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good morning, everyone. Good morning to our distinguished presenters. My apologies for that. Somebody sitting in Kotivoir is struggling to

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to log on one of our presenters. So we're just trying to help them. Hopefully they will succeed before their time.

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 Welcome to

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another one of our very interesting sessions. And this session is especially organized By myself, Andish Andampala and my colleague, Ellison Shira, who is in Vintuk. He wasn't able to travel.

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and it's this session is on Wecast precarity and exploitation of the post-war era in Africa.

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and we've got our very distinguished presenters that are ready to entice us with the interesting work.

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So we have Kristin Guno, who is a from University of

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South Africa, Johannes University in South Africa. Sorry. So plucky. University in South Africa, all right.

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And then we've called Daniel Amoa Memorial Investor of Newfoundland.

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And then we have Ruth

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Castro Branco sat and center for Inequality Studies University of Wet in South Africa. and we've got Cola, a momo who is from the University of Namibia online collar can hear us.

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Kolawole Omomowo: I can hear you clearly.

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Okay, good. And And I do up here who I was trying to assist to connect. I hope he will be able to connect as soon as possible.

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 Can you help us with the acknowledgment? I think, yeah, we need to.

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It's that with the

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yeah.

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Okay? as I think by now, we all are aware that for all our sessions, we do need to do the acknowledgment of of country, and I don't think I don't think I need to read it because we're already running out of time.

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So you can just sort of like, take a few seconds to look at it, and then we can dive into the session.

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I'm

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anyway. So my name is Natasha. I'mopala, as I said, and I want to. all right for us to

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it.

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Okay, so we start with our first presentation from Crispin adapting to the gig economy case of food delivery workers in Kimberly, South Africa. So my request is that I think. First we do the presentations, and then the questions and discussions come later. And we we we have about 15 min. for your presentations.

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and if we could try to sort of like, use the time so that we don't have to

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interrupt you, all of us. It's a Crispin Floydios. Thank you.

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Yeah. I? thanks face to the organizers of this panel, and they for inviting me. thank you for that. And good. Good good morning. Good afternoon. Good day for those who are online. So I am. This is

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a part of my ongoing sort of like work. But I would want to sort of like start off with saying.

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 there's been a bit of some shift from the initial sort of like paper, because

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initially, I ended up drawing 2 papers from one, so the other paper, which is more inclined to the

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the title that that that is in the in the in the booklet it should be forthcoming. So if you, you can get my details, I should be able to share that also at some point later. But I thought maybe I would sort of like in a way, present this one, which is much more sort of like a developed. So I think, with the rise of the

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there has been sort of a rise in terms of digitalization and the intervention of technology in how it is organized in many various sectors of the economy, including this rise of

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the use of the interval of technology in the food delivery sort of like a sector.

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So this comes up with the some new forms of organizing work. This intervention of technology comes up with new ways of organizing work.

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and at the same time it also comes up with some reconfiguration in terms of how society is organized.

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and and also the fact that

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it comes up with new services and new values to society. Those are some of the positive things that comes with this new form, this technology, the intervention of technology in the in the labor process.

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But at the same time it also sort of comes up with the limitations of undermining

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the way that workers exercise or exercise their work, which I talked to the question around the worker agency. So in this, for this, in this paper I am looking at, I'm more interested in looking at

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how these. It's quite, a very new phenomenon in some context how they they deliver delivery workers in in South Africa and Kimball in particular.

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How are they sort of adapting to this new form of work

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of this new form of Fori. So I'd like to highlight the fact that most of the studies they in in advise gig work is concerned. They tend to focus more on very big metropoles, bigger cities, and bigger towns like Johannesburg, Cape Town. This particular study is focused in the much more smaller sort of context in the South African context.

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there's not my studies in. If I especially withdraw from the global South that tries to focus. And I understand this phenomenon. So that's the contribution of this sort of like Pip.

