider to me. An important question now.
Laura Wainer: is architecture relevant for politics, and it's actually relevant for urban governments. I am an architect, by the way, it's like so the initial a I I was very, very, Attracted to this project. in 2,014. The initial article focuses on an in-depth study. I did in this housing Redevelopment project in Jose Level, an informal segment in Cape Town, South Africa. I was very interested in this project, because the housing project has actually several
Laura Wainer: different sectors with different architectural typologies. And then I was very very interested in understanding whether there was a correlation between those different architectural typologies and a particular political vision of housing.
Laura Wainer: So let me brief very briefly present you the project, and then I will jump into a discussion of my revisit findings.
Laura Wainer: In 2,004. Joe's logo informal segment redevelopment was conceived as the pilot project aim to operationalize the breaking new ground housing policy in South Africa. So politicians urge architects to design and build this first phase as soon as possible, so they could demonstrate that the new housing model was feasible in the country.
Laura Wainer: The urgency to build phase one
Laura Wainer: was intensified when South Africa won it, the bill to host the World Cup in 2,010, and also several fire events. Who that broke out in the formal segment.
Laura Wainer: So this led to the eviction of hundreds of families to a temporary relocation. Areas in delve, that is it. About 20 kilometers away from Joe's logo.
Laura Wainer: however, the State did not return those dwellers to their original place and benefited other neighbors of surrounded areas who end that and ending up, occupying the new housing, materializing these modernists flats that, by the way, resemble the modernist architecture of a parade.
Laura Wainer: So this first experience and the uncertainty about the consecutive faces of their development generated much and rest among the remaining informal dwellers who materialize their struggle in
Laura Wainer: traditional protests. But those sprouts were not resonating in changes in the gobble local and national government. So then they started re performing these very creative, creative, spatial, informal practices in partnership with the political activists and Ngos.
Laura Wainer: And these practices had a very, very heavily designed component. They occupied a highway building, a breach from the informal segment to the highway. They created a community based housing census, they co-created an innovative upgrading system called re-blocking.
Laura Wainer: So the consequent empowerment of these different community groups force the State to take a different stance on the project, revisiting both the architecture, but also the organizational model of the housing policy into what today is know at as the phase. 3 of the project.
Laura Wainer: so summarizing a very complex story of more than a decade. This was an initial inclusionary policy that resulted in exclusionary housing design practices, causing a lot of political contestation among the regional residents
Laura Wainer: facing a lack of desire outcomes in traditional forms of participation and protest. This the reasons took a spatial material turn in the struggle
Laura Wainer: through created examples of what I called the sign from below the residence not only redefine the housing projects or regional architecture, but they also challenge the institutional spaces. They gain control over the past and the shape of the redevelopment process towards the phase 3.
Laura Wainer: So what I found later, by visiting the case is updating the information of of what was going on. Now with the Redevelopment project.
Laura Wainer: I found that the political use of space and materiality in the built environment did not extinguish during the initial resistance, or even the implementation of the revisited face.
Laura Wainer: 3? Rather, it became a permanent mode of exercising politics in Joe's level.
Laura Wainer: that for the emergence of new leadership, for the negotiation with government, about the consecutive faces for the control of economic means of free development
Laura Wainer: in the abstract I share with you. Almost a year ago a, I say, quotes the use of space and materiality did not distinguish during the initial resistance. It became a permanent mode of Cdc citizenship enforcement, and it means for new leadership roles in the local territory.
Laura Wainer: However, after revisiting my data, updating my information and and updating my information. What about what is going on today in so slow? I realized it about the substantial difference between a permanent mode of citizenship enforcement, and why? I see it's actually a permanent, consolidated way of exercising politics. And let me expand on on this difference.
Laura Wainer: So, despite the importance, chief in power and control in the project of shows level. The final reveals that the community rights, not for not to be displaced to these locations was actually warranted by reducing the States capacity, implementation, and delivery of housing. Thus, even today.
Laura Wainer: almost 10 years after the project was initiated, more than half of the families are still waiting for their housing solution.
Laura Wainer: This is a such a little image of Joe's law as 2,023, and you will see that there is still large areas which have not been urbanized yet.
Laura Wainer: So the struggle about who gets what in Joe Slow is not over, meaning that this new modes of spatial politics did not end up in the right, for of for housing, for the majority of the population
Laura Wainer: during and after the implementation of Joe's level 3. The revisited housing project with the support of certain groups of the community. The community itself suffer from several intra-groups fermentations leading to moreboard codes that by impeded today the continuity of the redevelopment. Some of those groups argue that they are not included in the beneficiaries list of the housing policies, but others
Laura Wainer: the ones who are including in those lease, argue that they have been, offer a house in a different location, or that so, or some other groups argue that even the revisited housing typeologies are unacceptable for their needs.
Laura Wainer: I argue that Joe's logo shows that the spatial and architectural strategies play an essential role in the constitution of the neighborhood politics in 2 ways, first, in terms of the important role of spatial control in the month, in the emergence of new political leadership. And, second, and most importantly, more significant to me is that
Laura Wainer: alternative spatial and architectural rationalities and values become the center of the neighborhoods. Political. The months. These are not only like more housing, more infrastructure, but they include rationalities of what I call the popular world or the popular economies.
Laura Wainer: And let me give you an example of these.
Laura Wainer: The inhabitants of chose level prefer to leave within what I call, quote the deficiencies of informality, and of quote, rather than to acquire a new home in a similar neighborhood. When you house in infrastructure.
Laura Wainer: This seems irrational to politicians before Russians were relocated to distance location. But now politicians and policymakers are more conscious, and the government is offering better location opportunities, however, location in terms of proximity to centers in terms of access to jobs doesn't seem to be important in the political narrative of the place.
Laura Wainer: It is actually the belonging to the territory, the anchoring to a particular local territory. What is essential in the spatial dynamics of the families, the local territory, as the condition for the development of a singular informal economy, it is the means.
Laura Wainer: a and the ability to access state aid and various resources from universities, from Ngos through connections with local politicians. And it's actually also the ability to depend on network networks of care and solidarity among women. So for a families in chol level jokes level, the local territory has no equivalent alternative within the city system.
Laura Wainer: Given the macroeconomic context, and according to the territory, represents the possibility of production and reproduction of life in a precise local reality.
Laura Wainer: This rationality is very difficult
Laura Wainer: to digest for public policy. In the particular case of Joe's logo, the Government has not yet found a system of governments that, along with the local actors that I that allows the continuation of the neighborhood improvement. These W. This works have been literally stalled for 10 years, and policy makers openly says.
Laura Wainer: nobody knows what to do with Joe's logo.
Laura Wainer: So these tensions of rationalities were actually present by Vanessa Watson back into size, and 2,009. As the conflicted rationalities between governments and residents of informal segments, and then in 2,020. It was then presented by A, when when Aia and CIO la, as conflicted rationalities within the communities, not only between the communities and the government
Laura Wainer: iphone, this conflicted rationalities have crystallized over that decades, evolving to something different.
Laura Wainer: They no longer
Laura Wainer: only express different development. Agendas, a world view of the urban. They have crystallized as political antagonis, and we must to assume that these political antagonisms between the modern state. What more they can offer in a place like chose level. And the people what those popular realities can offer, and how those popular realities.
