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The. Actually So. This one.

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Okay, and you know what? The cool thing is that I'm going to start. So I'm the first.

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To the presenting. Some thoughts and research. So, as you can see here, Natalie Miranda, this is a quarter presentation with Christina Fleischer from Miniya.

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She's the PI of the project that I'm working on. We both are based in the Mark in Oxford University.

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And my presentations entitled Stave Movement Relations, Findings, Findings from the Domininoa Project, the case of Chile's is the you.

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Or social outburst in English. So today we're going to focus on the chilling case.

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This is part as I was saying of a bigger project with more study cases. And today I'm presenting on on behalf of Christina and me as members of the project.

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So let me start by saying that this is the very first presentation of results. So this is still a work in progress.

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I'm very preliminary results. So please be gentle and bear with me and of course if you have any suggestions that will be more than welcome.

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So, now let me introduce you to the project. We begin with the following gap. That is to say that despite the expression of democratic malaise across pro democracy movements and that this has led to a new global democratic imaginary we still lack a systematic exploration of what people think.

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Let's say what activists think about democracy. And of course, how these understandings vary across sites.

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We think that this is key to understanding how social movements actually impact democratic innovation. So, that is the reason of being for the Dominion project as you can see.

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Limoa is actually an acronym for democratic innovations. And in the project we want to understand how movements organise, practice and shape collective identities and political cultures.

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For example, the adoption of the, oh, sorry. The adoption of technology and media.

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This framework of course has been developed by the PI of the project Christina Fleischer Foamiaa and her book about 15 M as you can see on the slide in Spain and an article reconceptualizing democratic innovation.

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And in addition, this project is funded by the Oxford University Research Foundation. So yeah, I have to say that.

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And the contribution is that Our project is willing to contribute on several levels such as inverting the usual focus on top-down innovation and placing politics from social movements and protests at the center.

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In addition, expanding the notion of democratic innovation Beyond the relationship with formal politics. Such as citizens and governance.

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And lastly, by recognizing the importance of democratic imaginaries coming from movements, shaping democratic innovation repertoires.

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And the big questions we want to answer in a nutshell relate to what do movement actors or activists mean by the democracy and how do these imaginaries shape demands also how to do this movements influence or connect to each other.

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Lastly, if we can see, for instance, an emerging global democratic imaginary. So in order to do that

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We will focus on pro democracy movements, PDMs, and we start with 2 cases from democracies.

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The Spanish gaze on the one hand. With 15 M and the Chilean case with the 2,019 social outburst mobilisations.

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Of course this is a starting point so the idea is to expand to more countries. We have started this project.

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By focusing on social media. Using Twitter data as a proxy for activists while public conversation about democracy.

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And today's presentation. It's going to be will be focused on the 2019 chilling case.

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Just one case.

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Just to explain a little bit about the methods. For this we have excavated data from Twitter during 3 years including those states you can see on the slides.

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We created a database using keywords, hashtags related to these modulusations as you can see on the right.

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And for this case, for the Chilean case, We selected 5 major events. And today we'll focus on just one major event on red.

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This event is related to the bigger demonstration ever in the country just one week after the mobilization started.

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I'm going to go through that. You know. And for this, we set a two-step approach for two-step analysis.

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Firstly, we did a co-occurrence analysis. Just to see the semantic relationship between 2 or more concepts that appear together on tweets on the Twitter conversation and all of this discussion.

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And how all this is was oriented around the idea of democracy which we call them on the upcoming plots you will see that.

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But also we did a frame analysis on the top 100 retweets from this major event. We analyze single tweets and embedded contents such as photos, videos.

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In this case we highlight the same movement demands. That is to say citizens right to protest versus repression from the states.

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So now we move to the preliminary results. In a bit of context, of course, before showing the to preliminary results.

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The 2,019 Chilean Social Outbursts officials started on October, the eighteenth, 2,019 as I would say.

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The trigger. Was the increase of 30 pesos in Santiago's public transport. There's to say like some pennies yeah yeah 0 point 0 12 US dollars and the demands included well distribution education related to education, health care, small pensions, constitutional reform, debt and the abuse of power, politicians and

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corporations, all not around the tenets of neoliberalism. Displayed the way to the current constitutional moment which will be discussed later in the next presentation I guess.

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So, slide yeah we focus our analysis on the October 20 fifth of 2,019 This was a peaceful demonstration which brought together 1.2 million people only in Santiago, the capital of the country.

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Becoming the most massive march in the history of the country. It included very low levels of disturbance and it was a festive and joyful moments.

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It was more or less the description as you can see here very briefly in this video that We didn't know we're gonna have.

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Audio. So, so as promised, let's talk about firstly co-occurrence.

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This is the first plot. This is how they co-currents plot looks as you can see.

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The democracy works at are at the center of the plot on the the name of them. And here you can make sense of what I will say.

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Here I highlighted the words related to in this case repression. This is translated into, as you can see in English, so a lot of words around democracy are actually related to repression, including the war shoot.

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Kit, stop or cease rape. Thank you. So saying this is all related to police violence as you can see once again an example of an actual police violence as you can see once again an example of an actual tweet.

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Not in all these words. Once again, the worst hit should rape and kill are all related to the idea of democracy.

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This is of course in in Spanish. Here are more examples. The following tweets are good examples of how these words are related to police violence.

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On the street against demonstrations. And then of course we did this. Now I present the analysis of the top 100 modes with tweeted tweets for that major event.

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So the analysis here shows that the Twitter conversation revolves around the cleavage of police repression in the protests.

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And in contrast, people try to move the conversation about how actual demonstrations are taking place. That is to say, being peaceful.

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Here are some clear examples of police violence and how these tweets are publicly denounced in a specific case of police abuse, police violence, and the excessive actions committed against the Protestant citizens.

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On the left is a woman that has been detained at a checkpoint. And the other 2 tweets use strong images as you can see about how people have been shot during protests.

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On the other hand, here are examples of tweets emphasizing the massive present in the streets. Their peaceful nature and the festive atmosphere of the demonstrations.

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And better contemplate here as you can see a key role in showing all these features. And in addition, tweets also focused on drawing attention to peaceful demonstrations and expression of demands and origin politicians to take action to sub-violence.

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In the streets. So let's rub it up. In conclusion, yeah, we argue that the demands move from metro protests 2 police violence, just considering this major event.

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So protests were triggered by the increase as I was saying in Metro Affairs and one week later the focus of the process conversation quickly shipped our repression and origin politicians to do something.

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This highlights of course the role of the Matera culture, protests itself in shaping the political ideology and the salience of protest demands.

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In a nutshell, protesting as a shared experience shaped citizens understanding of democracy. The strongest frame related to the imaginary of democracy that emerged from this event analysis is about living in a country where there is no police or state repression.

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Of course, this has happened in other contexts such as fifteenm in Spain for example. Where protest camps and satisfying for our needs.

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Serve as the basis of political reflectivity. This of course as the politicisation of different topics such as the role of repression in modern states.

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And lastly, some additional discussion for specific for the Chilean case. The media actually has a trend of focusing on the criminalisation of protests.

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And here activists were more concerned with organizing protests based on peacefulness and a joyful atmosphere.

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This was of course made to invalid previous demonstrations one week before. Right at the beginning of the social outburst where some demonstrations were act yeah people were burning buses metro stations clashes with the police you know more violent which was usual or of which was part of the usual protest repertoire.