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 so

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this study it's like the question that I'm trying to address is about. I'm trying to understand how gig workers in the in a very small South African city. How are they adapting

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to the intervention of technology in the labour process? So

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so it's part of an ongoing project where I have got a special interest in trying to understand technology, digitalization technology

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and how it sort of it, it can sort of like, in a way, how the the intervention of a technology and how it is reconfigured.

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the way that we is organized, and the way that we society is organized at life. So it basically drain from quite, very ethnographic sort of a, a, a, a, a, a, a study, including some an a digital sort of like ethnography.

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and I've also had quite some, some some of my students

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who have also tried to address questions around this. Not some of them in in Kimberly, and some of them Johannes Bank and and and Rustin Beck. But for this particular sort of like, in a way paper. I've interviewed at least about 30,

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the delivery for delivery workers in in Kimball in particular. So I would sort of like try and try to start with the background overview of food delivery in South Africa. Quite, very brief.

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So they they are 2 main sort of delivery platforms in in South Africa in particular

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Uber, and then the Mr. D, which is also referred to as take a lot uber, which is part of the global sort of like Kamali Uber. It's a

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the South African

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by a market in 2013 festival with them the taxi sort of like, you know, at transport services. And then, Mr. D. It's quite a very local. It started as a very local, a delivery company that was initially specializing

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in delivering a food for restaurants, especially

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Bnb and the hotels that do not provide a category. So through the use of fixed network, it connected that sort of like in a way provided back services.

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And then, with the sort of like this introduction of this digitalization in the in the market. it adopted its first sort of up

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in 2,016, after restructuring, which which came in through taking, take over from, take a lot, which is which is sort of like in a way a bigger

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and logistics combine which sort of like took over this small sort of local local company.

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So, and approximately in 2,022, they?

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There were about 8,000 restaurants in a letter on this, on this app. 4,500 drivers.

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and the servicing over in over 2,600 areas across South Africa.

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So.

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and and to show that this is quite a very growing sort of like industry in 2,022, Mr. D. It also got into a partnership one of the

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the biggest retail chain in South Africa, P. And pay

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to to, to, to to offer services in its sort of like grocery delivery services.

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So

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then, I'm trying to look at how this plays out in a small

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a town which is called Kimberly, where, where I am best, am I? The best way I work is also best.

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This is a quite, a very old sort of like a a town order much older than Johannes Beck. It has been in existence since 1,867,

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after the the mining revolution, discover of demons in 1,867.

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There was a demon ration then this. That's how this town sort of like emerged. and at the moment we we had 200,000 population, a population of about 200,000,

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and then at least 2, 3 min, maybe. Yeah.

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And I will try to rise. But so with the about 2 200,000 population. and they about a total, about 250

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delivering workers in this particular town, and out of these 2 there are 2 main delivery companies that are offering the services Mr. D.

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And Uber eats. Then Mr. D. Which is the we started off as the local sort of like a

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We delivery company. It has got 200 workers, and then Uber has got about 20 active drivers that are working in in Kimberly, and then that about 30 also that I more like hired through in-house they're working for. They some of the the the restaurant they've got their own drivers that that are contracted.

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and most of the the majority of these workers. They are migrants who are coming from neighboring countries of South. I've reached out neighboring countries from Zimbabwe, Malawi, Mozambique, and they are quite, very young men, the majority of them between the ages of 20 and 40,

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and from the introduction that I've been having for the last 2, 3 years. Now

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I think I've only come across there about 5 women who are also quite, very active in this particular sort of like sector, and there is also quite a very

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another sort of like categor of workers in this particular sector. There are about 10 whites and colored workers who are a bit older than the 20 to 40 Age group, and these are mainly

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older generation who are coming out of retirement, and then they do this as as part of their who are also now active in the delivery sector.

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And then the measure of these workers. It's not their first time job.

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They have been coming out from other industry. It the migrants. a lot of them coming out from the hospitality restaurant, from from agriculture sector, and you from those that are in Kimberly.