Laura Wainer: this get a a political identity cannot be resolved under a traditional perspective of organic governance, at least not under one aspiring
to the enforcement of universal rights and the expansion of localized citizenship
Laura Wainer: as
Laura Wainer: planning and norms increasingly lose the capacity to manage growth. The question is whether the political sustainability of this, the this territories will lie in finding a balance between the modern and the popular, or whether the popular will force rethinking the ways in which rice are formulated and materializing the city.
Laura Wainer: So to finish and going back to my initial question, is architecture relevant for politics and for urban governments in particular, I would say that most of the responses I found
Laura Wainer: are embedded in the idea of. We shape our buildings, and afterwards our buildings shape us based on this inertia the architecture has in the built environment, and supposedly even
Laura Wainer: on the social. however, the links between politics makes making and city making neighborhoods as a as such as Joe Slovo.
Laura Wainer: and show us that architecture is more than a static combo combo of space plus materiality plus experience plus sign, both, in my opinion is, instead of praxis, based on diverse meets, including the political needs of a a community as well as a practice that creates and reshapes political relations in a given territory. So this provocation open us 150
Laura Wainer: a big win there we window to understanding design in terms of realizing political interest rather than an issue of aesthetics and or taste values.
Laura Wainer: Thank you very much.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): Thank you, Lava, very much. This is a fascinating research, and there's so much to to talk about. I will focus on a 1, 2 folded question
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): which has to do with what you were sharing in terms of the emergence of the new leadership like how how that it happens. And especially, I'm interested in sort of the generational
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): a, perhaps a evolution of that leadership. so I'm wondering if you can expand a little bit in terms of how did that one one's face to be kicked in we? Where? How did that leadership come about? First general question, and then the second part of the question has to do with
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): the the
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): the first, a component of your of your argument, the architectural, the way in which architectural structure a creates a role for people in society, and I'm wondering if a that has translated at all in
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): in in producing housing, in other words, has that role eventually a turned into a material production of city making for for for these years have these leaders actually produce housing and and found in the production of housing? sort of like a component in that popular economy can can is, that is that sort of like connected or related to what you've seen.
Laura Wainer: Thank you. it's it's a great question. And yes, I I I was pretty conscious. I was not included in a a, a specific description of how those leadership leadership roles where I constitute it, but something that it was very interesting to me. It's like that in the initial phases of like this shaping of these new political roles that I consider are very much related
Laura Wainer: with the idea of city making something that was very interesting to me is like the leaders that emerge by then in like in 2,009. We're actually those who were able to
Laura Wainer: it start talking about technical aspects of architecture and urbanism in the negotiation table with the local government. So suddenly. You know, they express that they had to understand. You know what the political discussion now around housing density was to demonstrate the government that those
Laura Wainer: architectural typologies were not the only option for the neighbor who it to be, or perhaps they were not the best option. And so, in a way, you know, these leaders really became experts of architecture, urban experts, and they were not only the mediators, but they were also like a
Laura Wainer: a active participants in that negotiation table that reshaped.
Laura Wainer: The the architectural typology of phase? 3. What happened then, I think, is that the community starts like realizing how
Laura Wainer: how you know this specific is how out the kind of high housing they wanted. It had to be deployed in the political demand. So asking for, like more housing or housing that fills up all the community that was already living in the formal segment was not enough. But there was the, you know, the the community started articulating an idea that the house is also a space for production. It's not not only a residential space
Laura Wainer: ere
Laura Wainer: the State could not deliver, you know, because the the the structures you know they say they deliver because people then do it, which is very different. So people in formalize the housing, they add shops. They create a informal economies, but they build. The environment is not designed to do so, You ask me about the intergenerational
Laura Wainer: aspects of this leadership, which is very interesting, because, The National housing policy that was then designed to deliver free Housing as a political response to the
Laura Wainer: Mit Ctl. And atrocities of a behave, including the reconstitution of land and housing to the the relegated groups of the population. But this white supremacy system 250
mit Ctl, and actually found the limit. When around 2,018, they said, Okay, we will continue delivering free housing up to this generation. 101.
Laura Wainer: We consider that that up to this generation there was a direct impact of a a expropriation of land for people by the hands of the upper head, but from here on there will the the for younger people they won't be more free housing. So
Laura Wainer: parts of those groups that are assisting in the formal segment, are, you know, younger parts of of of the community that they claim that, of course the impact of the atrocities of the upper hate are much more structural, and I'm still present in in the society.
Nanke Verloo: lower up.
Nanke Verloo: we we have to move on to the next presentation. Otherwise we are running out of time for people who are later in the program. So
Nanke Verloo: if there are other questions for Lara, please keep them for at the very end
Nanke Verloo: the next is is one.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): Me?
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): Thank you very much. Nan K. And Diane for convening us. they. I'm a one Camila sorting. I'm an assistant professor at Pry in 6 to and a Phd. Candidate at the Massachusetts of Technology. I want to be shared here some highlights of my doctoral research planning crisis, the promise of new political actors and forms of agency and both disaster or core.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): Okay, so I'll I'll start with some introductory remarks just to precision the case, study and talk a little bit about some of the theories that I've been working with within the research design, and then walk you through some findings. I'm gonna try to get there as quickly as possible, which I think is
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): essentially what will be more interesting for this conversation. But for those of you not familiar with Columbia. So from this sort of in between the Atlantic and Pacific, between Panama, Venezuela, or Veto and Brazil
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): and Mokoa is located over here near the border with basically where the Amazon watershed and the end is ecosystems colliding to each other. But it's also within one of the areas. Some of the biggest areas affected by the are conflict in areas with a high, unsatisfied, basic needs.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): It's Now, in a sectional drawing, you can see that this is the Pacific Ocean. This is the end, this. And it's right here where the end is. This ends into the Amazon platform. And this is where a lot of the tributaries of the Amazon actually are born.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): it is a city located in between many different water bodies at least 4 major ones 3 sis meet faults that create an alluvial fun that makes this very vulnerable to the landslide. In fact, this is a contemporary image of Moko, or you can see, sort of like the damage to that 2,017 at lunch that hit the the city killing 300 people in 30Â min. Basically kind of like destroy the entire neighborhood.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): This is one of many different disasters, but this one elevated to one of the top 5 in the history of the country.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): So if I'm going to be talking this this area, for example, here You can see here, and more more closely sort of like the amount of damage that happened when an avalanche of mud and debris, and they, a big rocks basically destroyed the entire neighborhood.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): So the research is centered around what have been the different planning initiatives that have been a triggered by this disaster, and how we define disaster in the context of a city that has emerged, what has developed in the periphery of a very centralized country.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): the popular mainstream The discussion has centered more cause a failure of urban planning. and I argue that A, instead of the failure of planning. This has been a the result of many small victories from the bottom up that have managed to centralize a top down planning.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): but haven't been able to resolve or articulate. we're galvanized together, rather canceled each other, and in order to define the disaster, I I want to work you through some of the theoretical frameworks that I've been using. This is a quintessential example of climate justice. We're in this graphic, you see here, sort of like the fraction of emissions that Mokoa, you know, has really of carbon emissions in Mokawa, has been responsible for
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): yet, sort of like it's been disproportionately exposed to a type of climate. a climate change impacts that cost lands. I I I've been very interested in how, for example, a the connection with climate change of this particular disaster has been absent.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): The scientific assessments have focused on the relationship between the lands like and hyper local, climatic.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): a a processes like a Nino or Laninia but really sort of like a a ignores, or this larger, a in social environmental, a a, a a positionality of mobile within the climate a mitigation sort of landscape. So even when a during the second part, the first part of the twentieth century cities in the United States or Europe had went through industrialization.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): the massification of the automobile in suburbanization. Mokoa, in the 1950 s. With looked like this, so just a handful of buildings. In other words, it had remained this place of extraction. a place that a nonetheless had gone through several. A Bonan sign economies starting centuries before this, but in the early twentieth century one answers around rubber must of most of which fueled