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So in addition to the nouns, the massive excesses of police violence. So yeah, these are our preliminary results so far.

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We have planned to, as I was saying in the beginning, to analyse other process events with Twitter data, triangulate with additional data sources, interviews with activists, etc.

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And of course move to the Spanish case later. So I hope this makes. Sense. Thank you.

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No, I give myself to

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The word to present.

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Yeah.

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Maybe at the end.

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Okay, should be good. Can I see this done? Just to test the web.

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Well, hi, good morning. Yeah, really early, isn't it? I am going to present to you is what will become by the end of the year a short book on the end of the year a short book on the indigenous uprisings in Ecuador in 2,022 a short book on the indigenous uprisings in Ecuador in 2,019 and 2,022.

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Ecuadorian so

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Just shortly the indigenous move in Ecuador is a really big social movement that exists like almost 100 years as a modern social movement with organizations and membership and so on and so on.

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And have become really important since the 1,900 ninety's with a series of national upwinds, 992,992, 1,994, ousting of presidents in 1,996 in 2,000 participation in

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constituent assemblies in 98, 2,008 and so on and so on. The indigenous movement in Ecuador is quite complicated with a traditional lens of social movement movement studies because it's a bottom-up structure.

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We have thousands of organisations. I know Geoffrey doesn't like organizations as a center but actually He is about organisations, but you have thousands of them.

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Really diverse organisations going from cultural clubs, from worker unions, including local banks and so on and so on that clump together on different levels and on the national level well form a series of national organizations and organized around 1 million people you don't know exactly because there is no individual membership.

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It's like you are part of, I don't know, one communa in one population somewhere and they don't have a membership, individual membership.

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It's more like the whole community is part of the organization. So on the national level you have 3 big organizations, one that is combining a class-based analysis of society and an ethnic one which is Konaya, one that is going more to a socialist class based perspective, Fenosene and a third one which

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is growing quite quickly that is evangelical. Most of the people organizing there are connected to FNGIC churches and well they tend to be more conservative well but will relatively they are not really conservative they are participating in the strikes and up wavelengths the main demands they had as they developed over over the decades are the demand for a

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pluu national state that confessed of territorial autonomy for the different indigenous nationalities and peoples and inter-culturality that connects different to different cultures in Ecuador and maybe the most well-known demand of a demand for a Bwen vivia, a good life based on exactly

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the demands before the idea that you can manage your life in harmony with nature with community with the individual on a territorial basis.

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So everything is connected for when Vivia, but you're not going to talk about when we were going to talk about the crisis of the indigenous movement.

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I'm not sure if it's a crisis of the indigenous movement. I'm not sure if it's really a crisis famous guys talk about quite so I do also because I'm not famous enough.

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Supposedly there was a crisis between the early 2 thousands. Just after hosting the last president in the year 2,000 and becoming part of a triumphal violet for a few days in 2,000 and after this started a crisis that actually lefted until the upwife of 2,019.

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It actually lasted until the upwinds that actually lasted until the upwife of 2,019.

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The Indigenous movement was like a sleeping giant. It wasn't really pleasant. There were some communication, some negotiations, some smaller marches, but nothing big.

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Now the question is why quaifas? Well there are a series of different reasons for the crisis.

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One reason would be a leadership graph. Because as Benjamin Inuka, indigenous activist and academic analyzers in his PhD thesis, their indigenous movement, especially Konaya, is defined by a communication channels between the national level, the regional levels, the provincial levels and the local

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levels. So all those thousands of organizations are connected between a communication channel that they talk. Actually the word for it is passing the voice.

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The voice passed from from from from up to down and from down to up. So a president of the Konaa for instance can't do anything at all if the other organizations are not following.

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So this communication channels are really, really important. If it doesn't work, Nothing works. And it's what Inuka says that these communication channels broke down in the early 2 thousands due to a president of Kenya with certain ideas that other people would not follow.

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And a second reason might be a generational shift. The historical leaders, that's what they are called, the historical leader of the eightys and nineties where they got old.

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We tie up, they went to other things doing professionally or politically and the younger generation just took its time to take over the organisations.

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Now we now have a lot of young people like in their thirtys and forties that are leading organisations, that are leading organizations even on the national level.

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So you have different faces with different demands. And the third point are DEMO, DEMobilization strategies, especially under President Rafael Correa, President between 2,007 and 2,017.

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He created parallel organizations. He made that every indigenous person that was working for the state had to form part in a organisation he himself and his allies built up with no representation at all only like employees in the ministry and so on.

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But more interesting for me is that the DEMO, maybe more effective demobilization is a partial fulfillment of demands.

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So you did not have a, you still do not have a plurinational state in Ecuador, but for national blue nationality is part of the Constitution.

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You do not really have interculturality but it appears in the Constitution it appears in a lot of official paperwork ministries and so on and so on.

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But when Viva, we do not live the good life in Ecuador, but well there was a secretary for a good life.

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There was a development plan for good life. There was a development plan for good life and good life is part of the constitution.

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So it's like a partial fulfillment. It's not really what indigenous movement wanted, but the world was there and some aspects are there.

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And I think most will event is the general economic improvement. You have a pink tides, left-leaning government with heavy public spending in at a time where Petw had a really big value so they had a lot of money and maybe you can see the statistics I show you it's not so great but yeah the upper line is the poverty line

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and the lower line is the poverty line and the lower line is the extreme poverty line and you can see that it starts from 2,007 that's the line goes down.

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Poverty and extreme poverty are going down from in the case from poverty 36% in 2,007 to 21% and 2,017 when Korea sees his presidency and the same thing happens with extreme poverty.

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So the indigenous people that are especially affected by poverty were less poor. They didn't have as much problems as they had before.

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And you can also see that after. The way I step down, the poverty line went up. First, a little bit from 21% in 2,017 to 25% in 2,019 and then you have the pandemic you have 33% of 2,020 and you have a well a higher level after that.

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So my argument would be that indigenous people did not protest. So my argument would be that indigenous people did not protest because there was no need to protest.

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So my argument would be that indigenous people did not protest because there was no need to protest. They weren't really happy with what was going on but they weren't in extreme need.

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And well, this change has actually after Korea stepped down because his successor, Lenin Moreno abolished the post office in Ecuador, abolished the railroad service in Ecuador abolished social services in Ecuador.

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He did like a neoliberal turn completely and in 2,019 this was upising is about he decides to eliminate subsidies to diesel and gasoline and gasoline and implement a series of other measures in October, the second.

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What follows are mess of vote blocking spy transport workers workers and indigenous protesters that the wife and key to and protest those measures just a few days later it was not a planned upwise thing but it was a spontaneous one so when they took their time and it ends with dialogue with the government it ends with at least 11 people

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dead and over 1,000 were wounded especially with one I less or 2 aisles less the police were were already training how to shoot out protesters eyes at the time and while you have an agreement to withdraw the decrease you have ongoing negotiations over the main demands that actually doesn't mount up to nothing or almost nothing.

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The thing of the uprising in 2,019 is that you have a white alliance between indigenous organizations, university students, left wing groups and Corestas.

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The political party of the political organizations around President Korea and this makes quite a difference. I put up my shirt.

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This shirt was made by Ghoristas, a coist organization, Ruta Critica, made like a lot of propaganda for instance putting up this indigenous woman.