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A lot of them actually indicated that coming to the sector. It's a it's it's quite an upgrade in, if I is, their income is consent, because they on average, most of most of them. They are coming from sectors where they were earning 3,000 or less, and then in the gig economy, they in the delivery sort of like a sector, they are able to make about 8 up to 8,000 between average 8,000 to 10,000, if a month.

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and one interesting phenomenon in this particular sector there is a heavy reliance on on tips or customer penalties

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whereby at least 30% of the income

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it's drawn from the tips that comes from the clients. So of the 8,000, about 40 to 40% of that. It comes from from the, from the, from the, from the tips.

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and then they predominantly. They use motorbikes as a form of transport to to execute their duties. and

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there is quite a very it

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there. There's quite some similarities in terms of how these 2 main delivery companies organize their labor process in this particular town.

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where you find that when it comes to Mr. D, it actually organizes its labor process by dividing the city into working zones.

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and for each zone it has got a

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a fixed sort of like in a way, office and regional sort of like management. And then the workers, the the drivers they are required to sign on.

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for, for whenever they want to come on duty they is a 110'clock signing on time. Is it? 990'clock, and then 1,400? You can either you for you to be

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to be to be signed on to the onto the system. You need to physically go and sign on at the regional office

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in a way. whilst or for the on the other platform, which is uber. it's

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most of his operation is sort of in a way, right from the onset, from the on-body to the up to the mon mon monitoring of the of the operations. It's literally sort of like executed through on the app.

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and there's no physical contact between the management and and so forth. Uber does not have an office in in Kimberly, and even in Johannesburg itself. It it works through a proxy which is an agent

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in terms of neighborhood sort of like, in a way, especially for each others, other services.

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So when you come when it comes to

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the way the labour process is organized for Mr. D. It's quite, very hybrid in terms of it, still uses very digital sort of like, in a way, the iteration of technology.

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But there's also some physical forms of control where the workers are expected to sign on duty, and the drivers they actually are supposed to be in branded uniforms, branded bags, which is quite different from Uber, which does not require the drivers to have a branding bread, some sort of like a uniform on on them.

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So

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so this is. This is sort of like in a way, the the warehouse of the office, where the drivers on this particular day they were coming in on duty, some of them coming coming on to to sign on

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in in in Kimberly just after, because you need to go to the office, you sign up your name. You indicate that you, you are ready for duty. You got the equipment that is required in terms of a A, A, a, a, and and and you are in uniform, and then, before you can sort of like, you know, before you can be put on to the

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onto the on the system. And then there is one of the retired sort of like, in a way delivered a worker in Kimberly, just collecting an order from one of the restaurant ready for delivery for delivery.

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And then there is also a mix of some drivers who use motorbikes and those who use this who uses cars.

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And then, in terms of I'll try to run a bit at the. I think I should be running out of time in terms of how these workers are adapting to this. A new form of work to this digitalized sort of like the intervention of technology in as far as their work is consent.

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So one interesting phenomenon is the fact that these drivers they are not allowed to to to be also waking on the other platform.

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So they' to wait for the other competing platform. So from my interface with them.

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it is a sort of like, in a way, an indication that for them to be able to leverage advantages on aid of these platforms.

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so they had to find ways to sort of like in a way

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to. We have a platforms on either of these, although it is not allowed. It is not, it is it is the this, the the the platform themselves. They will not allow it. But the workers they find that that's the only way for them to be able to liberate the advantages that comes with working for either of these of these platforms.

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And then there's also have been quite a very thriving, in a sort of like form of where by these workers they rend out their profiles

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when they are not.

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they are not ready for when they are not.

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they're not available for for for work. They can also, there's also a very thriving through the use of social media. They can they rent out their profile to other, to other prospective drivers who may not necessarily meet the requirements for them to get professor. They re they rent out their profile. And also there is an element of selective participation in terms of

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you. Over time you come to you they come to learn about how the industry works. Then you select the particular days which you are able to maximize it sort of like profit, and they also

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income. And also they also maximize. Okay. they also try to to maximize this

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by also selective participation in terms of maybe where they perform their their duties. I will try to summarize in in the I'm only about 2 min so, and then they try to also

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advertise

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the service other services other than just delivered. What's like, for example, some of them. They have got stickers on it, those who are coming up coming up. They take videos and come in as they try to sort of like capitalize on that.

