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Okay.

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Yeah, very much. It's lovely to be here.

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It's day 4, and we're well wary, and we're tired, and I can see heads are dropping even before I started ranting.

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So stick with me. I've only got 3 slides and a reference slide.

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But seriously, I'd like to thank Jeremy and Dirk for allowing this session to take place.

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There should be more sessions, or models, or, as I call it, theories of mental illness and mental health.

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I'm Bruce Cohen. I've been researching according to my reviewers, much longer than I should be.

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Actually the issue of mental illness and mental health, and I'm here to tell you that I have heard more than enough already in this.

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In this conference about deficit modelling, and I'm here to tell you we're not in a psychology conference.

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This is actually sociology. And we need to think much more critically than we have been now.

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The relationship between criminality and mental illness is a slippery beast.

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They're a slippery beast. They certainly the connections have never really been proved.

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But that doesn't stop. Lots of criminologists and lots of kind of forensic psychiatrists from attempting to do just that.

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And an imprecise way that this has been looked at.

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And it's particularly theorized now, is looking at the prison population across Western society and noting that there's much higher rates of mentor illness in prison than there is in the general population.

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But that's only the latest thing that's going to happen, and I'll talk very briefly about kind of a number of conservative theories that has continued to theorize in this manner about the connections.

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Of course, as people will know, the mentally ill are actually a lot like less likely to commit crime.

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They are actually more likely to be victims of crime, particularly victims of violent crime.

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But that hasn't actually stopped. People fearizing around the higher rates of mental illness among criminals as seen by high rates in the prison system.

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Sorry I should say this comes from chapter in this book.

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A terra handbook of Criminology.

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So? Who's our daddy's while we see right here who they are?

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So conservative theory, deficit models. Here Moran reminds us that both criminology and psychiatry have remained surprisingly attached to biological theory.

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First of all, in the contemporary settings. So criminologists continue to search for the crime.

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Gene as popular genre for films. Of course, while academic psychiatry, of course, believe that we have already proved that mental illness is a brain disease, and the bomedical model is really dominant model of mental illness today in Western society, we see some examples of this

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in the contemporary setting, 19 sixties, psychiatrists, neurosurgeons were suggesting that black urban rioters in America were basically suffering from brain dysfunctions during the civil rights movement and treatment was needed including the bottom East etc.

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More recently in the Us. There was a violence initiative which was basically profiling urban populations, urban being.

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Basically a monacar for black populations and looking for youth that were predisposed genetically predisposed to violence.

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A vaccine against criminality, then could be found using medical researchers, conduct disorder.

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People could. Actually, young people could be treated for disorders, and so forth.

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That's from breaking and Bregan's book in New Zealand. Of course we had Robbie and his incredibly racist warrior Gene.

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A theory that basically Maori were more predisposed towards violence, towards criminality.

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Low Iqs, etc. Etc. We could go on.

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I'm not going to. But except to say it remains kind of like quite dominant in the research field.

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In criminology, in sociology, following Durkheim with, had a whole plethora of social causation.

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Theories, particularly stress theory, remains incredibly kind of popular in the in the Us.

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We can also think of straight theory, follow structural functionalism from Durkheim.

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This is the idea that basically, of course, rather than biological courses, we're looking for social, environmental economic causes.

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And that's a lot of the papers that I actually see in the Mental Health field at any conference that I'm kind of attending, including this one.

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And there are serious problems with the that I will outline in a second.

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So both criminality and mental illness fearise a result of living in high socioeconomic, disadvantaged areas.

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Etc. So we can think of poverty, mental illness, criminality is basically somehow kind of related to one another.

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And a lot of research goes on that area. However, as you all know, correlation does not equal causation, although it's seems like a lot of people think it does.

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At this conference and keep basically drilling down into the mass of quant data to look for precisely what that is.

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We've spent a hundred years or more in sociology attempting to do that without any success.

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The relationship between mental illness and crime is furious, says Carol, and Renzetti.

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Seagull suggests that both mental illness and criminal behavior, and maybe actually the result of independent factors from that such as social problems living in disadvantaged neighbourhoods, negative policing practices that doesn't get talked about enough.

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I think at Sociology Conference, Eva, typically researchers found that actually, rather than causation between crime and mental disorder.

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Actually, there's a stronger, variable in vault here which actually is social class.

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Is actually working classes, the dangerous classes being labeled as basically both criminal as well as like mentally ill as well as like.

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In deficit, in poverty, and so forth. There's also, you will be aware of, maybe the transinstitutional feesis.

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This is the idea. How do we explain the higher rights of basically prisoners with mental disorder?

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That is basically psychiatric deinstitutionalization in the sixties, seventies, eighties across western society.

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Well, basically that population migrated into the prison system got caught up in the criminal justice system.

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Again. There's actually little to support this thesis.

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There was kind of research done previous leaders that suggested maybe 3% of the kind of like people who've been a psychiatry institution.

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So I kind of like have actually ended up in prisons at some point.

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Kim goes further in kind of crunching the numbers, and actually says this, this kind of this correlation cannot actually be proved.

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There is, in fact, a relationship, one of the problems, of course, is like the prison system, actually expanded, particularly in us in the eighties and nineties, as did the labels of mental disorder.

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The Dsm basically went into overdrive with a Dsm. Free and then subsequent additions. And now we have 360 or so, 370 mental illness, apparently that psychiatry have proved our actual realities.

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So these models are problematic because they assume basically a static definition of crime and of mental disorder.

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This is fundamentally the elephant in a room picture of Foucault.

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There with cat just to keep you entertained. Guess the name of the cat but you calm. The name of the cat was insanity, so elephant in the room.

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There's a lack of validity to mental illness.

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Classification, and likewise there is no evidence for the uselessness of any psychiatric intervention.

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Practice, psychological as well as therapeutic interventions.

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Let me just quote the great sociologist and medical historian, Andrew Skull.

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The frantic efforts to distinguish ever larger numbers of types and subtypes of mental disorder come to seem like an elaborately disguised game of make believe.

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After all, despite the plethora of claims that mental illness is rooted in 40 biochemistry in the brain deficiencies or surpluses of this or that neurotransmitter the product of genetics, perhaps or one day, perhaps traceable to

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biological markers, the ateology of most mental illness remains obscure, and its treatments are largely symptomatic, and generally of dubious efficacy.

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On the therapy side. By the way, Paul, Montana.

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But there are many other kind of pieces of research over there actually semates all the kind of therapies the evidence for therapy is actually useful, and says there's a lack of any good quality ever that any therapy outperforms placebo yeah so that is basically, contested ground even though, a lot of

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sociologists now seem to take that for granted. Let's not bother the definitions. Let's not bother with the evidence.

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Let's just move on to basically doing our number crunching causation and deficit modeling.

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So, taking a more critical approach, we can understand both mental illness and crime.

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In fact, of course, as labeling, furious, and social constructionists have before me, as produced for specific reasons and subject to social, cultural, and political negotiation.