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You can see it, yeah. As like the symbol of the upwind. You have a lot of intellectuals, you have a lot of people with professional training that were backing up the protest and So already one year later in 2,020 you had about 4 books going around for complete books with 4 books going around for complete books with hundreds

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of pages on the uprising, for complete books with hundreds of pages with hundreds of pages on the uprising books with hundreds of pages on the uprising.

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A lot of articles, there was a lot of debate and most of this debate was by Cor generally universally trained people some of them working at universities researchers so you get a lot of sympathetic attention to the uprising.

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Interesting for me was that there was a heavy role of misinformation. I checked The documents published by the indigenous movements during the months of their arrival during the whole of October and of 36 documents on total 2021 were used to correct misinformation like the president says but really is was like misinformation was a major problem.

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And at the beginning there was no clear set of demands. You want anti-liberalism. It was against the measures of the government.

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Was not, we won't even that. But as the government was like

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Not really managing well with the situation. Those demands were complemented during the events. It was like first rejection of repression.

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Then it was defense of human rights. Then it was defense of territorial autonomy because the Minister of Defense said there are no indigenous territories in Ecuador.

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You should weep the Constitution, but well. And anti-extractivism was the question, why do indigenous people defend subsidies for gasoline if at the same time they are against extra constructiveism and they came actually up to with an interesting demand that for the moment we need it but we want to push the government, we want to work, to overcome expectivism as fast as

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possible. No, the uprising happens, then comes kovat and then can't. The Uprising of June, 2,022.

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This uprising was planned. This uproising was prepared and it began directly from the indigenous movement June thirteenth the March of and voteblock began in the whole country not only in keto but all over the place.

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One day later the government, all over the place. One day later the government in another government, now it's Guillermo Lasso not much more able to manage things than the other president was.

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They come to the great idea to arrest the leader of the major indigenous movement. Organization, Leonard Isa.

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He's arrested. What's what do you think it happens where a lot of people go to the streets there's a lot of protests. There's a lot of protests.

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The next day Isa is released. The next day Isa is released. Then the next misstep of the government, they occupy Cafe de la Cuttu, which is a major cultural institution, they occupy Cafe de Lakutu, which is a major cultural institution that has only been occupied by the police

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once. In the most ugly dictatorship in Ecuador under the 1,900 sixtys so another like what are you doing?

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Then the Corestas that were not really participating in the upwising from the parliament tried to do to remove President Lasso by something called Murat Cousada.

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Basically they wanted to to push him out of office in order to to call for new elections. And as you can see, this uproising took a long time, for the longest uproising ever in Ecuador.

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Only June thirteenth the dialogue starts. The results are at least 5 people dead and hundreds wounded and again the withdrawal of the decrees.

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And an uprising and ongoing negotiations over the main demands. This time. They are poising as led directly by indigenous organizations.

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There's participation of university students. There are some left-wing groups and others, but coistas do not participate massively and not in an organized fashion.

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So, you have a shifting in the Alliance politics of the movement. It's more towards a less like the informed middle class but more towards well.

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Including the working class if you want so, when they the indigenous leaders left Kito in at the end of June they were like a big part he's a car pastor through the streets and people like giving them breadth passes through the streets and people giving them bread and flowers through the streets and people giving them bread and flowers and water and so

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on. At this time there were clear demands from the beginning on 10 central statements that remained stable the whole time that didn't change during the uprising and the focus was a focus on neoliberalism only 2 statements mentioned indigenous issues And one of those statements is like, we want to, I don't know what.

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what mem, what number it was. We want the 17 indigenous whites fulfilled, something like that.

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Was a state of the whole statement. And the other one was related to anti-excutiveism.

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We don't want the oil exploitation in indigenous territories to cease. What you can see now is a perfect professionalization of the PR by indigenous organizations.

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It was not so much about misinformation, only 6 of 63 publications were to collect misinformation but now other topics are more relevant for instance the repetition and exploration of the demands of the statements and the rejection of oppression.

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Now you have a lot of publications going against repression. Even if there were a question following the numbers.

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Seems to be to have been less but more organized. So, to, to, to, wax us up.

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This revival of indigenous movement with those 2 uprisings builds on a strong organizational basis while in October, 2,019 you have a spontaneous support. The tone turned into protagonism.

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Focus on keto, you have a spontaneous support, a tone turned into protagonism, focus on keto as a capital, and building on alliance with left wing groups.

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We have indigenous movement maintained its proper position in June, 2,022 you have a planned and systematic uprising with fixed demands that especially start with indigenous provinces that only later march to keto.

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This is also why the uprising ended because indigenous people were just tired. They have been on their feet and marching for over 2 weeks from Let's say Cotopaxi or pastasa or indigenous provinces, 2 keepers.

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So they actually were. On their feet for a lot of time and now you have a class alliance.

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Without a strong proper position. It's not about indigenous demands as such a bit is more about general demands for the people in Ecuador.

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So you have a certain shift from social, economic, ecologic and ethnic demands to Mainly not only social and economic demands which opens up the Alliance politics and makes it possible for the religious movement to connect to much more protagonists and social active than before.

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Actually that is not something so new I was just checking if the demands of the most important uprising so far is rising from 1,990.

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They had 16 demands at that time and of course 16 demands is the same thing most of those demands were socio economic demands are not ethnic demands.

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I will stop here. Thank you very much.

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I know in my group at that. A and I will read from my computer.

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With Maureen. I'm very proud to be here. My presentation in total the cycle of shlemization and the rejection of the new constitution.

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October, the eighteenth, 2,019 in Thailand marks an extraordinary political moment. The so-called social outbreak is the use of Seattle began a contentious cycle shaking Shimon politics on revealing the enormous biographical collective fractures produced by a radical variety of neoliberalism.

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In planted during the military dictatorship of You know, and paradoxically. Consolidated during the democratic transition.

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The causes of the mobilization are multiples. But there is a coincidence in pointing out that the root of the crisis lies in social inequality.

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And in the expression of misjudgement and abuse. That is produced. One of one of the particularities of this mobilization is that they show it an initial synchrony between the cycle of protests and political electoral cycles.

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The social outbreak had a high capacity to impact Electoral results in short turns. On the one hand, starting in 2,020, a constituent process with a high presence of activists and social movement.

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Within it and on the other hand Hi, paving the way for Gabriel Boris, a former student leaders who was the protagonist of the 2,011.

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Cycle of mobilisation to conquer the presidency of the Republic that same year in a ballot him again who sent on your caste.

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Our representative of the extreme right. In it while that Try your red expansion was an increase in public transport.

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The outbreak opened a window of opportunity for the initiation of a constituent process that sought to leave behind the current constitution that while reformed in democracy was imposed by the Pinochet dictatorship.

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This constitution limited Shelan democracy with a series of anti-majority devices. Allowing the qualification of social rights and establishing an economic public order that reduces a state agency.

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However, The shaping capacity of the outbreak gradually weakened. But due to external factors are security, migration and economic crisis.

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And the emergence of a counter movement that demands order and that has enabled the electoral growth of the far right wings.

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In this way, the proposal for a new Captain Magna was forcibly rejected on September seventh.

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2,022 despite being a vanguard proposal in terms of social rights, feminism and bureaucracy and recognition of indigenous people.

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What explain this defeat? Discommunication attends a report based on my experience in the electoral campaign of approve it as part of the strategy team.

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Communian element of political sociology of social movement with aspect of strategic communication. My main argument is that the constituent process of through it tried to overcome the political crisis of representation that made the constitutional shake possible.