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And there's a heavy sort of like, anyway, reliance on tip, on tip, on tips. So what it means in a way, it is almost becomes institutionalized where way by now it's now incorporated onto the app. And so what it means now that institutionalization of a typical culture.

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it's sort of like in a way

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informs how they deploy emotional labor. So they have to sort of like in a way, because they know that. And then it also means that they? They are quite, very conscious in terms of when they look at the client. They're not just looking at the client, but the client is also a source of their logic. They're not just providing a service, but the client also also quite, very critical in terms of determining their income at the end of the day.

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and then I would sort of skip that, and then draw on the last. What are my final sort of like conclusion before I come to the end.

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So I I drop by the number of conclusions from this. The first one is that when we look at how a a a digital, the intervention of dicta technology, the gig economy. In this particular sector. It does not displace workers agency, but it sort of like reconfigures it in in many different ways depending on it's also informed by many different factors, the cortex and and and and so forth.

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and at the same time

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a digital sort of like. In a way, the this, there's a there's a very clear variation in terms of how these 2 companies deploy the use of digital technology in the labor process.

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So this, in a way, also informs the the various ways in terms of workers. organize themselves or work as a response to this particular sort of like, in a way.

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And then the question about the institutionalization of a tipping culture. It's sort of like, in a way, it becomes

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a a, a, a a separate dev for the platforms. It takes away the pressure from the platforms for them to pay decent work to the workers, because the workers are actually not very relying. They're not. They don't depend actually on the platforms in terms of

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their income. The 100, because 70, 40, 40, 30 to 40% of the income actually comes from from the clients sort of like benevolence.

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So and this and and also another interesting phenomenon is that they, these workers. They are not just adapting to the digital technology.

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but they are also in many ways also

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trying to organize themselves

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in a way so so as to transform the way that work. Their work is organized in this particular sort of in this particular se, thank you.

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Thank you.

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Interesting so far.  a.

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this one.

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Okay, so our next present presenter

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is Daniel Amon, who is going to explore the experience of tax payment in the ebony, formal economy of Ghana.

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so the platform is yours. And you also have 15 min. Okay.

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yeah. Good evening. Everyone.

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I'm glad to see you all here and those of you online. Thank you for making time to attend this session. I would like to also time the organizers for this session. it's been an interesting and week.

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I've been a lot of thought, provoking discussions and presentations, and I'm glad I'm learning a lot from burial scholars. So today my presentation is on as prior and the experience of tax payment in a burning for my economy in Ghana. I'm a Ph. D. Students at Memorial University.

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Currently, my head, yeah. And this is part of my

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desertation. So this presentation doesn't have any finding. These are ongoing. So it's more of present the primary research that I'm doing so I appreciate your feedback and suggestion after the

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presentation that is our improved on it.

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Well, thank you.

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Yeah. So as part of this presentation, I will look at the background and over view of informality in from our case and task payments in Ghana, and then present a reset question and then discuss the methodology, and also conclude

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so currently over half of the global labor force of great within the economy in former economy is a cratized picture of many developing countries, and

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a lot of people are employed in this sector and looking at me, the low, low and medium income countries, about 70% are working in this sector in Ghana as many as 90% of the by the labor force of creating the informal economy.

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there has been various debate around what, exactly is the informal economy, then, from an in from economics and multi-dimensional concepts. And so a new researcher adopted a personal definition. So for me, my operational definition is that in formulating both activities that lack any type of social protection, and where work, as you know.

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you from our casting, cannot face a lot of challenges. This include lack of social protection and safe working space, low income items and fees. Yes, I read a presentation on the Critical Challenge, the in from our case in Ghana, in Ghana fish.

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So those who are tennis session at least. I will not explain these challenges.