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Markers of criminality or venture pathology can be theorized as labels which are applied to certain groups or to individuals designated as being socially deviant.

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Falling outside. What is the normal behaviour that is expected within society?

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Or I would say, by powerful groups that actually define the dominant norms and values within society.

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So, for instance, the dangerous classes in the nineteenth century, the Suffragettes, in the early twentieth century labeled as hysterical, banged up in prisons.

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Force, fed, etc. Etc. The colonial Liberation, Civil Rights, Women's Liberation and Gay Rights Movements in the Mid twentieth century to just name a number of knowable examples where groups protest groups basically groups that we now may be take us like actually forward in really kind of morally good things were

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actually labelled as basically being both criminal, being violent, usually being pathological, being dangerous, you know, kind of like fame.

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Famous report by Crovers, done in the 19 fifties for the British Government.

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Basically, said of Kenyan population, and the Malmo uprising.

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Basically these people are collectively pathological. They have some new roasts amongst the people because they're resisting their kind of uprising against the British.

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And it's like what could be kind of like a clear, a symptom of mental illness than rising up against colonial authorities and wanting to take back your country and many other examples I could give, and you could find them from my other works.

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Sorry.

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I told you it'd be around. I don't know.

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So to wrap up more or less, I would say here, how do we explain this?

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Actually the connection about the numbers of people labelled with mental disorders in prison, while since the 19 seventies we've seen the migration of rather than actually psychiatric patients to prisons.

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We've seen a migration of psychiatric and associated professions into other spaces, including the Castro space forms of social social deviance, has been mentioned by medicalization scholars like Conrad and Snider, are increasingly becoming medicalized over time.

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And this increasing medicalisation has a number of rationales.

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Reasons for it in the prison system one is, it attempts to humanize the prison system, claims that prisons are the largest institutions, housing people with mental health problems today suggest that such institutions should be seen seen by the public as places of health rehabilitation rather than the things that are which

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is basically places of punishment. The increased legitimacy of both the side professionals in basically the society as well as like actually, the prison system.

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This works both ways. Mcbride's recent work talks about the effect of therapeutic prison reforms over the last few decades have been shown as being wide, ranging prison staff are trained to be psychologically aware attuned to discourses of recovery and risk while increasing

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number of mental health experts are employed in prisons to assess and treat prisoners.

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It's a form of coercion, says says Bride, rather than anything to do with therapy.

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Of course, we can think about basically the use of treatments in prison, basically sedating prisoners of antipsychotics, etc.

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And labeling last point depoliticize the criminal justice system, a system that is deeply political, as hopefully we are aware of the reclassification of a large proportion of prisoners as mentally ill, says Mcbride, greatly increases the ambitious psychiatric authority

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within presence, and it's amplified. The salience of psychiatric knowledge, classification, and intervention in penal policy as such contemporary psychiatric discourses foreshadowed by a view of prisoners as inherently troubled persons with a plethora of

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psychiatric needs quite useful, actually, in terms of keeping people actually in prison and giving kind of rationale.

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For why they should stay there. Lost point from Moran to conceive of crime in medical terms is to de-politicize and remove moral judgment from the behaviour.

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Much of the label, much as the label crime allows no attention to the social environment.

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Sickness removes the Offending Act act actor, even far from a political and ethical context.

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Under this definition, estates crime becomes a question of the individuals.

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Ability to adjust, adjust to this society. If we choose to adjust to this society, if that is actually a good thing.

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Martin Luther King at a time, did not say it was a good thing to adjust to a racist society.

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I don't think it's a good thing now, either, ultimately, to adjust to the status quo.

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Thank you very much for your time. I am available for bail Mitzvahs and weddings. Of course.

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Thank you. Professor Bruce. Now we have our second presentation.

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Professor Jeremy Dickson, please.

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Okay, so my name is Jeremy Dixon.

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I'm presenting a paper on Models of Mental health problems, and the paper is by myself and Dirk Richter, who is also a member of the Rc.

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49 group. Unfortunately, it's very early morning in Germany.

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So Dirk can't be with us, so you have to do make do with me.

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I'm afraid, but I will do the best to represent what we've said together.

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So, to begin with, let's think about why, it might be important to think about ideas around mental health, illness, and concept.

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So we know that the concepts of mental health and illness have been debated for centuries, and and if we think about the twentieth century, we can see a number of developments that we'll all probably be familiar with studying this area, so we know for example, that between the 19

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forties and the 19 seventies. Psychoanalysis seemed to dominate as the main way of thinking about mental health problems. And then there's been a shift from the 19 eighties onwards.

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Where Bio medicine seems to be the dominant frame, and the 19 nineties was deemed to be the decade of the brain.

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In the Us. For example.

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So these things have been debated for a long time. But it's important for us to think about criticisms, and where they come from.

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So you'll see on the photo here, 3 prominent critics of psychiatry.

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So the first being Thomas Satsoric, the myth of mental Illness.

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Irving, Goffman, the second picture, who had done a study of asylums being total institutions, and then Foo code without cap.

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This time? Who's also and historical studies of psychiatry at the clinic.

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So we're familiar from with the concept of sociologists criticizing mental health and illness in psychiatry.

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In particular, but the.

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These things have changed over time. So whereas in the past it's been sociologists or anti-speople deemed as antipsychotists who've tended to make the criticisms a lot of criticisms now have started to emanate from medicine as well

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so the bottom picture there shows the research domain criteria. R. Doc.

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As it was known, and this was an initiative where medics with an interest in brain science we're trying to sort of find the causes of mental disorder or illness in the brain, and it was notable because they launched criticisms of the diagnostic and statistical manual

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saying that it well, actually, these things that are being described aren't real mental health entities.

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They're just sort of put together and we don't use a term.

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Social constructions. But that's essentially what they meant.

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So it's important for us to think about how we think about mental health problems.

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And this has been done in the past. So there's been several monographs and anthologies, and even a book series.

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But these reviews have usually looked at specific concerns about mental health problems.

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So largely. They have looked at things historically, or sometimes they've looked at taxonomic characteristics by which we mean systems of classification and.

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One of these reviews have been useful, and we wanted to look at this issue more systematically.

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So there's good reasons for doing this. We argue.

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Whilst there's lots of contested definitions around.

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What a mental health problem is. These problems have real life effects for people who use services.

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The services themselves, who have to work out who they are, providing services, and for and also policymakers who have to think about law and policy, who falls into mental health services and who falls out of them, and the other thing that we were aware of was that there's been increased emphasis on

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service user and survivor perspectives. But this is often an neglected issue in this area.

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So what did we do? So we conducted what we call a quasi systematic review.

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Essentially, we've used the sort of normal methods for a systematic review.

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But systematic reviews tend to look at interventions, and are often looking at research, that because we wanted to look at theories, that's why we've used this quasi term.

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So we searched these databases that you can see here the rationale for searching these particular ones were they were the ones in which mental health and illness tend to be discussed most often, and they're the biggest ones.

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But we also looked in places like Amazon, and did citation, tracking both forwards and backwards.