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Deepen it also even so the new constitution took charge of the social demands of the outbreak it failed to articulate a common narrative of the change necessary for the construction of a just order in tune with a common sense.

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The Shilan case reaffirms the difficulty of moving from an imaginary of social justice normally promoted by social movements to one that managed to establish itself in a stable manner.

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Through regulations and institutions. The truth of the rejection of the new constitution gravitated a story that vindicate the political logic of the democratic transition that the social outbreak estimate.

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The search for consensus between left and right to favor stability over change the neutralization of social actors and the prevalence of expert knowledge to detriment of democratic deliberation.

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In parallel, an interpretative struggle began. The result of which has been the dequalification of the October uprising.

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That's a political exhausted fact, a criminal and violent outbreak. Now a real proposal is primary, planetary case of the electoral defeat of the new Constitution.

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Fill our own rejection campaign versus a short approval campaign. The rejection had a long-term design that began with the installation of the Constitutional Convention.

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An important part of the right wing. Knowing that it will be a minority into space. So to erode the process with a speech that emphasizes fear.

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The new constitution will expropate the pension funds, the houses. Will privilege the indigenous people among others.

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His narrative has enormous resources. And a high level of receptivity from the media. The supporter of the approval did not manage to articulate a narrative that will allow them to dispute the frame that the rejection has insisted early on.

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Nor did they have the tools to dis activate it the spread of fake news against new texts. The dispute over change.

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Contrary to what the campaign for the intent the framework of the election was not between change versus everything say the same Since the rejection took away the idea of transformation from the approval.

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Is what for them the good change of a good new constitution the bad change of the constitution of President Burridge on the radical left.

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For this reason, it can be affirmed that the result of the privacy was not against a shame, but raided against an expression on it.

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Referred side rejecting versus deviate approach. The rejection was successful because it was not only united and articulated around messages that were in tune with common sense.

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If it's bad, it's bad. But also because it managed to broaden its own base, incorporating sector from the center left.

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The ragoon itself is the spoke person for reaction in these groups. Silencing their most important leaders.

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The former president, In this way, it was difficult for the approval to associate a rejection with the right wing.

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Do not separate the process from the results. The SH of the Constitutional Convention quickly eroded their support.

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The image of the convention was gradually collapsing due to the action of sector of the extreme right within it and do to the mistake of the left wing constituent.

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The case of one of the elected constituents who was an icon of the outbreak. Who simulate suffering from cancer during the mobilization to embody the fight for their right to health is emblematic.

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At the same time, the Constitutional Convention, F in it, has a chamber of deputy and became indistinguishable.

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From the type of politics that the people reject. They convention ended up encapsulated on what was excuses there ended up being noise for a good part of society.

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Association of the new Constitution to Ago government without honeymoon. What's impossible to separate the approval from the board government.

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One of the reasons for God's truth was his interest in protecting the constituting process against the right wing Costantonocas.

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A supporter of maintaining Pinochet Tax. The right wing exploited the association with the government and many voters punished it by voting against the proposal.

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In addition, government measures could create a favorable limit for approval. Where quickly eclipsed it by their own unforced mistakes.

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Finally, the rejection successfully spoke for to the new voter who was forced to vote and who increased the electoral role by affairs.

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For whom the constitutional debate was foreign to them. Do to their anti-party and antipolitical inclination these sectors will probably have rejected any proposal for a constitution.

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They are sectors that still want change. Also, they are skeptical of the alternative of concretion.

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The eruption is not necessarily the let of the outbreak. Since it is possible that they identify with the most challenging spirits.

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However, they continue to view the new current constitutional process with indifference and disaffection. And apparently limit in favor of voting for the extreme right-will in selection of the new constituent, it's a it's a majority in the new constitutional council.

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While they are popular sector hard hit by neoliberalism, they distrust The discourse and solidarity proposal of the left and social movement.

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Avoccoming the political crisis that causes the outbreak and the constitutional question will remain uncertain with the growth of the same right which does not want a new constitution with the fall in a popularity of the political environment and with the minority presence of the left in a new constituent process.

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Thank you.

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Just 1 s. Sorry about this. We disconnected from the podium in person.

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I just wanna make sure that they get your presentation too.

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And also you're muted.

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All right, can you hear me?

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Yes, you can.

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Okay, it should be my turn. I correct?

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Yes, and it looks like the podium has reconnected. So I think that you're good.

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Just a you might want to put your presentation full screen and then you're good to go.

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Yes.

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Like this.

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1 s.

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Can you see it well now?

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Yeah, perfect.

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This is Brilliant. Hi everyone. It's a pleasure to be here. I hope you can see my presentation on myself very well.

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Here where I'm presenting time is 2 pm in the night. 2 am in the night. So it's a bit strange to present this time in the night, but I hope the presentation will be of interest.

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My name is Porger Bao and I've been, doing, from sometimes some work on, protest movements and the digital media.

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Really interested in the ways in which new forms of digital communication ever bearing on social movement practices, discourses, forms of participation, forms of LTP link and this presentation I'm delivering today.

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Stems from my most recent research which is Marie's Clodus, KORI, research project, COR, DIdIC, JAN, Generation TikTok, where I look at video sharing and social movements and what I'm presenting today he's the result of some of this early work

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on imitation. As the neurological participation. No, the general concept of brand is that social media being sent to recent social movements.

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Since the reception in the mid 2,000 more so with a popularization that doesn't tense many commentators about having the effect of social media.

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On best practices. The focus has been on the way in which social media communication has a bearing on different levels of social movement communication.

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So I think the many of you have already acquainted with the general. Structure with the general lines with this debate there was a lot of discussion which I also directly contributed to back in the late nineties and 2,010 some various protest movements that were variously described journalistically as street revolutions or Facebook revolution.

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To highlight the centrality of social media platforms to their working. I mean, among these features in 2,009 Iranian president presidential election protest.

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Where protesters use Twitter, similarly the Moldova parliamentary election broadcast. Which they were getting more result in the famous internet commentators, commented on.

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2,011 Tunisian and Egyptian revolution. And it's still in Evan, indignant as an occupy, both street protest.

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These are just some of the examples of the movements that were widely identified with this new style of doing protest in which social media appear to have a kind of sense of role in the ways in which people communicate it in the way which people organized.

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Curiously, in Cairo, one could see these very strange images. And then we kind of, Facebook and Twitter, namely the name of 2 capitalist corporations that become, since then.

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Also symbol of some of the excesses of digital capitalism. One could see their names dobed on the streets on walls as graffiti as protest graffiti.

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Which was quite peculiar, but he stood to indicate how much people perceived. That the use of this media was central to the way the products operating.

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So theoretically from a generator perspective, the idea there is that of phenomenology of between the logic of social media and its communication.

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And the logic of social movements. And theology between social movements, social media, movements, logic. For example for many commentators.

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Hmm, this next is between international movements. There was a correspondence between the participatory element of the activity to social media.

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For example, Tim O'reilly, the FEMA series, the web tool. So the central element of social media was not publication but participation.

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And a participatory element of social movements. One of the most notable technical contributions in that sense is excellent, a regular Debian material connective action.

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Which argues that given the, network like nature of, social media communication. Also social movements are acquiring a network like shape.

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I mean, a way in these, it's similar to Manuel Casel's general theory of networks.

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But they push it forward further by saying that basically collective action and the creation of collective identities, the collection recreational sensor we is now substituted by far more individualized and dispersed form of action.