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): the automobile industry, and of course, gold mining a coca and oil in the latest part of the twentieth century, however, they on even development that we we
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): sustained or or continued I think we should be, understand, not just as a unequal but as a form of exploitation that managed to keep this this part of the country without a a as under the systematic dis invest.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): It's a city that grew very quickly. This is a picture of Mccoy in 2,022, which a affected sort of urban growth as Mokoa attracted or received many of the population that was displaced by Columbia's urban conflict in the South.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): However, none of this arguably has had been to relax systematically as a might be planned, and, as you will see in a second. I actually show the contract. So in defining the conf, the A disaster, I over impose a different types of impact on one end the idea that the disaster really
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): doesn't end or or it's hard to identify where it start with what doesn't end, because there is a overlapping layers of trauma created by several historic shocks. none, you know, not not for nothing. This is an area that was
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): a heavily impacted by early colonial massacres on indigenous groups that were displaced with part of the country. and as you heard, we're subject to
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): a some of the different bon and the economies that I talked about, and and then the a most recent armed conflict. A 60 year, and they make issue. that has a a a displaced the the internal, the population, and Mobile has been one of those clusters.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): Finally, I engage with. the idea of how we we define crisis as a social environmental construct on one end how that's manufactured. in in in terms of the different in a situations that we just talked about here, for example, the idea that the State and these a in places a lax institutional presence.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): is a clearly
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): challenged by the
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): the actual sort of limitations imposed by a State that carefully maintains a, a, a, a
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): system like this, investment to adapt to a planning prices that we'll see in a second has have important a a implications in terms of who engages and who doesn't. But also, how do we decide, or who is in power to act, and how not acting also creates? has implications for what is taken and what is that what doesn't take place. And then finally, an anti crisis narrative that I want to talk about
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): so really quickly. I frame the case of a was an extreme case of a small peripheral city to try to understand how planning prices is experience in these types of cities. exploring the relationship between how people understand disaster and what the disaster is, and how the understanding of the disaster actually determines who acts for who's in power to act.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): and whether or not. they, these actions a. Actually, they dismiss each other or suggest new forms of agency.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): As my unit of analysis, I look at the actual planning initiative. So we in interactions between a, the planners at different skills of government within government and with civil society around the 3 policies that you see on screen. So I'm going to walk you really quickly through my research questions. I mean, I just described them already. But just to to reiterate
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): what have the causes and implications of the disaster. It's been understood differently, or how have the possibility of the it has to be been understood differently by government planners and society organizations? and which actors, government agent, civil levels and seal society organizations have taken part in planning recovery efforts.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): What are their purposes? what do they see themselves in power to do, and to what extent these actors achieve their stated purpose to finally try to understand a little bit.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): How do these a. An elements or factors determine which planning actions are taken or not taken, and how those the disruption created by this actually mobilized new actors or forms of agency. So in the first policy that I look at which is a comprehensive land use plan, essentially framed under a nationwide policy by the National Department of planning.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): both out of all names for to essentially address the lack of sufficient and efficient a planning documents in the country priorities prioritize a series of municipalities in the country, including
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): and creates a framework to operationalize that policy with a couple of very singular, and I think very important allies on one end.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): It connects this policy with a series of think times, one in particular or a few of us use of. Think tanks that have been positioning theories in sort of an expansion internationally, one centered at the in my own center, the other one center at at the the the the National Department of planning
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): and creates a Rfp request for proposals that. Essentially it was impossible to meet only 3 companies, all of them European companies in from Spain, were able to meet the conditions, and we're essentially hired to
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): make hundreds of different plans in very little time, or all all over the country. This was a multi 1 million dollar operation, 45 million dollars in total finance by the World Bank that essentially they weaponized the series of very interesting schemes. The first one was to deploy modern risk assessment.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): And so what you see on the right is sort of like the ping areas that were deemed by this new planning framework as places of hybrid that had to be mitigated. This was heavily contestated by in neighborhoods that have been in formally developed, but already legalized, like San Antonio's team, that protested against the plan.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): and different from other places in Colombia, where research has suggested that a residents find in risk, assessment, and type of political identity where they are recognized by the State
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): as victims, and therefore a a subject to a reparation. In this particular case. Just as Laura was talking about the connection to the Territory and the right to stay in the right housing even prevailed over the right to life. And, in fact, this has been sort of the ruling of several high courts that have given
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): a communities the right to stay even without having a environmental licenses or environmental building permits and have further legalized these communities.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): However, they were deemed to be taken out of the urban perimeter, and that's that was the first set of a fight between the community and the government.
Nanke Verloo: but in terms of the instruction itself you have one more minute.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): Okay, thank you. So what I'll do is I'll just keep through
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): sort of some of the ways in which the the some of the the way, the findings in relation to the policies, and just skip through my main argument, which is that, despite sort of like the way in which the State was paralyzed in terms of fully implement or or that the reason why the State was paralyzed in terms of fully implement its land use plan. And it's for in reconstruction plan.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): And
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): it's emergency preparedness strategy, which was a highly technological early warning system. The community was in part They've given a long history of a advocacy and organizing that was heavily rooted in a different ways in which planning was understood. So I'm going to skip really quickly.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): sh! These are examples of some of the a local dining initiatives that have surfaced they in recent years in Moko I have not been taken into account because they haven't really galvanized in terms of a a local community support, but
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): they give you an idea of really interesting examples where the community has created. For example, in the community app with us that challenge serve serving 35 to 30% of the city, whereas the N. A municipal aqueduct, it serves 70. But it's broken half the time. I I no, I feel alternative to community ownership of not just the the planning process.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): the production of the provision of public services. This, these are examples of some of the reconstruction processes that were live by the community.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): a processes that a employed out to construction, where the community in in their labor force the government paid for the materials and had even a included solar, a technologies and things that are really where in Mokoa all this is just some images of these I I. I'm in my research documenting also
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): initiatives where in the eighties, we're going back to the seventies. In some cases the church had even created an organized out of construction processes where families were taught how to take
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): sand from the river had been told and showed how to a build infrastructure and build their own houses with everybody in a different way. And I all finish with this in a in a way where this type of work was actually considered part of the community life. So, as you can see here, who are children a always present in these work sites. And it was that was part of sort of like organizing around the the production of
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): for the permission of this of housing. These are in the houses right now. I won't talk about this. And I what I'll finish with this, which is
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): This is an indigenous leader the from from the early eighties
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): who organized It took advantage of a constitution that was updated in 1,991 in Columbia, recognizing collective land territories for indigenous communities. And this particular initiative was a very careful documentation of land that was sold to the to the Catholic Church in exchange for animals for self in some cases.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): and essentially plan that take over of land that a it is overnight created the 3 different neighborhoods, communities that are consulted right now and are still in place.