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The reason we looked at it in books and other things was that we were aware that expect us by service users and often professionals are often peer reviewed, so may not come up on the database.

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Searches, so we excluded empirical papers because they didn't develop theory.

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And we also excluded primarily philosophical publications, and we used a template initially to try and record what we were doing.

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So we looked at what the focus of the article was, whether it was clinical practice, research theory or consumer issues.

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The purpose of the article, whether it was a proposal of a theory, whether it was endorsing a particular way of seeing mental health problems, whether it was critiquing them or reviewing them, and we were fairly open actually as to the kind of things, that we accepted so we looked at books, and articles, but also things

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like letters or opinion pieces or editorials as long as they looked at theories, and enough detail.

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So here's a result.

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And it's mainly on this one slide, and I'm aware that this is quite small, I'm afraid I couldn't find a different way to do it, so I'll try.

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And identify what each of these are well, I can't move the microphone around with me, unfortunately, but we've got biology.

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First here. So there's a number of things that come under this heading.

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So the kinds of things we were grouping here is things which primarily are looking at sort of brain science and thinking about.

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Can you sort of map causes? So these authors in this category talk about having brain-based taxonomies for mental health problems?

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They are argued generally that brain science is still lacking in that we don't really know the proper causes.

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So they gave a number of explanations about how we might go about looking at those things, so just to take a couple here at random.

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So some people are arguing that we ought to be looking more at microbiotica is one way of looking at these things.

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Others are saying that we need to be able to model the way the brain operates, using computers in order to get a proper understanding.

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So the second column to the left. We have psychology.

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So there's a number of different models here. Sally, to Genesis, for example, is concerned with psychological well-being in ways of mapping that we've also got psychoanalysis, which, of course, people will know what we're talking about there network psychology

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phenomenology and existentialism. So these models are primarily looking at things from a psychological perspective.

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Looking at forms of behavior, and how they can be modeled. Thirdly, we've got social models.

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So these models draw on social disability in critical realist models.

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So quite often they may draw on the work of people like Mike Oliver, for example, who says it's not a disability in itself which is disabling, but the way in which society responds to it, and then to the right of that we put consumer models recovery is down there I know

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there's a lot of debate around whether recovery still remains a consumer model.

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But that's how we've sort of placed it but we've also got mad studies and neurodiversity in which people with mental health problems who make arguments about whether it should actually be seen as a problem essentially and are identifying the positive things that come with that particular way of thinking about the

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world, and then, lastly, we have cultural models where people are identifying traditional or spiritual approaches and showing their value.

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So essentially, let's not think about any things as mental health problems.

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But let's think about them as valuable ways of understanding the world.

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We also have some things which to fall in between.

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So this, particularly in this sort of first biopsychology.

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There's there's a lot of models here where you've a quite often got people taking a psychological perspective.

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But then also looking at the things like brain science, and and and how they relate to one another so, yeah, there's a range of approaches there and then in between psychology and social approaches, we have the psychosocial approaches.

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And then social models and consumer models. There's this in between category of radical protocols and anti psychiatry, and some of the sort of models didn't quite fall within one or the other.

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So we've place some of these here. So we have ethnopsychology falling somewhere in between property clusters.

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How it's that meeting!

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7 weeks, and.

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Digital models, so I've drawing a bit on consumer models.

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Most things are concerned with.

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Holds down the bottom. So in the article which I've put up on the site, if you want to have a closer look at it, we give some explanations of each of these models.

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So I'm aware of just sort of dashed through them because of time.

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But what we tried to do was give a sort of, you know, 2 or 3 line explanation of what each of these things meant, or what the arguments are essentially.

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So what does this tell us? Well, when we were looking at these things, we found a mixture of older models which had been there for several decades together, and these continue to be discussed and indoors, so an example is psychoanalysis, so although that's quite an old model you still

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get papers or book chapters where people are saying, you know, psychoanalysis is a good thing.

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We ought to, you know, continue to think about this, even though we've become much more biological.

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But we also find really a lot of the models aren't. The older models aren't going away, but you have this emergence of lots of newer models.

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So network approaches particularly computational neuroscience being a examples.

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So we've got this diagram. And to me this was interesting, really, because, as sociologists, we tend to rail against you know, biological models, or the medical model, or sometimes say, how about the bio psycho social model is is meaningless.

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But actually that disguises. What's out there in some senses, because it's a lot more complicated than that.

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And there's a lot more models and lots of the models.

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I was not aware of, I suppose, until I start to do this review.

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So some limitations, several book chapters and books were included, and we sort of got those, because through book sellers and database searches.

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But we may have missed some of those, because we know that they're they're not searchable through databases.

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The next thing to say is that there's a range of different goals related to these models, and where they're proposed, endorsed or critiqued.

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And so, generally speaking, the ones on the left of the graph that I showed tend to have scientific, clinical aims, whereas the ones in the centre, right, the psychosocial models tend to propose political or legal solutions to mental health problems there's not very many models which

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encompass both of those roles, or attempt to do so.

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One of the. Exceptions to this is perhaps a power, threatening framework which tries to do that to some extent.

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I mean, there's that's arguable, I suppose, as to how far it achieves it.

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So, as I mentioned understanding of diversified and definitions are also more and more contested.

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And one thing to notice suppose is that the consensus that we all ought to support the biocycle social model seems to be refracting.

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Debates seem to be getting more bad tempered amongst academics, about which model we should follow, and.

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Yeah, there's debate about what we ought to do about this.

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So some people when they're doing reviews, for example, Zaccha and Kendler talk about that.

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We just looked at sort of critically adopt what we see as useful.

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So they argue, for example, that researchers should choose between approaches drawing on judgment and empirical data.

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But it's very difficult to see which type of model should be used in preference to another, so we can only really speculate on why models seem to be increasing.

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We've got a few ideas which we put forward in the paper.

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So one reason might be because of the tendency for professionals and academics to specialize into particular areas.

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So you get these new areas of specialism which everybody then sort of that places themselves around.

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A second reason could be dissatisfaction with conventional protesters, such as the Dsm.

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And one thing we notice here is that user perspectives are becoming more vocal, particularly from survivors or consumers. And also there's an increased amount of writing from other mental health professionals who not really had quite so much of a say, up until now such as social workers for example.

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So in summary, uncertainties about the nature of mental health, problems have become more pronounced over recent decades, and we think that leaves 2 theoretical options.

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So first of all, we could acknowledge that we can't just sort of bind all these approaches together in the way that has been suggested in the past about sort of biopsychosocial model.

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Or alternatively, we could develop a meta theory amusingly, actually, Alan Francis is one of the authors are on word, but one of the people who was in charge of a previous Dsm.

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He actually saw our article somehow, and I don't think he'd read it, but he just tweeted her.

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We should just all do the biocycleocial model.

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So, and a lot of psychiatrists then agreed with him, and so, you know, I think people are still arguing. That's the case.

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But I think it's much more complex as we can see.

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And lastly, we would argue that there needs to be more input from people with mental health problems themselves, and also a wider range of professional groups.