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Which you describe as connective action. Where collective action frames are substituted by personal action frames.

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More generally other commentators have argued that the supposed or reason target of social media their nature as aitarian space of discussion.

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In which different interlocutors speak on a level playing field with others where there's openness to conversations where people can, participate in conversations and for example directly reply.

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To powerful influencers that this horizontalism or this element of horizontal reason for how much limited or only interior that maybe that this horizontalism is reflected down in social movements.

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Even the social movements using social media. Our then compelled. To adopt also practices, organizational practices that are non-hierarchical, that are leaderless and so on and so forth.

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And for those who are for familiar with my previous work, this was one of the targets for my criticism in my book tweets in the streets were basically argued that horizontalism at very little bearing on the empirical nature of protest movements and other communications.

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But this is just to say what the theory and the debate is. I mean, there's this assumption that horizontalism or suppose there isn't on social media.

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Facilitated more horizontally. And these idea of an implication of the materiality of technology for and, logic or social movements is also seen in the work, for example, Kevin Macdonald in this, article for Information Communication.

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What he says that the meme is a form of memory that allows the recognition, devokes but at the same time transforms what has gone before.

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And you refers to the fact that users of fortune, the famous is a image. And discussion boards experience an environment made up of multiple simultaneous threads and posts, meaning that the experience of the site is one of contingency.

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Right. So again, I'm quoting this as I think it is a good indication of this idea that the communication technology is used ultimately have a varying on the quality on the nature of social meetings.

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I think the form is not gonna an equal perspective. You can distinguish 2 fundamental ways in which social media are used by social movements from an organization standpoint, one being more externally oriented, one being more internally oriented.

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And by more external I mean the process of identity building that is central to much of what social media. Yeah, is social media constituted in social movements, creating narratives, creating ideas of, the collective subject, the social movements want to represent.

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Creating narratives, getting stories, all the storytelling, right? That is what get attribute to social media clearly ties into these and then the more perhaps more tree will, more practical but not the less very important process of micro coordination.

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Of providing participants with instructions about where to go, what to do. The statical micro coordination that we see all the time in social movements.

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For example, when people are told about dates of protest events or locations of protest events or providing instruction about how to go and what to do.

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And the relief these 2 elements are complementary. The internal external cannot exist without one another. So how I've tried now to kind of provide you with without one another.

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So how I've tried now to kind of provide you the internal and external cannot exist without one another. So how I've tried now to kind of provide you the general context and theoretical privacy.

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Now we move now to Diktok how TikTok actually, er, enters the scene and how it reshapes the scene.

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I mean, obviously I think that Tik Tok doesn't require presentation, but very briefly it has become the most popular, most widely used up for Generation Z.

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Namely those that at the moment are between around kind of 13 year old and 26 year old the eighties, an app that as people know focuses on short videos ranging from 15 s to up to 2 min and it has revolutionized the way in which people, use social media.

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And more generally kind of popular culture. So much, I think is important to understand TikTok in the context of a historical revolution or social media between what I describe as first generation social media, the word text based platforms.

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Platforms that were multimedia but were text played a certain organizing role such as Facebook Twitter etc and several generations to social media which are instead more visually clearly visually oriented and, more specifically more video oriented.

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Let's think about TikTok. Of course, again, but also Twitch, Instagram, video, many others platforms where the focus is on video.

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So there's been much discussion on many. News media such as BBC about the new forms of activism that are emerging on these platforms.

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All sorts of cosies have turned to TikTok. I mean, both progressive reactionary among the most notable progressive ones we could count Black Lives Matter.

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And other anti racism movements, k-pop music funds against Donald Trump, environmental movements, especially movements on climate change.

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Such as Friday's for future. Hey LGBTQ plus movements and similar movements of all sorts.

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And what I propose is that the best way to explore the logic of these movements is not just the logical participation and the suppose horizontal reason or this logic, but as a logic of imitation, which I think is interesting theoretically and analytically as it raises the question of power and a question of leadership.

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You need some scholars have argued that the typical logic of TikTok is not participation in general but other imitation and memesies.

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For example, Zuli in an article on Humidal Society. Speak of memesies. To explain the communication on TikTok and of imitation publics.

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Describe education publics as collections of people with digital connectivity is constituted through the shared ritual.

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Of content limitation and replication. They argue it is in the process of imitating sounds and effects.

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That creates the shared experience, the sound and effect collections. I mean, for anyone who's used TikTok.

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They will know that there is a repository of sounds and graphical effects that the organize the various user-generated contents on the platform.

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That people can browse through and people can explore and what students really highlight is really how these shared repository speaks to imitation as a logical participation.

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That is also seen for example in the context of challenges right these very basic performances collective performances where some influencers basically launch the challenge with some instructions that then, participants are compelled or invited to use.

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By imitating the first performance done by often a famous influencer very influential content creator.

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That there with kind of many less known, less popular. Content producers trying to replicate, right, trying to imitate precisely.

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Disease challenge and and and the attached performance. This logical imitation and it's a capacity to mobilize people's been seen many.

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Collective performances perhaps the one that made the news most clearly was the organization of K-pop funds.

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In criticism and in disruption of the not Trump 2,020 presidential campaign most famous was the episode of rally in Tulsa by Donald Trump where many seats remained empty and it's surface that this was done due to the fact that the K-pop funds of the music genre of

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k-pop at organize on TikTok and Twitter in order to, buy Amas tickets for this rally without ever intending to attend the rally.

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Similar brought as the similar practice has been seen in connection to Black Lives Matter. With the May nineteenth black creators and analyze a strike visual strike where people were invited to change their profile picture.

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Or the black feast of Black Lives Matter. And similar practitioners, for example, in the user makeup as.

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A protest messaging device where, for example, different, people who are in the makeup genre which is a huge channel of its own.

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On Tik Tok are using for example the makeup to represent climate. Change related. Issues and messages, for example, by painting one's face, with the colors of planet Earth.

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Or of the sea and the sky and so forth. So in this context again the logic is one of Mimi's is one of imitation where one, often kind of one influential, content creator comes up with this general template with the general idea, with the meme.

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To than many others are. Trying to imitate and use as a scheme as a device. To, channel their own messages.

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So the logical limitation that we see here and the nature of TikTok activism as revolving around immigration publics I think is very important.

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As it allows that against the often naive view over what is mentality we are facing here on social media more and more space.

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That is vertical, there is a centralized. Where a few influencers actually exercise a huge power of cultural influence on others and where there's a minority of people that produce new templates, new recipes, new instructions while most other people are left with the more humble task of imitating and we're

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actually The great majority of people are not even imitating are not even actively participating in this collective performance or rather more acting as lurkers by watching for example videos by watching materials.

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But never kind of really participating directly in the process of creation, not even in the process of imitation.

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Well, you know, I think that as Tik Tok becomes more prominent platform used for activism and for social movements.

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What is also apparent in its use is that the element of identity building against a prominence visa with the element of tactical coordination.

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In a way, it's, hmm, this we turn towards video. Highlights how important the creation of new identities, new narratives, new stories is to while for the very nature of the video medium.

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The element of tactical coordination there was so prominent in the context of Facebook based activism or Facebook and Twitter and a similar text based platform phase away from you.

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All you know, I think that this is This presentation is more in the spirit of, developing a research agenda around these issues.

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And specifically, this is specifically kind of really interrogating and questioning how this logical invitation can have a bearing not only at say on the structural organization.