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the COVID-19 pandemic as as baited the challenges that's in from our case space. We all know them from our welfare is a lot of challenges, and the COVID-19 pandemic has affected all facet of society, and in from our case, among those who are greatly affected, they are hardly hits

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because of the precarious nature of their employment.

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So they have been resending bits around the relationship between you from our kids and the States, and formatization and social protection for informal workers in the midst of this challenges that they are facing governments and policymakers have realized, I mean, the importance of the entire economy and the prevalence of its one.

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I mean, it's it's now, as I said earlier, on about 60% of the global law force is operating their home economy. There's a cost for policy. I mean to streamline the activities. So they have been resting the bits.

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And this is visible in various media and in various policy sector discussions.

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So they have been different. I mean various theories and debate on ebony formality and

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because of time I'll not be able to explain us or expansiate these debates, but just like to run through. There's been a question of definition, as I said earlier on. Then from economics multi dimensional. So you have to adopt operational definition for it

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in your analysis.

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so as to how it's at least the inform economy. Also, there's a lot of hate relationship with former agencies.

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as some governments see them from economy as a venue for creating employment and a potential for poverty, alleviation? Are they seized as a nuisance, as critical congestion and fits in the various cities. So there's this lab and hate relationship with former agencies.

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and also the issue of poverty, alleviation and job creation, I mean the for my economy has not been able to create jobs, especially in the developing countries. And with gan a new reception. Currently, the former economy employees about 10% which does not enough. So most of the workers have been found a refuge in the EU former economy.

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So there has been that debate as to what at the income economy is will be able to alleviate the poverty level of

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of of the airban folks.

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And what do them for my economy or workers do. Is it transitional earlier tourists or development tourists? I give that them for my economy or small transitionary? I mean that over time it will fit.

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But this a session has no hold in, for my economy has been on the increase. I mean, you can see it prevalence. So there's this debate around it. So we did, or it's a fit, or it continue to persist over time. So this an ongoing debate among the development sectors. And so they there's a debate around as to how they're in from economy sells as a seed bed for entrepreneurship.

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some use them for my economic asset.

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a springboard. I mean to expand their jobs or to create more a former

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jobs. So there's that debate around it. As to the potential in 7 Us. As more and medium enterprise. And also there's in Tacon Nest between partnerships and continuity with the former sector there for my economy, they said, but by the rational relationship between former and then for my economy. So what affects the for my economy? Also a fed, and for my economy, and vice versa. So there's this code a bit around informality. And any researcher our pressing or herself with it

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in making this an isoanalysis. So this study asks 2 important questions The first one is, what is the experience of tax payment in the airport economy in Ghana, and secondly, to help decrease our tax burden within the home economy in gun agenda.

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I believe that answers to these questions will help identify not only how informal workers are tasked, but will also show the implication of taxation on their daily lives. So these are my guiding questions for this study.

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So as part of the methodology, I will use a more qualitative research. Initially, I wanted to use a mixed method.

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because that's where my strength lives. Most of my research have been done with mixed method. But upon a second look at the literature, I realized that there isn't much secondary data on h commitization. I'm sorry in the contest of Ghana.

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So I said, I mean using more qualitative research, who helped me take an inductive stunt to explore areas of interest and to

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able to interview this workers, to know their levied experience in this contest of information. So I've employed more qualitative met. There's 2 semi-strated interviews, so called good discussion. And then for more observation.

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So with those those in there, for my economy I will participate. I will interview 46 participants, and as part of this 46, I will employ 25 Females and 21 meals.

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We know that the informal economy is generated and women make a higher proportion. So I went every 25 women and then 21 men.

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Yeah. And then, as part of the focus groups, I will interview to groups.

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the steady area is Akra and Kumasi, across the capital city of Ghana and Kumas, is the second largest city, and Kumasi is found in the the not in part for us across the side. But and these 2 cities attract a lot of migrants who operate in the former economy.

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yeah, I mean, and the informality is high in the cities.

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and there's a whole high rate of urbanization. So, using these 2 cities for their research, I found it very interesting, and will bring a lot of interesting revelations.