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So thank you for your attention. If you want to read the article itself, and it's was out this year in the Journal of Mental Health, and the reference is there, and I've also put the article itself up as a paper on the program.

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So you can have a little. Okay, thank you very much.

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So now we have an online presentation. Monica, can you?

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Here, us!

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Yes, I can show you, but I am not sure on the screen, because you are sharing.

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So please.

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Yes, I will stop. Ashley. Experience. So now she should be able to share. Go ahead.

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Okay.

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Monday.

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Yes, we can see.

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Okay, so, I'm Monica. Next to me I will start and then Delta will continue.

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So first, we thank you for the opportunity to participate in this interesting panel, and the purpose of our presentation is to analyze the phenomenon of the eating disorders.

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Monica. Sorry. Sorry. Can you put in a full screen?

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Please. It's better for us to see here.

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And do you see the full screen right now?

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Not yet.

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Okay, but I see the full screen and well, I don't know.

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How can I? Just a second and.

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I have a suggestion that we leave this this way because II don't want to always time for the technical issues.

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Hmm! I did everything I could to do the full screen, so.

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Do you have a slide shot?

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Rocket.

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Do you see the screen right now or no, I'm not.

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Okay. So when we go on with the presentation, and maybe in the meanwhile you will see the full screen, because maybe it takes some.

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Sometime. And do you see the flights changes? I will.

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And that's okay. We can. We can read here, I think.

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Okay, okay, good. So we analyze the phenomenon of eating disorders as a form of adverse health behaviors in men.

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In the context of firstly, the broader perspective of sex and general relations, and, secondly, on critical studies on men and masculinities.

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We assume that it is not so much a biological fact of being a woman or a man.

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That explains the frequency of doctor's visits or exhibiting risky health behaviors as a social fact, indicating how gender is understood and performed.

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Played out in a given society, different behaviors of women, advanced be analyzed in light of cultural specificity and individuals choices shaping their identity.

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The example of eating disorders reflects the entanglement of mental disorders, concepts, and sociocultural gender schemes, particularly the dialectic tension between the persistence of traditional gender patterns, despite the persistence of traditional gender patterns, despite a

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binary gender schemes blaring, and vice versa.

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This mechanismms manifest themselves not only in eating disorders, but in the concepts of other disorders.

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For example, depression and as well, diseases die diagnosed.

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Worldwide more frequently in women, if depression, anxiety, disorders, personality, disorders, including avoidance, dependence, histrionic and borderline a personality and eating disorders such as anorexia and bulimia, among men more common are addictions to psychoactive

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substances, and such personalities, orders as antisocial, narcissistic schedule it paranoid and obsessive symptoms of disorders is mentioned above.

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Reflect traditional gender norms, for example, more social acceptance for openly manifested emotions, such as sadness and anxiety in women than in men.

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And more social acceptance, per anger, and I think I would.

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Behavior, in man, less social acceptance, permanent sticking held because of emotional problems and being focused on body and beauty standards as a part of social, constructive femininity and ambivalent attitudes towards femal sexuality on the one hand, being focused in sexuality

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subjected to Mary's perspective, and, on the other hand, the repression of femal, unsupportinated sexuality.

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Moreover, the eating disorders more common among women, anorexia and moreover, eating disorders more common among women. Anorexia and remia reflects the appearance stereotypes, according to which women should be small delicate the appearance stereotypes according to which women should be small

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delicate, and lights corresponding with women's behaviors.

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They tend to choose such forms of physical activity or a diet to help them actually promote its aesthetic ideal.

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Men are willing to meet the male appearance stereotype, which, with an athletic, muscular figure, and engage in bodybuilding or other intensive physical exercises, especially strength, training.

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I think this orders historically been considered the most gender of our psychiatric illness.

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Presentations, the current insufficient knowledge about eating disorders in the male popular population is explained by the low morbidity rate resulting in the exclusion of men from epidemiological status.

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Despite the descriptions of cases of male anorexia.

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As early as in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

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They were not included in studies until the seventeenth of the twentieth century.

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This being excluded from most of the empirical projects that ultimately led to the development for diagnostic criteria and treatment programs for eating disorders based on the data addressing exclusively women despite the seminal cases descriptions of eating these orders preferring to

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referring both female and male patients for most of the 20 century it was believed that eating disorders did not affect males or afflicted very few, and a typical mails.

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Since the heartmark symptoms like I mean Maria did not apply to my opinions current and empirical evidence suggests that this other eating behaviors are increasing at the faster rate in males versus females in community settings and the correlates of eating

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disorders. Symptoms in males are equally severe, as those reported by females.

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Exemplary anorexia's incidence among men is rising, and the ratio between women and men are has changed from 9 to one to 31 over the last 30 years.

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Differences between males and females in the prevalence of Bulimia are minor than in case of anorexia, and there are no significant differences between males and females in Binge eating incidents and muscle the smorfia.

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That a company is eating disorders is more common among men, and then I.

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The critical aspects of the functional and dimensionional data from the perspective of janitor bias and gender across path transformations and at the expense of the patient depending on the genders.

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And the last one, the consequence of diagnosis on the patient's cell perception and social relations, and concerning points, the points one and 2.

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We conducted desk research based on the integrated literature, a video procedure procedure, sorry and regarding points 3 and 4.

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We designed a mixed method research with the therapist and my patients with eating disorders, and on the in the diagram you can see the static stigmatization process.

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In a of course, simplified way, diagnostic difficulties are related to certain professional perceptions and knowledge.

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Here is where the stigmatization process starts which sets in motion patients.

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Secondary function of self stigmatization. And it's for important to underline the changes.

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Now, of course, the changes that have taken place in the classification. Dsm. 5.

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And Icd 11. Due to these changes in Dsm and Icd more man need formal criteria of eating disorders still increasing the number of men with eating disorders takes longer and in aorexia diagnosis dropping the requirement for a minor area and.

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Excuse me, Monica, are you changing these lights because you are assuming slide 2 here?

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Do? They maybe have 2 screens?

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Maybe yeah.

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Okay.

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Now we are seeing fruit scream, no scream now.

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Okay, okay, maybe that was the. So I'll.

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Okay, a diagnostic criteria of eating.

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Okay, again, it's very important to underline the changes that have taken place.

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Yes.

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Just to check slide 11. Right? Okay, okay, we are right to hear.

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In this classification, and, for example, it's okay.

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Uhhuh. Uhhuh. Diagnosis.

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It's a dropping. The requirement of Maria and extending the rights criterion to any significant underweight and expanding the cognitive criterion criterion to include developmentally and culturally relevant presentations in agreement i'm been doing a diagnosis

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decline of occurrence of danger, eating from at least twice a week to at least once a week, and the reduction of persistence of the symptoms from 6 months to 3 months, and it's in a evident restrictive put intake disorder diagnosis it's transfer

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from disorder, class feeding and eating disorders of infancy of early childhood, to feeding and eating.

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Disorder it's connected with diagnosis, regardless of patients.