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But also on the very discourse, the values and the beliefs of social movements. Thanks very much for your attention.

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Okay.

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Yeah.

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It should be good. Yeah. Just getting done that. Let me just close all this stuff first.

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Okay.

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But he again makes it.

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Okay, good morning everyone. Today I will present my study on youth digital activism. The meaning making of social and political engagement.

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And in this presentation I will share as the first presenter our colleague. From Denmark, but originally from Chile.

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This is a kind of initial finding. So still on progress or please. Be kind but also give me a feedback.

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Good, feedback so I can, a developed the finding that in better way. So my studies about how the youth engagement in social and political activism facilitated by the social media internet but particularly in social media.

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So how to how to move this okay So internet is ubiquitous, particularly among the youth as Pransky called them as digital native.

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The internet has been the center of youth activities. Internet in fact gives a sense of presents for the users and the close association between the youth and the internet has been studied of course in various research previously and it shows that mostly discuss about the times time spent for working on the internet and among the youth it's quite long after 5 or 8 years even

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more and also digit literacy how the youth are skillful and have a good knowledge on various digital application and programs.

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We are all I think know about it and in this context I'm I want to highlight it. And in this context, I want to highlight the digital activism then because the fact that they have digital literacy and they spend working on the internet quite long.

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So I regret that the youth have greater opportunities to optimize social media as a space for their specific participation through engaging in very social and political activities exercised through internet.

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So since my study focused on digital activism, In fact, my curiosity inspired by many various previous research that concern about the forms of youth activism mediated by the internet.

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So mainly visit like done by peer research and so also by Nielsen in Indonesia and also in my laboratory of sociology in my university that mainly the youth expressed their concern on my university that mainly the youth expressed their concern on various activism that mainly the youth expressed their concern on various activism through clicking light forward or

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repose so it's mostly average 30% and not many youth interested to join or belongs to a specific group in fourth in political or socio-issue.

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It's only in my research it's less than 20% but peer research so that it is indicated 20%.

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So even my earlier study in 2,018 during the presidential election on the youth exposure on the hoax indicates that forward and shared have been the main ways of sharing information among the GAN set.

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So as well, regarding off online organization, most of the youth involved in organizations related to their hobbies rather than other kind of activities such as political organization.

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So I also need to mention here that although the majority young people mainly involved on social activities in the internet.

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Indonesia in fact has example of digital activism that youth participated in and such as the hashtagsef Kapika.

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It's a digital mediated movement to save the Indonesian commission for elimination of corruption and also the hashtag corrupted reform is a student initiated movement to safe Indonesian reform and also the same student movement is what we call as a giant calling movements.

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So it's initiated by also the student. So what I want to highlight that although there are concerned about youth digital movement, there are some illustration of the digital activism or movement that also participatory participated by the youth.

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Thus I try to put this study in the context that digital activism not only dealing with the weights of digitalization support or not support the youth activism but there is also important context that is in donation political context that also contribute to the youth digital activism.

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So my study in fact apart from the concern that mapping on civic engagement and digital activism among the youth is important.

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So the first objective of the study is the youth engagement in digital activism indicate participation as a significant element of citizenship in digital era and the second one is the understanding the meaning making of digital activism among the youth.

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How the youth tried to reproduct. Reproduce the ideas and practices of their online social and social-political engagement.

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So, now we turn to the theoretical framework. So I, in fact, employ 3 main concepts for this study, the Pacific Engagement Digital Activism and Digital Citizenship.

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And I didn't try to put all this concept to answer what kind of civic culture that you develop as citizens through their online activities.

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But let me briefly mention 2 paradigms of engagement that usually refer to describe youth activities in the internet.

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This paradigm in fact described by Coldri. The first is the engage with paradigm.

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It's Concern on changing social identity. Of young people which emphasized the increasing importance of peer and online community.

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So expressive view free to make their own creative choice is the engagement paradigm. But the second position or the paradigm is the disengage youth paradigm is the disengage youth paradigm, it or the other time is the disengage youth paradigm is the disengage youth paradigm.

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Concern on the exploration of youth who are more autonomous on the exploration of youth who are more autonomous, decrease in youth who are more autonomous, decrease involvement with government and society at large.

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So sometimes the government and society at large. So sometimes this kind of engagement with government and society at large.

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So sometimes this kind of engagement and society at large. So sometimes this kind of engagement, so sometimes this kind of engagement considered as 3 to democracy.

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So in this study I'll try to review whether internet is promoting participation or

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So other issue that or concept that I want to bring here is the digital activism regarded as from the pole optimist position, the pessimist position and the persistent position.

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So the 3 positions in fact try to explore whether the digital activism empowered the citizen. Some of us I think knows about how we divine active activism or such as selectivism, collectivism, whether it's might be categorized as a kind of movement or not.

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So it's a debate among the scholars or those who concern about how we divine activism and social movement.

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I think it's important to mention here whether the clicking of sharing or forwarding or just reports it can be divine as or categorized as movement.

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So I also refer to Bennett conception or notion on the collective action personalization of collective action.

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And also ban the conceptual notion on citizenship that he underlined that. There are transform, there is a transformation from dutiful citizenship.

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To utilising citizenship when we discuss about citizenship, including digital citizenship.

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So, digital citizenship in this study defined simply as a digital in is simply Just the way the user used to discuss all instances of activism that used digital network.

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And also regarding the concept of citizenship. What I want to explore is whether digital citizenship is not only a kind of acting activity to act as citizenship like joint political party or footing, but it need to discuss how digital infrastructure, to act as citizenship like joint political party or footing but it it needs to discuss how digital infrastructure facilitates a wider civic

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culture. So the digital specific culture provides space for new forms of citizenship.

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So, I used, I employed the data collection method, used the online sort of online sulfide, Surface conducted in 2,021.

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And, in the students from 3 state universities in Jakarta. All the public or the state owned university and from that survey we collected 990 10 samples and in-depth interviews that effort are in fault.

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Young activists, student activists and young activists are on campus and if off campus. So this is the one of the what to call it the data that I got we got from my Sophia So what I want to say is that this is showing that there are concerns among the students, because the respondent of the surveys, all

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students. There are concerns among the students about the issue both at the national and global offer. So most students interested in national issue compared to global issues.

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And the 3 main concern issue in Indonesia that they concern is digital literacy, job opportunity and digital divide.

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And the global issue that they concern is about racism, COVID-19 and environment conservation because this is this was conducted in 2,021 so confid 19 still mentioned here But what interesting and what I want to highlight is that I found the youth in the Sufi in fact, on both the national and global issue, even although

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it is the issue quite different. But the national issue, what they concern is more related to their experience in daily life.

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So it's very what you call it. Happen and close to them. Like for example job opportunity like digital literacy.

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So it's not about like say racism even in Indonesia I think some of the areas we have issue on that issue but that but the main content of the student is more close to their daily life.

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That was the first. While in the global issue, interestingly, they concern on the racism. Environmental conservation.

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It's not really related to daily life but more related to whether the issue is trending or not.

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So the virality is important for the student in this case. So it's not necessary that they concern because they are experienced with the issue, but because the phone in the internet is viral.

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So It's kind of the way they perceive what the Issue and the meaning of trending and viral.

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I think the finding in this surface is also on my other research before this research that for Jen and Z.

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Virality is important to kind of give in insight and information about the phenomenon or the issue in surrounding their life.