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Yeah, that's a very important part of my discussion. informality has been studied by many scholars and most studies that I look at

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mostly look at the from the economy as more homogeneous

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mit ctl, and but it's not the case there from the economy is heterogeneous. It involves a lot of activities. And if you look at the, we are more developing for my employment. There is a woman and a woman in one

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in for my employment, globalizing or organizing. This is the hierarchy. It shows how informal work is not homogeneous. It's more hectic genos. There's a hierarchy at the top of it.

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You see they have employers, and then down to the lower level, you have Mp. Workers, and this

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group occupies different hierarchy in the EU economy, and

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any government policy affect them differently.

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including taxation. So looking at this sector as more homogeneous, will not help in any policy formulation, including tax, so

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the structure of them from the economy is gendered, I mean at the top, you see. melodyia mail, I mean mail, who operates in the form economy, and then at the middle with both men and women, and in a town you'll find a more women operating the sector.

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so majority of them from our case are women. As I said, earlier on, and they occupy the bottom or the down hierarchy of jail

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of the sector.

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Also, my grants also consider greater proportion of them for my economy. most migrants all. But migration studies will show how migrants are some of the vulnerable population in society, so when they move, they are mostly not able to find any job available, so they, from economy, sells as a a refuge for them, and Ghana is no exception. There has been large in China migration.

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And

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these 2 cities that I mentioned, I cry in Kumasi, attract a lot of informal workers from within and also delivery countries. So yeah, you know, for my my grants. Considerate a proportion of them for my workers. So I will look at these dynamics in my analysis.

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So, coming back to the hierarchy. You realize that male.

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the male occupy the top hierarchy, who, as women or female, occupied the the bottom hierarchy. This has some implications. You look at the top of the hierarchy.

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The average earnings at the top of the Herac is high compared to the down. It's very low. So how does this say? If if woman occupies the down bottom and the endless

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compared to the male who occupies the hire or the top hierarchy, and they will earn more.

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Taxing them will have different effects.

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You know we know that tax in there, for my economy is not progressive. It's more regressive, like a tax and flat tax. So it's not like the format sector where you pay us to and inform us the about economy that is done as is as a flat doesn't matter how much you end. You have to pay a certain amount

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the same amount as those in the top hierarchy, and this that's not a that world for those who occupy the bottom hierarchy.

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So this will help me to

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as played. Why, I I'll be using a

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my tourist calf from my intentionality. Terraca framework. As I said.

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most callers have. Look at them for my economy in a more homogeneous way. and now I've argued that this shouldn't be the case.

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We should look at them from our economy in a more heterogeneous because of different workers in the form economy.

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So I mean, we're looking at this Iraqi. Our, you see, probability risk goes at A at the top Iraqi. It's low, you know, and then those are the double Tom.

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The is higher so, but the issues are not all in from our workers are full, but the risk of probability is higher in the informal economy

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risk of provides. You know they are more precarious. group, I mean, they are more precarious workers, and we always say, Oh, maybe, then from our we case all of them up for. But it's not always the case. This Iraqi would tell you that it's not the case. Those are the top. Some of them are employers. Some of them are

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I mean leaving big companies who try to dutch certain regulations. So they try to operate informally.

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you know. So not all workers in the or not all inform. Our workers are poor, but a risk of poverty is higher in their former economy.

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Okay? So I come to tax, and then for my economy and for my workers pay a variety of tax. That's 5 year. inform my status a bit, a variety of times, previous

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or earlier. A research.

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This, I mean, I give that in from our we, as you know, pay taxes. But this. This is not. This is not true in form out like as a a variety of tasks, I mean in in case of Ghana, they pay a variety of ties to municipalities, market as swish international authorities, security agencies, and other development. groups.

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So there's so much task payment going on there for my economy that policymakers I'm not looking to. There have not been so much research around it. So this research will help a lot in in the case of Ghana to bring this. Experiences

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and governments also have seen economic policies in Tas. In the informal economy we know how the COVID-19 has affected all countries. Ghana is no exception.