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): But as some, this is the the actual sort of like resting place, that the tune of a the whole so medal, this indigenous leader who who ultimately was assassinated now and I'll I'll lend with the
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): the the that really sort of a in in these these communities. They believe that. in order to be truly a exercise community based planning, you really have to be, ready to die for these communities in a place where you have to bypass government. And in this particular case you you actually
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): run the risk of of of
Juan Camilo Osorio (he, him, his): using your own like. I'll I'll stop there. Thank you.
Nanke Verloo: Yeah, go on. There is clearly too much in your case that is so interesting to share with us. And I in in During your presentation. I chatted with Diane. She is. She has some really interesting comments for you, but since we are running out of time, and we want everybody a fair chance to present
Nanke Verloo: we are. Are you okay? With that we move your comments to the very end, so that Diane can fold them into her comments, and we'll do this. So then we will continue with the live presentations that we had planned for this session. So now, Amelia.
Nanke Verloo: go ahead and the end can.
Nanke Verloo: Then her comments into the into the final comments.
Amelia Thorpe: okay, can your friend see that? Okay.
Amelia Thorpe: great. okay. So I will begin by saying, Kaya, which is the no, not word for Hello! I'm not in Melbourne, but I am in an Australia, and I want to begin by acknowledging that I'm coming to you from the unseeded land of the Whatjack long on people, and to pay my respects to all this past, present, and imaging.
Amelia Thorpe: So my paper is about a series of activist practices around infrastructure for cycling. so practices which challenge the forms of citizenship embedded in part by the streets. I'm particularly interested in the role of bodies in these interventions, so participants put their bodies on the line, and this is significant, I think, for the force of their claims, and also for the nature of the citizenship
Amelia Thorpe: which I to you the paper is a work in progress. So I'm really looking forward to hearing your comments.
So what you can see in this slide is an event called a people protected by claim. people stand on the painted line that separates space for bikes from space, for cars and it's one of a series of actions, the first of which was in San Francisco in December 2,017
Amelia Thorpe: So people protected by clients for organized by a woman called Maureen Pessica. He can see in this tweet Maureen Maureen is a very lively character, with a real love for street theatre. She had been involved in several bike advocacy projects before people protected by clients, and her motivation largely kind of that as a parent trying to cycle with her son to school, and finding that just too dangerous.
So the idea was very simple. The painted bike line didn't provide protection for cyclists. Cars often drive or park over the line and tragically, there are regularly cyclists killed and seriously injured because of cars not respecting that point of time.
Amelia Thorpe: So by placing their bodies on the line, people in these people, protected by clients, show what is missing. and also what should be there.
Amelia Thorpe: So Maureen and her collaborators held between 15 and 20 people protected by clients over the next 5 years. also a range of other events. series of other papers there. Several of these were on Valencia Street, which those of you who are San Francisco are probably familiar with.
Amelia Thorpe: it's a street with a official plans for pipelines, but they have been slow to be implemented. So these events were if it's to maintain the momentum and to speed up the process of government construction of safe infrastructure.
Amelia Thorpe: Some are also held in places where cyclists had been killed in car crashes. Typically, they start with a small group. So Maureen said, the ideal is around 10 people, and then when they start the event. Other people walking or cycling by join in? So people are invited to come and stand on the line for just a few minutes or for longer if they have time and then it's by they can go to be quite large. So the the largest I found in my interviews was around 300 people standing on a line in New York.
Amelia Thorpe: the idea has also been taken up in other places. So this is an example from Mexico City, Others have been in a range of other North American cities, the Us. And Canada also in countries including Germany, Ireland, and New Zealand.
Amelia Thorpe: The impacts are difficult to measure. it's very much an ecosystem about advocacy. So people involved in these activities are involved in other projects. And then there are a bunch of other people also involved in other forms of activism around the infrastructure for walking in cycling.
Amelia Thorpe: But, as you can see in this Tweet. people think they are having an effect. People think they are changing official practice and sometimes official policy. So in San Francisco we can see a range of new infrastructure, also some new rules and processes. So they introduced a program called Quick build that was enabling back infrastructure to be installed without the usual processes of consultation and feasibility, and
all of those studies just to happen faster, and also some other shifts enabling different types of infrastructure that would be easier to to fit in and to do so faster
Amelia Thorpe: beyond the physical shifts achieved through these practices. my interest in this packet is in the impact on practices of citizenship. So people are making claims, not just about what street should look like, what kind of infrastructure should be there. But more general claims about their rights as citizens.
Amelia Thorpe: so our clients, its citizenship, should not be so tightly tied to automobility that their rights as cyclists and as pedestrians should not be treated as less important than those of people driving cars. That street should be governed to ensure safe spaces for walking and for cycling.
Amelia Thorpe: So the pursuing changes to infrastructure also changes to things like speed limits, road rules, enforcement practices and to the processes by which decisions are made about streets. So participants very commonly frustrated about how there's so much consultation for new infrastructure for cycling which might delay or prevent construction
Amelia Thorpe: in contrast to the processes for building infrastructure for cars which which just happens without consultation. and participants also talk about
Amelia Thorpe: wanting changes to how transport is discussed in the media, so wanting a a bit more balanced there, less of a focus on cars.
Amelia Thorpe: So, considering streets and sites of citizenship connects to growing interesting connections between infrastructure, mobility, and citizenship. So quite a large body of work now highlighting how infrastructure and mobility are key indicators of citizenship status, and also how they help to constitute that status, shaping the entitlements of citizenship.
Amelia Thorpe: and then also recognizing that infrastructure doesn't simply act on citizens, but that people play a role in the production of urban spaces and services entirely in infrastructure and in doing so participate in the construction of the rights and responsibilities of citizenship.
Amelia Thorpe: So through the mobility practices people help to produce some subjects as more or less citizen, and to yeah, shape the entitlements of citizenship.
Amelia Thorpe: So in thinking about streets as sites and citizenship, I draw on an active and performative conceptions of citizenship is shaped and struggles over what it means to be a member of the modern States practice not only by exercising rights, but also by claiming them, and then in thinking about the way that some rights get claimed and go on to become legally binding. I draw on legal pluralism, and particularly Robert, covers work.
Amelia Thorpe: So one of covers key claims is that Laura is sustained by its social meaning, and that social meaning is inherently plural. which means that law is also plural. So formal lawmaking is governed by processes which are tightly prescribed. Legislation, for example, must be drafted by certain people following certain conventions must involve certain notification and consultation processes.
Amelia Thorpe: The draft bill must be read in certain ways debated, voted on typically multiple times. Once the centered according to a particular process, it goes through various extra processes before it becomes binding.
Amelia Thorpe: And but while that process is very tightly prescribed. The words and concepts that are used to to make up those bills and acts must borrow their meaning from social meetings which are produced through activity outside of those rules, so some words would be defined, but not everything can be specified in in a piece of law.