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So, Before I just explain of this in because in the surface I didn't specific explore about the meaning of activism but in qualitative interview I specifically focus on what the meaning or the meaning making of activism among the students.

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So the specific on student activism channel through student organisation, this is in the case of universities in most universities in Indonesia.

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So based on my qualitative interview. In the student organisation they have specific section in this one is in my university they have specific sections for facilitating student activities in what they call the section of social engagement and the section on.

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For political engagement. Social engagement while we can debate about what is political and social but for a moment according to them social engagement section is related to doing voluntarily works, community social works and such activities.

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But political engagements are related to discussion on political issues and such. But they found that political section is not popular among students.

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It was in indicated by the fact that on among 2020 bats students. Of 500 students in the faculty only 13 students registered to involve in the political section.

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So it's not popular among the students and In fourth in the political section of a student organization in campus is sometimes regretted this is according to my informant the student informant regarded as heavy issues and being involved in heavy issues more students regarded as intimidated.

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And therefore not many students involved in the activities. So for most of students student organisations should arrange the more What, good and good, light and able to be accessed by all students so as informant my informants say, was obstident and campus allergic to serious and heavy issue.

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Space because it's is like far from their daily life, but also it's too abstract for them using a particularly if using theoretical term on an abstract conceptual term.

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This suggested to avoid heavy addiction and use popular addiction. Or terms so nobody will feel intimidated.

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This this is particularly applied by student activists for their narrative or campaign in the social media and And the student campus organization, Twitter and Instagram is the 2 most popular platform.

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But from that they used to share and disseminate activity. So what I found in qualitative interview in among the students activists.

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It's also similar that I found among activist NGOs that I interview. So and also my observation that it's so it's confirmed by both off-campus and on-campus activists.

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So the youth preferred use, I think, if you, well, this is my observation, but it's interesting that.

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Presently in Indonesia among the youth. To criticising the government or other social or political issues, they prefer to use the center or comedian ways of criticizing.

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So. According to the activists, they prefer to define the activism as more relaxed, flexible and enjoyable.

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Those according to the movement is not something that frightening. My study is a bit different with the other previous presentation.

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So it is interesting that according to activists of student organization, the orientation among most students currently is to fulfill the demand from family and also in the society that they demanded to be a successful individual or person, then immediate Success after the graduate from campus.

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So therefore they prefer not to enforce too much, to deep, active in activism in campus. Although there are digital platform to facilitate it.

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And also because I think one of the issues that contribute also to this phenomena is that the government policy of a government policy on university curriculum that need and forced a student to spend more time and energy to focus on their study with so many demands.

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So it's more almost impossible to student to share between active activism in social and political issue even in campus or focus on their study.

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So, I also found that you prefer the activism and movement that from that frame by more loosen and flexible, not strict or rigid with so many rules, not structured as previously they understand social movement required to participant to engage.

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Like for example, there is no important code, ideological requirement to follow. This is important for them.

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So one of the my informants say that we are moved without ideology. Not all capitalists is bad.

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Our motive is more about idealism, idealism, not ideology. For us, The more important issue in youth activism is our vision.

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So based on this statement or the way they sharing about the meaning of activism then we can see the bit how the the youth Transform the world of activism.

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So like for example one of the, informant mentioned about of being involved in women's movement that's necessary to be a feminist.

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So I think that's the main point that important if we compare. How the previous social movement, the strong social movement, the militant social movement regard this as the important position.

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So therefore for them, digital media activism is more reasonable. And more because, through, in fourth in digital activism is more unstructured and flexible.

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They are able to drop whenever they want. So it's more a touch and more fixed with their characteristic or their identity.

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So an activist-defined activism or their identity. So an activist-defined activism as a form of South preference expression.

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So being engaged in activism is more about Ectalizing their self-experience and an expression.

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So this is the why the this is part of the data from the surface that the forms of youth digital activism on social issue most affectivity they do to engage on social issue digitally is by giving lights followed by forwarding, posting information and participating on online petition petition.

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This is interesting online petition because they know sometimes they not really read the petition. But who served the petition with a friend or just a quittance.

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So it's not important the petition but who shared the petition. So again this is the way they they're dealing with the social issue.

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And activities that last being used to engage a social issue are story that they left involved in while sharing the storytelling or blog or other narrative forms of digital digital narrative.

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And also less student become a member of online community, particularly online, specific online. Activism. So by this I want to highlight the informant activists and student activists prefer to engage in community based organization, social and voluntary activities than in political organization or political activism.

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One of my informants mentioned or say that the result of political movement are not immediately feasible. So it's not directly.

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Able to be to look while for social community activities the results are more tangible. I perceive politics is an evil through it widely, though it widely affect the society, though it widely affects the society.

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Moreover, for my portfolio, though it widely affect the society. Moreover, for my portfolio, having experiences in political activism are not benefiting because if we want to affect the society.

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Moreover, for my portfolio, having experiences in political activism are not benefiting because if we want to work as particularly at government institution by involving in political activism, we might be in black place.

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This is

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Okay, so this is the form of digital activism on political issue, the data so digitally the most activity they use is giving light, forwarding, reposting information and follower political figure posting opinions.

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But less activity that they use are become an online foreigner for political figures writing online article and joining online social political community.

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So just briefly that the among the students movement activists on off-compass activists at the level of trust government mostly low rather than both men and women.

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And the gap between the state and youth. Because the state approach to a young citizen regarding as 2 old and too old style so as it mentioned by one of the activists, the language star of the state is different from that of youth and it's an attractive,ation normative.

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That's why we do not connect it with the state. We the youth don't care what the states say.

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We just do what we could do. So this is the, when I refer try to use Bennett idea notion on citizenship what we call as actualizing citizenship.

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The conclusion both students and young activists more interested on issue close to their daily life contacts such as poverty, environmental issue, digital literacy and the survey results show that digital activism mon student is more on the form of activism more student is more on the form of activism more student is more on the form of collectivism or selectivism characterised by the act of

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giving life forward and follow or sell. Among the young activists in particular, particularly on campus activism, the youth engines more on social activism and the youth digital activism also show a flexible simple non hierarchical principles.

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Current Indonesian political situations are characterised by tense conflict exercising political identity also contributed a distance position made by youth political practices.

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The gap between the youth and the state in particularly communication style state approach contributed the distance of the youth to political or governmental issue.

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Thank you very much. I'm sorry to take a longer time. Thank you. You want me to?

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Yeah.

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Sh, so that should be yours. Yeah. This is Andy.

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Can I just kick this one? Should be, Okay. OK, thanks so much. Okay, before I begin, I just like to do a welcome to country.

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I want to pay my respects to the traditional owners on the land on which we stand and honor all leaders past, present and emerging and who may be present in this room.

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Also to emphasise that we are all on unseed territory. Okay, I'd like to thank all my fellow panelists, Christina, Philip, Alexis, Paulo online, Kristina, Philip, Alexis, Paula, Alexis Paolo online and Lagina. I've been learning a lot from all your presentations so far.

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Thank you to the support staff and thank you to Sabrina Sajak for organizing us and helping us self-organize as well.

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So this is a co-authored paper with, Salvar at Veliuum from Lacuar University in Sydney. And by myself, I'm from, my name is Chand.

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I'm from Yale and US College in Singapore

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All right. So I'm just giving you the key takeaways in case I don't have time.

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In this paper we are offering the concept of racialized communicative labor and this is labor that we argue is performed by ethnic minority youths in Singapore and their allies on digital media to raise awareness around our racism and the harms it causes.