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so that and there's a more of a trend in it. Initially, government was depending on more on outside government. I mean developed countries for income, for development.

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But you know all countries are struggling, and so it has gender. So Ghana is not getting much

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income from the developed world. So it's it's it's I've seen the in from the economy as a way of generating income. So they have a lot of taxes that have been posted in the informal economy in Ghana

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of such payments.

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The problem is that this taxes are my, my, not taxes. I mean in itself it's not a button access any steps that everybody knows that you have to pay taxes to for development. But the problem is that when it comes to them for my economy, side payments are not equally distributed. I'm not in for my workers, you know, and this is is is programmatic, you know, if they are not equally distributed. it's not Google. All those at the bottom end up paying more even down. Those are the top Iraqi as I showed earlier on.

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so this tags have different effects on different groups. But as I format as they can affect women's income, disp disproportionately done, men that have been research, a couple of research that shows that women pay as much as 1, 2125% of their monthly income on taxes.

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you know. So it doesn't. So there's a risk of about paying taxes. I mean by then for my workers

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in this kind of their.

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but the is that they find themselves over paying these taxes doesn't go. So this brink. The idea of integrating tensionality analysis. I'll be using internationality framework as my framework in this 30 because I'm looking at the from the economy as more heterogeneous, and they are different of various characteristics.

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And this intentionality will show how intersecting variabilities of gender class ethnicity, immigration, status, income, and democratic characteristics are implicated in the incidence of taxation, then, for our economy.

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So internationality will help me to analyze and not to look at them from the economy in a homogeneous lens by a whole, a more heterogeneous lens.

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and it also helped me to explore the nature and experience of that. I'm on the of the on the home economy, like street vendors, market vendors also treat us domestic workers. We speakers, among others.

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 You know this will help me with the International International Framework. It will help me to look at the magnitude, incident, incidents, engagement with tax and actors. Degree of coercion, reciprocity, transparency, accountability, and proportion of form harvest these are the format and fees.

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as you can see. I mean they from the economy they are issue only come to the vulnerability or their dynamics

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that will cut, using that to look at the age, their sexuality, the ability to pay the occupation you do to look up collect location ethnicity migration status. I mean all this after affect the awake. And so, looking at it in a more homogeneous way will not bring this incidence. in the analysis.

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Okay? So to conclude, I will say that my research have these objectives, and it will help to understand how informatisation will be in the form of economy in Ghana. Compare the experience of informatization between a crime. Kumasi evaluate the impact. The COVID-19 pandemic I had on tasks paying for our workers and panel to examine what?

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To what extent informatization for the gender inequalities. I believe that this research will help to as pro task payments in Ghana, not only in Ghana, but also contribute to the whole scholarship on calendar and informality. So I appreciate your suggestion and feedback as to how I could improve this research as I'm preparing to go to the field. Thank you so much for your attention.

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 thank you. So much for that.

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so

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what just happened to now? Oh, okay, yeah. The next presenter.

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Ruth.

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beyond post-work, Utopia's recentrying production within distributive politics. So floor is yours. Same time allocated

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so much chair.

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it's interesting because the panel I was just looking up. The name again is workers for charity and exploitation in the post-work era.

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And yet in so many ways, what we've been speaking about is work. And so this, then, raises the question, are we really in the postwork era? And what do we mean about

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what do we mean when we talk about work?

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And what does defining something as work allow us to do or not do.

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What do we hide when we use the word postwork?

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 and how is this connected to our theories of structural processes. So these are not exactly the questions that I ask in this presentation, but I think there are questions that have started to come up as I was listening to the first 2, and that, I think, are very tied to what I would like to speak to.

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which is trying to bring work back into the discussion. but perhaps not in the way that it has in the global North.

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And the literature that I'm engaging with is really this, both the end of labor thesis and to some extent the post-war Utopian debates, and I should say that these debates have been going on for a really long time right? If we go back to the right to be lazy by.