Amelia Thorpe: So the social meanings that define the words and concepts used in laws are inherently unstable because there are multiple ways in which people give sense to things. So Robert Cover uses a a classic example from legal theory. To illustrate this point.
Amelia Thorpe: if a law prohibits vehicles in a park, does this include a a world war. 2 aeroplane mounted on a planth or does it include a baby carriage? So you say, even a would like vehicle is subject to social meaning.
Amelia Thorpe: So this multiplicity of social meaning means that law is open to change. and what it says is, there is too much law. So this has a destabilizing influence on power.
Amelia Thorpe: Of course, while the possibilities are always plural, the meanings that gain legal force are not unconstrained. So, as I've argued in in other work about other activism around streets, stories about the legality. that take effect do so because they draw on multiple sources. So normative ideas about public space, the place of cars and cities, the nature of democratic participation readings and particular rules and regulation and broader narratives about about rights and responsibilities.
Amelia Thorpe: the cover the decisive factor is committed action. So when the subject of a commitment is objectified, and when someone, or or more persuasively, some group, accepts the legal meaning and affirms their position through action.
Amelia Thorpe: So the ability of alternative interpretations about rights whether they succeed depends on the strength of commitment. And this is relative. So what is important is how commitment to the new compares to commitment to the old and the degree to which plans resonate. And again, that's both within the interpretive community and beyond it.
Amelia Thorpe: So participants in people protected by clients quite literally put their bodies on the line.
Amelia Thorpe: In doing so they make a very clear statement about links between infrastructure, mobility, and citizenship. Part of the force of the event is the danger. Placing vulnerable bodies close to cars. The danger is very vivid. We get a clear and strong commitment.
and there's a strong resonance with other activism. Sorry these practices connect and contribute to a range of other activists and advocacy practices.
Amelia Thorpe: highlighting the unequal mobilities and citizenship practices that result from car or into the infrastructure. So they make visible and uncomfortable the inadequate provision made for cyclists. They highlight how the State has failed to provide the necessary infrastructure to make straight, safe, and accessible for all road users.
Amelia Thorpe: They also go beyond subversion to show how streets could be different, and what a citizenship, decoupled from automobility might look and feel like sorry connect to practices like critical mass and parking guy other events that give people a chance to experience how streets might be different.
Amelia Thorpe: And they connect. Also, I argue to street that activism focused on gender and violence. So things like retain the streets or take back the not. So I think there's a particular significance of placing female bodies on the line.
Amelia Thorpe: Cycling and cycling activism is often very male dominated, and this is recognized in the literature and and among the people I spoke to. So people told me that conditions on on contemporary streets and many cities may that you need to be brave to cycle, and it's less accessible to women, and particularly women with children.
Amelia Thorpe: So I'll let you read Ma Maureen's quote here.
Amelia Thorpe: This idea that take back the night was this this fantastic energy, but it but it didn't ask for anything concrete. It was hard to bring into effect. So
Amelia Thorpe: people projected by clients take up this potential of take back the night and extend it. as Maureen argues.
Amelia Thorpe: so it it was a a consistent fame. in interviews about this idea of of power and joy being connected. So women feeling threatened on streets, but then coming together in his activities and getting a sense of of of connection, of being together, and and a real sense of joy as part of that process.
Amelia Thorpe: So there's a particular kind of citizenship being enacted here where cycling is is safe and a real emphasis on safety for those of us who are not particularly brave.
So an emphasis on safety for for women and children.
Amelia Thorpe: So in San Francisco people, protected by clients and now coordinated by an anonymous group called Safe Street Rebel. I'd encourage you to take them out on Twitter. fantastic images, and they have a really strong emphasis on gender and on mentoring women. So a lot of the activities that they're doing are about building capacity for women to engage in decision making and in in advocacy, and in a a wide range of different ways of engaging in shaping the city.
Amelia Thorpe: so in putting their bodies on the line. Participants in people protected by clients recognize that bodies are not all the same. These practices are about protecting people who might be more fearful or more vulnerable, and making sure that cycle is accessible not only to the brave but to everyone, a basic part of citizenship in the city.
Amelia Thorpe: Thank you.
Nanke Verloo: Thank you, Amelia. We will go right on to Vara now.
Nanke Verloo: and Diane is taking her notes to the end of the session.
Wara Urwasi: A. I will share my screen.
Wara Urwasi: Hope everyone can see it.
Nanke Verloo: Yes.
Wara Urwasi: okay, So good afternoon, everyone. And first, before I start, I want to thank a 9 K and Dian for organizing this panel and allow for what you said at the digital space, because I'm presenting here from Indonesia right now.
Wara Urwasi: and in this presentation is actually part. It's actually a chapter from my dissertation project on the politics of urban informality in Jakarta, which I trace from early independence, Indonesia to the authoritarian period up to the current period.
Wara Urwasi: But for this particular chapter I seek to explain a variations in the responses of democratic governments to informal settlements.
Wara Urwasi: The
Wara Urwasi: so the project's background is based on my observations of several informal settlements often called in Jakarta, and, as we can see from these pictures the conditions of compounds in Jakarta is varied. So some compounds have been able to exist for years, but clearly a lack of a basic service other come rooms or squatters, settlements for the males, and some other come from. Receive onsite redevelopment schemes from Jakarta, provincial government.
Wara Urwasi: Moreover, this informal settlements have been demolished in the last 5 years with us proper relocation plans, despite the pro for policies enacted by the governor at the time his name is, and such as no evictions The prioritizations of Improvement program and the collaborative planning scheme
Wara Urwasi: So this illustrations show discrepancies in the local authorities, initiative with parallel operations of coercion, neglect and carologics.
Wara Urwasi: the Jakarta case challenge dominant theories and urban political economy and post colonial literature that usually more often they're using a convergent perspective and view a urban for explosion as an inevitable impact of global capitalism and also colonial legacy.
Wara Urwasi: but studies in comparative urban politics, have highlighted the uneven public which distributions among slums, often because of the weak state capacity the intensive patron and clients relationship, and also urban for politics or urban for efforts to stay put.
Wara Urwasi: But the literature, I think, needs more empirical work to show that the State impulses in governing the urban poor or the marginality are more volatile and contradictory.
Wara Urwasi: So my study asks, then, when and why do local authorities to implement a repressive approach through violent evictions rather than non-interventions or accommodation of the urban person? And the second question is, does it matter whether, or when the informal community becomes involved in the governance process. And if so, how?
Wara Urwasi: So first, I conceptualize what urban informality governance here, basically, I define as government of responses through regulations and actions, in managing urban development activities in economics or housing or infrastructure that were established or built outside of this, this officially sanctioned channels.
Wara Urwasi: and then with the platforms to the rules and regulations.
Wara Urwasi: And here I create some kind of a variations instead, response to informal housing, which in 2 dimensions, the first I mentioned is whether or not policies are exclusionary or inflationary, and whether or not government intervention is top down interactive and consultative, or simply non-existent.
Wara Urwasi: And these 2 dimensions generate 6 modes of urban informality government from ranging from punitive compliance permissive Alexis, the distributive, accommodative and community control. So, for example, violent eviction is a punitive measure with top down, exclusionary intervention, a permissive measure usually through the forbearance of eviction policies and
Wara Urwasi: characterized by the absence of public service provision. while a slum improvement program designed with that local input will be an inclusionary. But top down or intervention
Wara Urwasi: for the analysis. I look at the more dynamic and immediate factors at the local levels that orient the Provincial Government's decision and actions. and I came up with this framework quite inductively, from the case study.