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H. And the next one. And it's important in the context to refer briefly to the functional and dimensional diagnosis.

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There are many areas to consider. One xmline gender specific issue in men.

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Included among these are white history, sexual abuse, and other trauma.

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Gender orientation, depression and shame, exercise and pod, image.

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Commodore did chemical dependency, and, for example, chemical dependency, and, for example, media pressure.

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And now let's let me give you a few examples.

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For example, eating disorders are associated with a lack of satisfaction with one's body.

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In both men and women, however, due to cultural norms, men seem much more focused than women on achieving a muscular physics.

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Physics, rather than being democracy, which is righted to the attitude towards weight, loss.

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Men are also less likely to use restrictive forms of bodywork bodywork, such as like Seth stands to focus more on working on the bodies through physical activities, and among men with anorexia.

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This is more common to participate in professional or semi professional sports, especially athletics and psyching.

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Before the diagnosis, and even for a minor area, is is no longer an official criterion of anorexia.

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It is still a reference point for diagonosis and therapist, and along with a less willingness to seek professional help.

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Later Sexual Maturity.

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Later diagnoses of underwateria among men and Bulinia, like anorexia, is a later a month man and you'll see what is the age and subjective loss of control over one's behavior.

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Maybe the reason for more frequent and intense feeling of guilt, among women with Bulimia in contrast, men with Bulimia or pinge eating are more likely to experience substant substance, abuse, or dependence, and differences have been found in anger regulation in malays and

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females with bulimia. Men tend to use these behaviors to act out all the present present films imagine the eating disorder diagnosis was frequently given, not as primary, but usual, and, according to for example, Morgan a heaternal native man in

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societies that don't until accepted them are more at risk of developing a think.

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Disorder, and may suffering from eating disorders and body image issue, have an immense stigma to overcome, and as the results have been sickly neglected in both diagonosis and treatment, and the last one stereotypes of eating this old inhibit the

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availability of evidence based treatment from ace and false short of the successful management of gender.

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Specific problems and further status. Our status of plan to start to start the in September.

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Maybe this year, at the first step of our with mental health specialist working with patients with eating disorders, including clinical case descriptions, different differing intentions, gender and ambivalent sexism scale.

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An idea with mental health, a specialist working with patients, with eating disorders, ailing a deepening.

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The issue as a covert by this survey and idea with men in fear of diagnosis, with eating disorders, aiming at reconstructing the gender.

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Experience, and the main questions are, what are the diagnosticians and the therapist working with patient with eating disorders, gender schemes?

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And how do these gender schemes related to the patient's perception, perception depending on their gender?

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And the last one. How though the eating disorders diagnoses, impact the mail patients, self perception, and they social relations enter the conclusions.

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Our conclusions are. It's believed that there are significant differences between men and women with beating disorders.

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This differences are present in the predisposing, precipitating, and perpetuating factuals for an eating disorder.

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By researching this factuals more thoroughly, better.

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Empirical data will lead to more effective and confused diagnostic criteria assessment tools and treatment interventions and promoting evidence of this issue is a crucial aspect of advancing this field as everness may promote environment where men can talk about their food and the

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issue. And currently, there are few resources for maize to use for support.

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Many men don't even recognize this issue as eating disorders have large read in view as a woman problem problems with excessive exercise are often ignored as over exercise may create a deceptive, deceptively healthy outward appearance.

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Unlike those with amorexia, bulimia, and pinj, 18 disorder.

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One. Exercise is not a compensatory behavior, and the last one, and finally encouraging a cultural allowing may.

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Vulnerability is an important goal. Men are not supposed to be emotionalally normal in our present culture, yet they encounter pressure daily to be more muscular and make the current may boarded shape ideas as they feel pressure from managed sources to meet mainstream societies

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definitions of masculinity. Thank you.

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Okay.

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Okay. Okay. My name is Yuki Kamla, and I come from Japan.

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I'd like to take this opportunity to talk, discuss some examples of how psychiatrists applied salaries, all mental health to their practice.

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And here is an outline of this presentation fast, and the purpose and method section explains that the emphasis on and dairy is observed not only between a doctor and patients, but also among psychiatrists.

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It also highlights that it is a topic that psychiatrists need to address in their practice then, and date. Analyse section arise the practice in which is high addressed, applied social approach of the reflective process to case conferences.

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Finally, in the discussion, Summary Section examined how the incorporation of the effective positive relate to the dialogue among psychiatrists.

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Let me begin speaking about this presentation with its purpose and method, in that I'd like to present the background of the topic of this presentation.

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The minute institution in question here had crossed its psychiatric world 5 years ago, and due to due to persistent deficit.

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Now it provides only outpatient care reasons, psychiatry and home visit when the psychic word of this institution was functioning, the doctor met each other every day or area of each other.

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Treatment style, and worked closely together. Such close interactions are no longer possible, and the opportunity to share information about various treatment approaches and important future of the Psyche at this workplace are now limited.

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The issue has potentially been addressed by using case conferences as a place where Brock students are practitioners can teach and share various approaches to their practice.

357
00:58:44.000 --> 00:58:58.000
Howver, some practitioners have objected to the aforementioned notion, saying that conferences have become a press of variation and assessment.

358
00:58:58.000 --> 00:59:15.000
They reported that, and they were no longer able to freely express and discuss their ideas, and as a result they had to device a new way to manage his conferences through a trial and error. The next slide.

359
00:59:15.000 --> 00:59:26.000
We elaborate on the purpose and method of this presentation.

360
00:59:26.000 --> 00:59:30.000
Function.

361
00:59:30.000 --> 00:59:49.000
Okay. And this presentation describe how the reflective process as a syapic culture activity relate to the comprehensibility of the activities of the a medical institution discussed here.

362
00:59:49.000 --> 01:00:04.000
Therapeutic culture referred to cultural aspect, and such as tourism policies, and field of fees that are inherited or shared, shared by members within a medical institution.

363
01:00:04.000 --> 01:00:10.000
I think Tara Learner's famous work over the mine didn't know.

364
01:00:10.000 --> 01:00:24.000
It's also focused on societritic culture, in particular, by describing the cache plastic of the activity taking place in this medical institution.

365
01:00:24.000 --> 01:00:41.000
The practical method that collectivity makes the clinical practice of much productive, comprehensive as a societal political culture will be identified.

366
01:00:41.000 --> 01:00:57.000
In other words, answer the following question will be explored. How can psychiatrists, with their different treatment, stance and perspectives, work together in the same medical institution?

367
01:00:57.000 --> 01:01:14.000
Adapter as a methodological attitude. This presentation describes a participants own understandings as presented in an interaction rather than the researchers interpretation or explanation of the interaction.

368
01:01:14.000 --> 01:01:27.000
Identifying method that are specific to this situation can have implication for other practices, and that may be related to a therapeutic culture.

369
01:01:27.000 --> 01:01:33.000
Before moving on the analyst. I'd like to briefly describe that before collective process.