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These use the other regard of anti-racist efforts in Singapore and through the digital sphere they're laboring to create one, safe spaces to make sense of their personal experiences.

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3, own and reclaim narratives around race. And for speak back to fellow Singaporeans in a very engaged manner.

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So our methods are digital ethnography and we use this to investigate the experiences of racism among Singapore's ethnic minority communities and we focus specifically on the emotional effects and impacts.

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These officially have come have not been. Spoken about and so we hope to shed light on this specifically.

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And we hope to advance critical race scholarship via an exploration of Singapore's emerging Massant anti-racism movement.

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All right, so this is how we've organized our paper. I'm just going to skip in the interest of time.

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So again, the key concepts. At risk of being accused of stirring up racial hatred, disharmony, and so forth, ethnic minority youths are participating in racialized communicative labor to disrupt dominant and harmful stereotypes used against them.

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They do this by taking a stand against racist characterizations, by resisting generational resignation and kind of a blase acceptance around racism that by creating multi-directional solidarities.

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They're doing this by unlearning acceptance around absorbing racism because that's the reality of minorities everywhere and also creating a community of sharing, listening and support.

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They also seek to actively contest racial misrepresentations. So 4 kinds of ways they do this. One through corrective race labor.

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They are providing witness statements around the lived experiences of racism. That also doing ground up intellectual race labor.

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So they're trying to intellectualize these experiences in making sense. And legible making it make sense to others who may not be able to relate.

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So in creating these witness statements, they're deemed individualizing their experiences and contributing and consuming.

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A living archive of online racism. Okay, they're doing connective race labor by doing things like sharing open access.

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Google documents for resources and things like that sharing open access Google documents for resources and things like that, mutual aid, Google documents for resources and things like that, mutual aid.

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This is I'm quoting Christina Aquino from University Technology Sydney by anti-racist efforts we mean the actions of victims confronting perpetrators.

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Witnesses speaking out against racism. Practises that bridge cultural differences, material and subjective strategies deployed by those on the receiving end of racism to repair our stigmatized identities.

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We also look at aestheticized expressions through music, youth cultures, and media. So this is a screenshot from the particular site we look closely at.

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01:37:11.000 --> 01:37:16.000
It's called The Tag. I mean, it's an Instagram account called at Minority Voices.

458
01:37:16.000 --> 01:37:20.000
Please let me know when it's at 1020 so that I don't go over to the next session.

459
01:37:20.000 --> 01:37:34.000
Just give me a sick note. Thank you. OK, so like I said, digital ethnography, we've been doing this since 2,017 so it's been 5 6 years now and then we do an axial coding of all the online content.

460
01:37:34.000 --> 01:37:48.000
Sometimes we do screen grants because controversial kinds of posts get taken down quickly in Singapore. All right, so about minority voices you can kind of follow them or look them up on your own.

461
01:37:48.000 --> 01:37:53.000
The founders are Shahraz Lechimannon and Vina Paddikonda.

462
01:37:53.000 --> 01:38:04.000
And they noticed how some Singaporeans were quite vocal about the Black Lives Matters movement, yet they were silent about the discrimination faced by minorities in Singapore.

463
01:38:04.000 --> 01:38:10.000
So they created the space of this account and their manifesto is like a safe space for minorities to shed light on their stories of everyday racism.

464
01:38:10.000 --> 01:38:26.000
They highlight the experiences and give a platform to these unheard discourses. Around a very taboo and policed and controlled area within Singapore.

465
01:38:26.000 --> 01:38:38.000
So that's just what the count looks like. So even things like in terms of rental racism and different issues around mental health and things like this.

466
01:38:38.000 --> 01:38:48.000
Okay, so Philomena Est has written about the power of everyday experiences. She says personal accounts of the lived experiences.

467
01:38:48.000 --> 01:38:50.000
She says personal accounts of the lived experiences. She says personal accounts of the lived experiences. She says personal accounts of the lived experiences.

468
01:38:50.000 --> 01:38:54.000
She says personal accounts of the lived experiences. She says personal accounts of the lived experiences. She says personal accounts of the lived experiences prove most illuminating in telling what everyday racism is about.

469
01:38:54.000 --> 01:39:03.000
The injustice is recurring so often that they almost taken for granted, nagging, annoying, debilitating, seemingly small, injustices one comes to expect.

470
01:39:03.000 --> 01:39:19.000
Sorry, yeah, this is a Queen of, quake for the meaner asked. I'm Don't know how much time I have in terms of the context of Singapore, but I'm happy to speak to others later about Singapore, but I'm happy to speak to others later about this.

471
01:39:19.000 --> 01:39:22.000
Could you just tell me the time right now?

472
01:39:22.000 --> 01:39:27.000
1019. Okay, no, okay. I'm just gonna share some testimonies Okay, maybe just the first one for now.

473
01:39:27.000 --> 01:39:52.000
So these are some of the kind of testimonies we look at and explore. There are a lot of Indian Malaysian Muslim Arab Eurasian mixed race youth who kind of share their experiences in Singapore growing up as a minority.

474
01:39:52.000 --> 01:40:00.000
I, in the interest of time, there are tons of this, so I'm not just going to skip forward.

475
01:40:00.000 --> 01:40:08.000
They're speaking out, they're sharing at risk to further racism to themselves because not everyone on this group is supportive.

476
01:40:08.000 --> 01:40:22.000
And I just want to impact that I emphasize the emotional impacts of this. Some words, it's we kind of create a repository on inventory and archive of all these horrible feelings around this.

477
01:40:22.000 --> 01:40:31.000
We talk about exclusionary acts and also we talk about COVID related pandemic-related racism as well.

478
01:40:31.000 --> 01:40:42.000
I have some quotes and references around the hidden injuries of race.

479
01:40:42.000 --> 01:40:58.000
So again, we argue that racialized labor online bleeds offline in socially productive ways. These youths are advancing quite forward thinking ideas about how to tackle racism in Singapore.

480
01:40:58.000 --> 01:41:08.000
And how to foster a sense of radical empathy with others and they are enabling communities of care via shared solidarities against racism.

481
01:41:08.000 --> 01:41:21.000
This is my concluding slide. As Akrina observes the onus to combat racism continues to be mostly taken up by those victimized by racism.

482
01:41:21.000 --> 01:41:32.000
So, not surprising that Singapore and ethnic minority youths are leading the charge on speaking out against racism and developing an anti-racist practices.

483
01:41:32.000 --> 01:41:41.000
I'm sorry, I hope it wasn't. Oh, one or 2 moments. Okay, maybe I will just end now in case any questions.

484
01:41:41.000 --> 01:41:51.000
I mean, I don't know if there were any questions for myself or my fellow panelists. I think I will just end now.

485
01:41:51.000 --> 01:42:01.000
Yeah. Thank you.

486
01:42:01.000 --> 01:42:04.000
So what time is it exactly?

487
01:42:04.000 --> 01:42:12.000
Oh, okay. Officially we have run out of time but if there are any

488
01:42:12.000 --> 01:42:20.000
If anyone has questions you can raise the hand if not maybe we'll can I slowly address our questions to each other.

489
01:42:20.000 --> 01:42:23.000
Is that a question?

490
01:42:23.000 --> 01:42:28.000
Okay, I don't I think that means that on any questions, so thank you so much everyone.

491
01:42:28.000 --> 01:42:33.000
Thanks once again.