Wara Urwasi: and I find that the variation was directed by the combination of 3 variables of factors.
Wara Urwasi: the most obvious one, perhaps, is the degree of plan, conflict, which is influence. Whether or not the Government choose to intervene, so the degree of line conflict meanings is in terms of ownership conformity with the government plans and and urgency to obtain the land.
Wara Urwasi: So both of the line occupied by the community has a Medius or uncertain ownership. So sometimes the government claims that they own the land, but has no proper recommendations.
Wara Urwasi: and the more urgent the government it needs to acquire the land often in the name of public interest, the more likely they choose to. It will be in contrast. Even when land ownership is disputable. The government sometimes remains permissive when there is no urgency, because I think the functionality of informal settlement in terms of providing houses for the poor or substituting the tax of the government, can actually benefit the government.
Wara Urwasi: The second factor here is the presence of community leaders with political linkages, particularly to party elites. high ranking officials and urban movement activists.
Wara Urwasi: So the leaders pay the roles in mobilizing and activating their community, and this political linkages grant access to the leaders to make individual or collective demands on the government.
Wara Urwasi: Another significant factor I identify is the commit community cohesion
Wara Urwasi: which refers to the sense of a unified bond among residents. The ability to work together eagerness to participate in communities, actions, and also the low presence of fragmented groups within the community. So the more cohesive, informal community they are, tend to be able to work together and create strategies, to avoid evictions. For example.
Wara Urwasi: for the method. i. The research applies a comparative analysis of 5 informal settlements that fall into different cells of variations of informality governance. So here I choose 5 in almost as much in the North Jakarta area
Wara Urwasi: and the
Wara Urwasi: you this, including publications. real observations, participations in community events, interviews social media post, and also informal archives, or
Wara Urwasi: that those are types of materials that the informal community have, like meeting notes, or also the event documentation.
Wara Urwasi: so before I move into the more of Michael case studies, I should mention that some transformation at the broader global and national level influence the local level dynamics, such as
Wara Urwasi: the global waves of democratization the incensification of social movement networks in the global South and the human rights paradigm. So at the national level decentralizations after the fall of President to Hartle, authoritarian zoom in 1,998, increased the autonomy and authority of local governments, including in land and housing issues.
Wara Urwasi: Also the Democratic reform and direct election increase the relevancy of the urban, poor and informal settlements aside for political communities and organizations.
Wara Urwasi: We can also see, that there's a rise of urban for movements in Jakarta, for example, urban for consortiums or Upc founded in 1,997. And it's affiliated group that in an academy skin, but basically urban for network found it in 2,002. So they mostly train informal community leaders who then act as facilitators and advocates for their communities.
Wara Urwasi: one. A strategy for this urban for networks in collaboration with the community was a political contract during the Governor's elections. So it's in at the 1,017 after his victory. Governor Bathwiden, here in the picture establish policies which very much aligned with the contract, such as
Wara Urwasi: no evictions of informal settlements prioritizing onsite, including, and P. Development and land reform. So we can see that sometimes client realistic practice can actually be, create an outcome of programming outcomes or policies.
Wara Urwasi: However, the implementations of the policies is still varied, or it's very much depends on each community's existing resources.
Wara Urwasi: So this table compares the 5 compounds in terms of factors affecting variations in policies, implementations.
Wara Urwasi: It shows that the come from which achieve, for example, accommodate a distributive treatment. For example, through on-site redevelopment, reveals a high score in land conflict.
Wara Urwasi: have a very close connection to activists and to
Wara Urwasi: from political images has strong community cohesions and able to provide alternative plans, or, for example, a design solution.
Wara Urwasi: while the one with the lowest for Such a here was addicted without a proper relocation plan. So in the next slide I will compare this come from aquarium which succeeded in a chipping of redevelopment programs, and since they are at one which experience violent addiction
Wara Urwasi: come from aquarium was the molest by the previous Governor, Governor Bastupi, or usually name Hawk in 2,016, because the Jakarta Government plan to develop the surrounding area as a heritage destination. So out of 710 evicted families, 355 decide to stay in the locations and the temporary shelters
Wara Urwasi: tumble aquarium right now has become a model or The pilot project for a total development approach with the vertical comp from what I'm from. As soon as you can see in the picture, consisting of 5 story buildings based on communities proposal.
Wara Urwasi: 2 of the buildings were built and inaugurated in August 2021. What I find is that Kappa Aquarium demonstrates the presence of community leaders with high political images.
Wara Urwasi: it's very highly connected with the Upc, and there's a that I mentioned before
Wara Urwasi: the prominent leader, Diane had multiple organizational experience.
Wara Urwasi: She had been the head of Neighborhood Association for many years before the eviction. He had developed a personal connection with the party leader who nominated, and as Jakarta's governor.
Wara Urwasi: And so Diani claimed that the Governor and Popul, there's attention to compound aquarium existed because of her presence, her presence.
Wara Urwasi: as he stated when the politicians first came to come from Aquarium, they wanted to meet me because they know that I was the person who kept reporting the conditions of the community after the evictions to the media.
Wara Urwasi: So the community also has connections to professional activists in planning architectural law and journalism. So there's a rise of community architects in Jakarta. Who Then, enter from aquarium and develop some kind of design proposals with the community.
Wara Urwasi: So this
Wara Urwasi: professional activists assisted the community to gain access informal institutions, such as translating whatever design, but they think into a architectural or design terms that can be accommodated by the Government, all understood by the government.
Wara Urwasi: So another distinct feature that I mentioned is the cohesions among the community leaders. So, for example, the only one of the leaders nominated someone as the head of the Neighborhood Association, because she knew that she could
Wara Urwasi: work with him. so it the community coherence did not occur spontaneously, but it is actually constructed for an outcome of the leaders strategy to reduce conflicts over power and interest among the residents.
Wara Urwasi: With this community cohesion the dwellers easily mobilize themselves, so they meet strategies according to the problem at hand, including persistent meetings with Government officials
Wara Urwasi: being involved in political contracts, developing community business and proposals, street them on questions to illegal actions.
Wara Urwasi: As one of the residents stated here. It takes aggressiveness on our part to initiate meetings with the Government, sending them letters and contacting the decision makers. If we think of progress is floating, the come from cannot gain pre cognition if the community has no initiatives
Wara Urwasi: first, next, something that can catch the governor's attention and make it viral many people get jealous of, but some compounds are not even in good terms with their neighborhood associations. They are not able to work together
Wara Urwasi: in a while the center. I blew me community face punitive treatment the settlement stood along this street. it around 570 people from 60 to households.
Wara Urwasi: So they built houses and working spaces many work at collectors and sellers of you schools.
Wara Urwasi: So the North Yakata Government, the Malays, the settlement in November 2,019, and deployed police personnel and public order enforcers to handle the evictions.
Wara Urwasi: The North Jakarta deputy mayor, stated that the demolition was necessary because the Government intended to create a more friendly and healthy environment for the area by constructing a jogging track and bicycle a.