370
01:01:33.000 --> 01:01:46.000
The method used in this medical institution is the Medical institution reporting on in this study incorporated the idea of the refractive process into its practice.

371
01:01:46.000 --> 01:01:51.000
As a way of enabling psychiatrists to work together.

372
01:01:51.000 --> 01:02:01.000
The reflecting chain is a cycleotherapic technology proposed by a Norgian psychiatrist, Tom Andresen.

373
01:02:01.000 --> 01:02:10.000
Anderson claimed that soon the reflective process, one's own perspective can reflect the aspect of others.

374
01:02:10.000 --> 01:02:19.000
In doing so, the surplus to gain the client aspects and and the client gained the 0 best one.

375
01:02:19.000 --> 01:02:28.000
It is applied in a unique way to the medical institution in which this research was conducted, not to the therapy.

376
01:02:28.000 --> 01:02:51.000
Examining each phase. This presentation describes the relationship between the application of the reflective process and the understandability of the practice in the case conference as a therapeutic culture.

377
01:02:51.000 --> 01:02:55.000
An overview of the case. Conference is given here.

378
01:02:55.000 --> 01:02:59.000
Fast interview, phase. That's the beginning of the case.

379
01:02:59.000 --> 01:03:00.000
Conference, the case reporter for Judge Session select an Interview.

380
01:03:00.000 --> 01:03:22.000
Who asked the question of the reporter Jane, the reputter himself answered the 2 question in this way, a point that the reporter is an error of war insufficient information brought out.

381
01:03:22.000 --> 01:03:47.000
This is what they call interview ways, and next ehlectic phase, 2 members of the reflecting chain silently observed the interview phase, and when the interview is over the members of the reflective team take time discussing the content of the interview while the reporter and interviewer silent to

382
01:03:47.000 --> 01:03:52.000
listen to 10. This is what they call the refractive phase.

383
01:03:52.000 --> 01:04:00.000
This this is this this is a picture of this setting.

384
01:04:00.000 --> 01:04:14.000
The interview, comprise the 2 persons enacted by Iran, and the reflective team comply the 2 people and, circled by the green.

385
01:04:14.000 --> 01:04:27.000
One of them is participating be a remote system, and this is mine, and in the forthcoming slide, hmm!

386
01:04:27.000 --> 01:04:43.000
In this way it is possible to be both the observer and observe, by alternating this, it is also possible to reflect on each other's opinions and create new cycles.

387
01:04:43.000 --> 01:04:59.000
Judy time construct a counseling. I will primarily focus on the general discussion of phase.

388
01:04:59.000 --> 01:05:09.000
I don't feel work every week about 10Â h per one visit, and the case conference.

389
01:05:09.000 --> 01:05:34.000
I will discuss is a date from the early stage of and the feed work. And it's the time that allowed me to refine the idea for focusing just a synapseic culture.

390
01:05:34.000 --> 01:05:42.000
Okay, this is, information this, this right showed the information from the data.

391
01:05:42.000 --> 01:05:55.000
The case discussed that day was that Mr. P. Among diagnosed with bipolar disorder and O obsessive compressive disorder!

392
01:05:55.000 --> 01:06:02.000
Dr. A. Suspected that Mr. P. Was self-centered and had a personal D bias.

393
01:06:02.000 --> 01:06:17.000
Mr. Peace's relationship with his children were poor and cold, and in particular, his lack of understanding or caring about other people's feelings was a problem.

394
01:06:17.000 --> 01:06:21.000
Dr. B. Examined Mr. Pete, who told him about Mr.

395
01:06:21.000 --> 01:06:33.000
Pete's outrageous comment for herself and her mother.

396
01:06:33.000 --> 01:06:41.000
On this slide you can see a summon of the analysts of the interview phase and the reflective phase, fast 2 different views of the disease and the personality are expressed. Dr.

397
01:06:41.000 --> 01:06:54.000
S. Stated his belief that development, disability cannot be changed.

398
01:06:54.000 --> 01:07:02.000
However, one personality is hard to change, although it can be changed with honest effort.

399
01:07:02.000 --> 01:07:03.000
In contrast, Dr. The encounter against this in complex Dr. D.

400
01:07:03.000 --> 01:07:13.000
A state that he's believes are different from those of doctor Age.

401
01:07:13.000 --> 01:07:22.000
He states that developmental disability can change. However personality can be changed, but is difficulty.

402
01:07:22.000 --> 01:07:50.000
Second. At the end of both the first and second round it was observed that the expression indicated an orientation toward time constraint, for example, it's time to go a little bit in here for a now red moon on the dinner discussion. Since we were already adult 45 bin yet.

403
01:07:50.000 --> 01:08:04.000
Third, drawing the interview and reflection quays the interior effectively determined that topic over the discussion, and outrined how how he proceeds.

404
01:08:04.000 --> 01:08:10.000
Once the interview and reflection phase were completed, the general discussion of faith began.

405
01:08:10.000 --> 01:08:11.000
The details of the analysts have been omitted here, due to time.

406
01:08:11.000 --> 01:08:21.000
Constrained.

407
01:08:21.000 --> 01:08:28.000
These white plagents are summary of the analysis of the general discussion, phase.

408
01:08:28.000 --> 01:08:33.000
The main finding of the summary of this phase are as follows, first, a partial understanding was reached between Doctor A and Dr.

409
01:08:33.000 --> 01:09:02.000
B. Who had different views. Second, every psychiatrist used diagnostic data, diagnostic concept differently and possess different views on this sex psychiatric diagnostic concept of developmental disabilities personality and character third, the conflict imbued that is this agreement regarding

410
01:09:02.000 --> 01:09:10.000
whether developmental disabilities will or will not change, remain ambiguous in the end.

411
01:09:10.000 --> 01:09:21.000
Hence it is clear that the build of each cyclist do not lead to serious conflict and remain unreservedable, ambiguous.

412
01:09:21.000 --> 01:09:39.000
Now let us return to the question forced at the beginning of this presentation, how can psychiatrists with different treatment, distances and perspectives work together in the same medical office to create a syllabus culture?

413
01:09:39.000 --> 01:09:58.000
What can we conclude from these points?

414
01:09:58.000 --> 01:10:12.000
I'd like to conclude at the presentation by summarizing the main findings of this study as follows, fast the interview, guide the flow of the overall discussion.

415
01:10:12.000 --> 01:10:24.000
Second, the time limit deduced the opportunity for a person to continue speaking while providing legitimacy for cutting off other speech.

416
01:10:24.000 --> 01:10:31.000
Third. The speaker is unable to immediately refute other abuse and argument.

417
01:10:31.000 --> 01:10:48.000
Only after the current pace has ended with the speaker, have the opportunity to defeat the abuse of finally a assessment of these differences of opinion put on hold.

418
01:10:48.000 --> 01:10:58.000
There is no evaluation of right or wrong.

419
01:10:58.000 --> 01:11:11.000
In light of these structured futures. The reflective process can be said to work as follows, this agreement is in this setting not so much a problem to be reserved.