Wara Urwasi: But the residents felt skeptical about the reasons due to the strong presence of a realistic company that own properties around the area.
Wara Urwasi: The demolitions also came at the surprise for the dwellers, because they claimed themselves as the Governor's supporters, as one of the ethics of the other State. We were on his left and supported all of us. I even guarded the ballot box during the election, so that I have supporters cooled in, chief. So why are we addicted? He that's went and promised that there will be no more addiction.
Wara Urwasi: And compared to come from aquarium. Sundarasome community leaders have a weaker connection to activists, tire and bureaucrats and politicians
Wara Urwasi: as the residents stated
Wara Urwasi: after the admission he mentions, I was so confused about what to do or where to complain, but next may have said is that the Government does not talk to us directly at all, there is no communication whatsoever.
Wara Urwasi: So this low link had just made them unable to open a space for communication and negotiations. What they can do is like, demonstrate that at the City Hall, and even only it can send representatives to negotiate with the staff.
Wara Urwasi: so they cannot provide alternative solution for the government as a as a bit of negotiation or bargaining tool.
Wara Urwasi: So to To conclude, the findings suggest that government interventions in informal elements in Jakarta are uneven and highly dependent on local factors, mainly the degree of conflicting interest over a particular land and in formal community characteristics
Wara Urwasi: in terms of what I find your leadership, then cages, cohesions, and activation.
Wara Urwasi: And I hope that this study could contribute to urban governance literature by showing a community through indirecting or maneuvering the government response by creating some negotiated fields with their resources and strategies.
Wara Urwasi: so the paper also set up an understatic question on variations and hopefully can lead to more research on different kind of urban informality, governance, logic in different cities and settings.
Wara Urwasi: the study also has implication for state building. it's show how local authorities try to balance their response. I made global capitalism and the human rights paradigm as they in this here road. Too much accommodation for informal settlements
Wara Urwasi: produce the State's opportunity to capitalize on line and property, but too much refreshing can actually ignite the contact from below. So I think that we study could show how the authorities face the dilemma by showing, by using a contradictory modes of governing
Wara Urwasi: from the social movement point of view the unequal or kissed by case treatment worsens relations among the in formal dwellers because of jealousy and injustice, and I think that would reduce the potential for a collective action and a substantial transformations in land and housing policies.
Wara Urwasi: So yeah, that's the end of my presentation. Thank you.
Nanke Verloo: I'm gonna give Diane the floor. Now.
Diane Davis: Yeah. Hi, everybody. I know we. These are such amazing papers. And I know, I mean later, not. And I. We're just talking about the fact. There was a distributed paper for this panel, but there's no time to get into that, because we have to end at 1,220, and I did want to make some final I mean, not so much comments, but share some reflections on these papers, because Nunk and I were very excited to, to kind of put out the call for this panel, and to see so many people responding because we both she and I are truly interested
Diane Davis: in asking questions about what's new. With respect to understanding this urban citizenship of the relationship between mobilized citizens and authorities. Maybe I'm I'm particularly interested because I've spent many decades thinking about that in different contexts. And I but I think that we're moving into a kind of an
Diane Davis: anthropoceneic, but a maybe a pop up apocalyptic era where things are changing dramatically. So I wanted to make a couple of comments about what really caught my. All the papers were amazing, and then work was so great, but make some comments about what I think could be pathways to be thinking about what's new
Diane Davis: with respect to understanding urban citizenship. And it's going to be super fragmented because we have like 8Â min or something before this panel ends. And I know we have another panel, so maybe there'll be an opportunity after I make these comments. As we start the next panel. Non kick. It started. We can have a conversation among us if folks can stay till we get the next panel started, because there'll be more in person. People, I guess the first thing that I wanted to say.
Diane Davis: well, maybe I wanted to end. But I'll start. I it seems to me that the 3 ideas I want us that are kind of revolving in my brain about changes that I think
Diane Davis: that we want to situate these case to all these case studies in one has to do with climate change, and I'll come back to that in a second.
Diane Davis: And we had a couple examples, not just the struggle over environmental citizenship, but also one's discussion of disaster. Obviously disasters who went around for every but the frequency and the re pity of disasters is related to this climate change. A second issue. That, I think, is a again background relevant is maybe a rethinking of the the kind of urban versus national scale of determination of citizenship.
Diane Davis: We've gone through years when I say we scholars, but also the countries that everybody is looking at have moved.
Diane Davis: as had many, and the global self from being very centralized nationally to decentralization
Diane Davis: part of the Washington consensus. There's more struggling, maybe more, a po autonomy power at the local level.
Diane Davis: And that's where we see citizenship and engagement locally, but I think what's filtering through several of the presentations is a re emergence of the national state
Diane Davis: as kind of a relevant actor which may not be unrelated to climate change. Right? And there's a third issue that I think has come up. And I I was actually wanted to comment after a million made a question on Omega. But about the law.
Diane Davis: I actually do think there might be something about the law. And what's happening with the law. That's that's
Diane Davis: different in the more contemporary era than, let's say, 20 years ago or 30 years ago. So And how? So those are the 3 points. But let me just go through. Then 2 or 3 comes on each of the papers about what I think is so powerful about each paper to think about new ways of understanding citizenship. So the first one on Mog, I guess I couldn't help but think about the I I can't help but hear any paper about any city in India without thinking about Modi.
Diane Davis: but also and we know that Bangalore is kind of has been. I will. Oh, I. I also want to say that I love most of the papers had some historical sensibility in them. Laura's paper, almost paper.
Diane Davis: Whoa's paper, etc. But the point is, if we think historically about the point at which power and kind of determination, even of what's happening in the economy is still is being re-driven on the national scale. As it's the local scale that might explain in some ways
Diane Davis: the tensions that you're seeing in Bangalore because of the environmental citizenship. So, and you mentioned that at one moment there were strong relations between citizens and local authorities. Maybe that's being changed because the national economic.
Diane Davis: This trajectory is different. The second thing you also mentioned our mob that really caught my eye is the fact that the police came is the role of the police in getting rid of the protesters. And that's that's where I started thinking about the law. At what point, and I even was looking up at what point these police are not this like just local police, they're working for the state of Karnataka. What is the relationship of policing to national government?
Diane Davis: Because I think that that understanding the 10 new tensions in the contemporary world between local and national or nationalism and kind of efforts to have more progressiveness at the local level can be mediated by legal powers that are persistent from the past. So I don't always think about police coming in and and arresting protesters
Diane Davis: is that it happens. But is there something new happening? Because those police are working for different agencies? So that's one set of it's comments about what might be different in that configuration. Why, you explain that that there there's not as much response to these environmental moves as maybe 10 years ago.
Diane Davis: The second. So then, Laura's paper, which is slightly different. It doesn't fall into all these categories, these 3 thematics. And I got to get moving here as easily. But I just wanted to say that I I think of all the papers it offered to me a new way of thinking about citizenship, and I'm going to call it design citizenship.
Diane Davis: which is something that is a kind of
Diane Davis: I I would say you kind of implied you didn't use a language so so much, but then it came up later in one's paper that I would think that the best struggles that you talked about in Joe's slow, or the ways in which people like enact their city to you, constantly designing and redesigning their spaces, even when the Government is not doing it with the way they want. That's somewhere in between insurgency and participatory planning.
Diane Davis: It's a very different form of citizens that it's constantly ongoing.
Diane Davis: And maybe there's something new for us to think. And obviously I'm in a design school now. But I you know how compelled I am by your work of thinking about how people leave in the world isn't active, conscious, creative design. It's not just going to a meeting, but it's actually making and remaking how they live in to the incense. So I I think that that you're
Diane Davis: paper is really important. I I would encourage you to kind of maybe do another version and talk about design citizenship, because and the thing I would say about design. Citizenship is designed to do different than the way a sociologist or other other urban is. Think about citizenship. It's around a project.
Diane Davis: It's not around an idea or a process. It's around something physical, a project.
Diane Davis: It always struck me at the Gsd. How important projects are to kind of mobilize people, both State and citizens. And so this design you you're designing the kind of everyday codidian.
Diane Davis: that is an ongoing process of citizenship. So
Diane Davis: third paper.
Diane Davis: W, one. Okay, so climate change and disaster I can't help. But and this also is the local and the national. One question to ask ourselves is the rapidity of kind of climate crisis which we're seeing everywhere in the world.
Diane Davis: Is that going to change the relationship of the local and national authorities to be thinking about. What? How did they respond or not? So that I think your paper brings that all together in a very interesting way.
Diane Davis: I won't go. Say much more about that, because you know I how much I care about that topic.
Diane Davis: But it seems to me that when we think about you talked about death. Death is a kind of a consequence of these. The rapidity of these changes
Diane Davis: that made me think a little bit more about Amelia's. I don't know why this is
Diane Davis: whatever Amelia's paper about bodies on the line.
Diane Davis: and I know, Amelia, you have a work and an interest in the law but 2 questions that I had and I. There are 3 comments. One was whether there's something different in the way the police or the state deals with protest when it's individual bodies on the line as opposed to collective mobilization. I couldn't help but think about the ways in even the freedom
Diane Davis: to be on the bike or to be free on the bike, but put their body on the line. Does that create an an issue for police or governing authorities in ways that kind of a massive mobilization doesn't. And so that's the the theme of the law that it comes through. But it's also the issue of possible being motivated by death.
Diane Davis: Death in in kind of.
Diane Davis: you know, car accidents. And we every city has a 0, you know, kind of 0, you know, keep policy for like death. But death is a theme that's coming through with struggles over disaster and climate change
Diane Davis: in ways that we weren't talking about? Well, I mean, obviously, there's inequality, there's poverty there, life and death in a generic sense. But we are moving to a a world where Des is a reality for a lot of people. And I just thought it was interesting. Your paper in between the ones on Climate change.
Diane Davis: And again, it raises questions about whether police deal differently with individual buddies. I might add that if you're at all interested, I have a new piece in Hamburg on Latin American social movements. I'm talking about the innovations in spatial tactics.
Diane Davis: for in in mobilization that is not just that the kind of locations of where mobilizations happen have changed over the last 40 years. But the use of spatial tactics which I think you're talking about directly in in your article. But I think that's also something new that putting bodies on the line. And then finally, Laura's paper, which doesn't talk
Diane Davis: to so so much about climate change. So, and I'll end here. But I do want to say that we cannot sink about what's happening in Indonesia without thinking about sea level rise.
Diane Davis: And what's going to happen to these informal lands, and what proportion of those informal lands are in places where land is not going to be there in the future? And how much are the changing. You have a historical analysis, ways of the State response, or accommodates in formality, being framed by the reality of climate change, and also about the new shifting in the last 30 years of property rights.
Diane Davis: So 40 years ago, 30 years ago, ha! Having informality was the the move to formalize everything wasn't as far as vans it is. Now we get more
Diane Davis: influence in kind of official property rights happening just as climate change is making property disappear.
Diane Davis: So like where? What is the tension between kind of these histories of responding to informality, trying to formalize, and the fact that in the future there may not be the same degrees of property for those people, for the Government to mediate. So I'm going to stop there. But I guess I the just to summarize that I think all of the papers today have elements that will push us to think about what's different
Diane Davis: now, and we'll be different. 10 to 15 years down the road. Then the way we've been seeking about citizenship as urban. As for the last 20 or 25 years, so
Diane Davis: I'll I'll stop there. Not okay. Sorry, for, you know, rambling on a bit, but I thought the papers were were excellent, and I'm sorry I'm not there in person to talk to everybody else
Diane Davis: in person. As well.
Nanke Verloo: Thank you, Diane. That's that's a great ending. And thank you for all the papers.
Nanke Verloo: let's use this couple of minutes that we have to prepare for the next session and transition to the next session, so that we have clear who are present there in the room. Asato. Maybe you can come to us for a moment on the screen.
Yeah, I can't. But I I I can hear you. And
Nanke Verloo: we we don't see you because there is something to discuss
Nanke Verloo: that we yeah, thank you. Before we transition to the to the next panel, because we had to distributed papers that we didn't expect to have a presentation, but now they are here, and they prepare the presentation. So we need to to create time for that. But we cannot, you know, magically create time.
Nanke Verloo: So we have Maria here who was told by the Isa that she could present. But in our program we never expected the distributed paper to be presenting.
Nanke Verloo: And now I'm wondering, is Sophie car Amir present in the room, because that was also a disreputed paper that we didn't expect to be presented
Nanke Verloo: if he is also there. We have to drastically cost time to make space for that.
I don't think we have a person who wrote distributed paper in this?
Nanke Verloo: No, no, do you is Sophie car Amir there? Because apparently the Isa did not communicate clearly who was a distributed paper and who wasn't an an accepted paper for the panel.
Nanke Verloo: So they they mix everything up.
Nanke Verloo: so the question is, it's Sophie Carm. You're also in the room, because then we have to create a distributed papers are supposed to present if the time that allows maybe they can. But you know it right now because Maria is here, and she wants to show her her presentation. But we don't have time for that.
Diane Davis: Maybe Maria could make the link available because I. In the years I've participated in the Isa distributed papers, we're always kind of like the backup. If somebody at the last minute couldn't show up. But now that we have like these hybrid situations, it makes it a little more complicated.
Diane Davis: I mean, obviously, it's a relevant topic money. Yeah. But maybe there's a way that you could post a link to it, or we can have people see it even after, at the end of the next session, or something like that, or you could participate in the conversation of the next panel.
Yes.
Maria Victoria Sanchez Belando: you know I I I take only 2Â min for 1Â min to say something. Hello. I am Victoria from the University of Parliament, and yeah, I received a mail, A cabin, maybe one month ago at saying that my distributed paper will come. finally, we'll be finally on our presentation. So that's because I prepared the presentation I record, and I record it and send it to you
Maria Victoria Sanchez Belando: so I don't know if it was a mistake, or or what happened, but do whatever you want or the most
Maria Victoria Sanchez Belando: I don't know.
Maria Victoria Sanchez Belando: and maybe yes, this is a good option, because now you're also losing time discussing this. You know this issue. So so we just have to. I just, I'm just going to step in. I'm the volunteer. We need to use the zoom for the next session so I need to close the zoom and join.
Maria Victoria Sanchez Belando: and maybe we can try it on to try to find something. We stay on when you close the zoom.