420
01:11:11.000 --> 01:11:30.000
They act as a resource resource for exploring, exploring their own origins, and confirming the differences between oneself and others in terms of therapeutic stance, because the entire process is a refractive one.

421
01:11:30.000 --> 01:11:36.000
It is structurally permissible not to draw a conclusion or make judgment.

422
01:11:36.000 --> 01:11:43.000
In other words, do you find abuse and opinions can be easily expressed here?

423
01:11:43.000 --> 01:11:57.000
Such a co-existence and expression of different views and opinion he named the formation of a therapeutic culture cohusion, such as a shared specific stance.

424
01:11:57.000 --> 01:12:07.000
Thank you for your attention.

425
01:12:07.000 --> 01:12:14.000
So thank you for all the presenters, or keep on time, and then we have more time to talk.

426
01:12:14.000 --> 01:12:22.000
So if anyone has a question.

427
01:12:22.000 --> 01:12:32.000
Hi, everyone! I am Jerome from the Philippines, and I'd like to applaud all of the presenters for the very interesting papers that were presented.

428
01:12:32.000 --> 01:12:53.000
I am directing my question to Jeremy. Hi! I don't know if I missed it, but maybe it could give us a number of studies that were at the end of the final of your systematic review, and also another question is, did you have was there any attempt to examine the professional backgrounds?

429
01:12:53.000 --> 01:13:11.000
Of at least the lead authors of the theoretical papers, because I believe that the way certain health professions theoryize mental health is based on the scope of practice that we have, for example, before I became a sociologist, I'm actually a registered nurse so while we

430
01:13:11.000 --> 01:13:18.000
are taught a lot about biomedical psychological models of mental health.

431
01:13:18.000 --> 01:13:29.000
There's really not much we can do about it. That's why, when we theorize about mental health, because I saw that you got from the nursing, and I like mental Allied health professions Index.

432
01:13:29.000 --> 01:13:32.000
So I was thinking the way we theorize about mental health is also not in terms of its social culture, but also it's based on our scope in the discipline.

433
01:13:32.000 --> 01:13:47.000
What we are able to do, because we cannot prescribe men's, and we cannot really do like counseling, because that's not part of our practice, but we are as generalist nurses.

434
01:13:47.000 --> 01:13:57.000
We are taught. You have to care for patients with mental health, but we can only theorize so much, because this is the only practice that we have an empty issue that's going to be the same for occupational therapists.

435
01:13:57.000 --> 01:14:05.000
Physical therapists, etc. So was there any attempt to do that I'll answer your second question first.

436
01:14:05.000 --> 01:14:08.000
So we didn't attempt to map it. We didn't do it formally, but I suppose my observation would be that it does tend to follow the disciplinary.

437
01:14:08.000 --> 01:14:21.000
Lines you would expect. So, generally speaking, the Bio people in the biological camp tend to be psychiatrists.

438
01:14:21.000 --> 01:14:22.000
Those in the sort of side psychological camp, mainly psychologists.

439
01:14:22.000 --> 01:14:42.000
Some nurses to some degree social workers tend to be more on the social, and then, I suppose, with the critical stances, you then get a mixture of people so you tend to get critical nurses or critical psychiatrists, or and so forth.

440
01:14:42.000 --> 01:14:47.000
So, yeah, I think people's professional training does tend to bias you in a particular way.

441
01:14:47.000 --> 01:14:54.000
I'm a social worker by background, and so obviously that tends to and give your advice to that particular way of thinking.

442
01:14:54.000 --> 01:15:00.000
So yeah, I agree with your point. What can you just replace the first question because I didn't quite get it?

443
01:15:00.000 --> 01:15:04.000
It's just a simple question of how many, how many studies ended at the end of your final, when you, with a different models.

444
01:15:04.000 --> 01:15:13.000
Yeah, I couldn't tell you off the top of my head.

445
01:15:13.000 --> 01:15:17.000
But yeah, if you look at the paper that they're all listed there.

446
01:15:17.000 --> 01:15:21.000
Yeah, so it's most of the ones that were on the graph. There.

447
01:15:21.000 --> 01:15:28.000
So it's it's all of those essentially.

448
01:15:28.000 --> 01:15:34.000
So what modern? Question?

449
01:15:34.000 --> 01:15:42.000
Hi! I enjoyed all the presentations. I just had a question for Yuki in terms of the conference.

450
01:15:42.000 --> 01:15:57.000
What was the in terms of like experience, or I guess different people who had different levels of I think of the words today power, or, I guess experience in the room.

451
01:15:57.000 --> 01:16:12.000
How did that influence the conversations that were had? And I guess how people received that feedback or information you can talk to that.

452
01:16:12.000 --> 01:16:27.000
Thank you for your question. If your question is how the experience of doctors.

453
01:16:27.000 --> 01:16:34.000
His conference.

454
01:16:34.000 --> 01:16:51.000
And in this, in in that case, in that case, the reflecting G is more adapt and.

455
01:16:51.000 --> 01:17:00.000
And a interaching oriented to more biomedical stance and experience.

456
01:17:00.000 --> 01:17:09.000
Big differences is a mixed and.

457
01:17:09.000 --> 01:17:19.000
For example, in the interview Chamber is the most experienced as a doctor, and Doctor B.

458
01:17:19.000 --> 01:17:23.000
Is.

459
01:17:23.000 --> 01:17:41.000
And usually the case conference is the teach, teach aspects, but in this conference they can talk equality.

460
01:17:41.000 --> 01:17:52.000
The these differences is, should be.

461
01:17:52.000 --> 01:18:02.000
In a the experience, experience should be.

462
01:18:02.000 --> 01:18:21.000
Point point out by looking their interactions. I think, okay.

463
01:18:21.000 --> 01:18:24.000
Anybody else, more questions.

464
01:18:24.000 --> 01:18:37.000
Feel a bit excluded. Have you forgot to return to session, display?

465
01:18:37.000 --> 01:18:58.000
The.

466
01:18:58.000 --> 01:19:08.000
II start with a question. I have a question for Bruce, and the question is, I hope I can bring it together, and unfortunately I missed the first part of your presentation.

467
01:19:08.000 --> 01:19:21.000
So, maybe.

468
01:19:21.000 --> 01:19:22.000
Yeah. No. Okay.

469
01:19:22.000 --> 01:19:43.000
My question is, how how can you transfer those theories from Fuku and government, and labeling the approaches to the current times, where we observe that, starting from, mainly based in the user development that more and more efforts are going into get rid of violence and coercive treatment and as

470
01:19:43.000 --> 01:19:49.000
an effect. There's an increase in the forensic psychiatry.

471
01:19:49.000 --> 01:19:57.000
On the one hand, and, on the other hand, the get rid of corruption from the relatives.

472
01:19:57.000 --> 01:20:07.000
Point of view is sometimes of a new form of mental health services who are not caring anymore for the family members.

473
01:20:07.000 --> 01:20:14.000
So you know what I mean from a very practical perspective.

474
01:20:14.000 --> 01:20:33.000
So how can you transform those power critics which were developed with Foucorn and so on to the current situation and to the current practice of psychiatry?

475
01:20:33.000 --> 01:20:34.000
So I think this is the key issue, isn't it?

476
01:20:34.000 --> 01:20:52.000
Here, if okay, I'm going to submit that question again, if I can, Sylvia, and you tell me if I'm wrong, you're basically saying, Well, if it's all social construction, what do we actually do with people who are actually have behaviours?

477
01:20:52.000 --> 01:20:59.000
That considered like, you know, just in a family environment or an institution, are basically problematic.

478
01:20:59.000 --> 01:21:02.000
We can't deal with them. What are people going to do?

479
01:21:02.000 --> 01:21:10.000
Yeah, so you're basically saying, what is the solution to this?

480
01:21:10.000 --> 01:21:17.000
Well, one thing is like, basically read the conclusion of my book on psychiatric hegemony.

481
01:21:17.000 --> 01:21:22.000
Thank you very much, and that's all from me. Folks.

482
01:21:22.000 --> 01:21:27.000
But there's also.

483
01:21:27.000 --> 01:21:43.000
I think there's there's a real problem with with confusing sociological analysis, with basically that the argument of Well, what are you going to do about these people?

484
01:21:43.000 --> 01:22:02.000
I think actually, it's a question to think about. But it's another question as opposed to the questions from the for instance, the talks here today, which is again have been about, we can see the contestations in the knowledge base but we're still going to go back in the next talk.

485
01:22:02.000 --> 01:22:12.000
To basically talking about. Oh, you know, there's kind of like we have kind of trans people who are really in a state of depression, etc.

486
01:22:12.000 --> 01:22:18.000
So we need psychiatric services, or therapeutic services to intervene on their behalf.

487
01:22:18.000 --> 01:22:29.000
And that's no solution at all. That is actually, according to the evidence, more harm than good to actually so actually have these services expanded.

488
01:22:29.000 --> 01:22:46.000
There is, there's Johann Parry's book talks about real antidepressants, which is about basically collective action of actually political action, social solidarity.

489
01:22:46.000 --> 01:22:51.000
And I think that's kind of something that's obviously happening we've mad studies as well.

490
01:22:51.000 --> 01:22:58.000
Yeah, but you know, I think that's a big, big, big discussion.

491
01:22:58.000 --> 01:23:19.000
I think our issue is socialologists is to basically keep highlighting that there's actually serious contestations of problem problematic issues with actually the evidence rather than we go down the stuff which is obviously seriously problematic.

492
01:23:19.000 --> 01:23:22.000
Thank you.

493
01:23:22.000 --> 01:23:38.000
Thank you. So we have a question here from the virtual world. And then I would want to know, okay, okay, go ahead.

494
01:23:38.000 --> 01:23:39.000
Yeah, we can hear you.

495
01:23:39.000 --> 01:23:41.000
Is this me? Okay, yeah, thank you. It's a question for Germany.

496
01:23:41.000 --> 01:23:54.000
Actually, when you made this review, it's seems to be a very ambitious job to do it.

497
01:23:54.000 --> 01:24:08.000
So my question is, do you only focus on contributions that addressed theories of mental illness?

498
01:24:08.000 --> 01:24:26.000
So mental health in general? Or did you also take articles and books addressing specific articles and books addressing specific theoretical model models for understanding?

499
01:24:26.000 --> 01:24:30.000
For example, schizophrenia. So.

500
01:24:30.000 --> 01:24:32.000
Both really. So we looked at things which proposed endorse or critiqued models of mental health.

501
01:24:32.000 --> 01:24:37.000
But we also due to things which focus on a specific type of mental health problem.

502
01:24:37.000 --> 01:24:47.000
Or disorder, depending on how people were categorizing it.

503
01:24:47.000 --> 01:25:00.000
So, for example, there's quite a lot on neurodiversity or autism which came within those scope of studies.

504
01:25:00.000 --> 01:25:03.000
So, yeah, a combination.

505
01:25:03.000 --> 01:25:06.000
Yeah.

506
01:25:06.000 --> 01:25:15.000
Any more questions, good questions, you might heard this special voice. Do you? Terribly sorry?

507
01:25:15.000 --> 01:25:20.000
Yeah, so my question on on your lovely paper that you and Dirk did.

508
01:25:20.000 --> 01:25:24.000
Jeremy is. Well, where's my books for stars?

509
01:25:24.000 --> 01:25:31.000
They're kind of like. Ok, the psychiatry hedge me book.

510
01:25:31.000 --> 01:25:37.000
So that's got a Marxist theory. Also by route book.

511
01:25:37.000 --> 01:25:46.000
I appreciate. It was a quasi, something in a method so fine.

512
01:25:46.000 --> 01:25:47.000
There was a roundage book. I cut out, and that has, like a bunch more theories in it.

513
01:25:47.000 --> 01:25:50.000
So I kind of like in some total. I was wondering where's someone who might be here, Mate?

514
01:25:50.000 --> 01:26:00.000
So I'm not blaming you. Marxist theory.

515
01:26:00.000 --> 01:26:06.000
Social Constructionism, critical race, theory, Feminist theory, queer theory.

516
01:26:06.000 --> 01:26:17.000
Foucodeian were the only ones that came into my head at this time, but just wondered where they were. In this.

517
01:26:17.000 --> 01:26:22.000
Yeah, so we looked, I suppose, what we did. We? As I mentioned, we looked at things where people had sort of proposed endorsed all or critique particular theories of mental health problems.

518
01:26:22.000 --> 01:26:46.000
So as we mentioned, I suppose because we would we drew from databases first of all, so essentially, we brought up things which were they're in peer-reviewed journals, you know, so they would would have been there one of the things that I think you pointed out as a

519
01:26:46.000 --> 01:26:55.000
reviewer I know is that we didn't use the social sciences, databases, so that may have explained why a number of those series didn't come up.

520
01:26:55.000 --> 01:27:01.000
We did take them from sort of books I mean, sometimes when people talk about I mean my observation.

521
01:27:01.000 --> 01:27:13.000
I suppose it's quite often when people are using some of those they don't necessarily come up with cogent theory of mental health problems, or they don't necessarily critique one.

522
01:27:13.000 --> 01:27:21.000
So it doesn't tend to come up in the modeling, because it's you know, the talking more generally about those ideas of that makes sense.

523
01:27:21.000 --> 01:27:29.000
And so, yeah, I'm sure there are things missing, and you could probably do a separate review looking at it from social sciences, databases, and thereabouts.

524
01:27:29.000 --> 01:27:38.000
But yeah, I mean, what can I say? You'll have to get Amazon to put your books further up.

525
01:27:38.000 --> 01:27:44.000
Okay, no more questions. I have to say something. I am a psychologist.

526
01:27:44.000 --> 01:27:53.000
So that that was a wonderful afternoon for me, because I learned a lot with all of your experience and in your another way, point of view.

527
01:27:53.000 --> 01:28:03.000
So thank you a lot, and I think hope you see, you always soon.