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you know he he's arguing against the kind of productivist stance that you know many working class movements took in the French Revolution. He's outraged by the false consciousness of this proletariat that could have asked for more. But in the end. They asked for workshops, and I think that in the way that these debates continue to reproduce themselves in different contexts across time and space.

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And and it's interesting to think about

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yeah, them in this context. But anyway, going to the end of labor thesis or the end of wage work thesis.

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the argument is that global restructuring financialization and digitization have rendered a growing proportion of the world's population's surplus to the accumulation needs of capital.

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And really, when we say surplus to the accumulation needs of capital. We're saying that capital that no longer needs workers in the way they used to, they still need consumers. And actually, I think that the relationships of the circuits of capital are more complicated than the post-work. Literature is arguing. But anyway, that's one of the key elements. And as the precariat, or the

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semi-proletariate, or the peasantariat. There's many names that have been

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put forward struggle to outcompete each other. Then we see the entrenchment of non standard or informal employment relationship. And I think that there's a very interesting kind of theoretical flip flopping between ideas of processes that are emerging in the global north. And then how they get appropriated to talk about conditions in the global South, and even the difference within the African continent within Southern Africa that's based on histories of proletarianization that are quite different.

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But anyway, going back to the the sort of the end of work thesis, as I understand it. Then, you know part of the argument the emancipatory take on. It would be that if

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popular forces, the working classes of semi-proletariat are to reclaim control over the development or the process of accumulation or work. In some other way. It is critical to dissenter work from the social and political imaginary.

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But then the question becomes, well, then, what are the emancipatory demands? And here I think, we've seen a real interest in cash transfers, and Ferguson's work has been instrumental in this, in in being a place of possibility, a harbinger of, or an intellectual resource for, an emergent radical politics and distribution that's based on new forms of political claim, making such as citizenship

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rather than expired forms. One might argue like employment. And so then the question is, you know, I'm trying to make sense of what are the assumptions behind those arguments?

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What holds, what's useful, and what is it? Maybe not so useful? And for that I focus on the case of rural Mozambique, which is partially because I'm from Mozambique, and so I wanted to do research in a place I'm familiar with, but I think that it also provides an interesting case, because it's a place where wage work has never been. The norm

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in the sense that full employment has never been the norm. But a wage work actually is there in all sorts of other ways. And so trying to figure out what does work

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look like in a context where only 4% of the population working age population are defined as salaried workers. what is the meaning of work in that context? To what extent is citizenship a basis for political claim making given colonial histories, and to what extent have cash transfers been able to capture the imagination

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of of working people in ways that would lead to kind of an emancipatory politics.

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and just, you know, to take a step back, because I do think it's important for us to talk about work within an analysis of macro structural processes. I would say that, like a thesis for Mozambique specifically is one in which we have an extractive development strategy. And that strategy is a strategy of the government. It's part of a process of class formation

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that emerged with the transition from a Socialist to a market based economy. So obviously, it's a reproduction, or it's a legacy of colonial patterns of organization, of the economy. But these are neither predetermined right that there's decisions, political decisions that have been made that have

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resulted in the acceleration of expropriation of land, the narrowing of productive bases and deindustrialisation, the deregulation of labour markets and creation of a low wage economy, a dependence on imports that's a development strategy that has been purposely pursued. But what it means is that a very small proportion of the population are salaried workers, and you have this kind of discourse around entrepreneurship. Or, in our case, it's the culture of work which is sort of

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used to to to marginalize employment-based demands. But in this context, so in a context where only 12% of salary workers are only 12% of the working population are salary workers in rural areas. Even less than work always has a broader definition than wage work. So some of the arguments that have been made by post-work Utopians, you know.

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Andre Gores, or others that have argued from a a point of emancipatory politics is that people are overly attached to the idea of wage employment. And you know, in the Mozambican case I would argue that that's actually not the case right? Partially, because wage employment doesn't offer you necessarily decent working conditions, and partially because there's other ways that people are cobbling together a livelihood. So it's interesting to see that when

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one asks, what is work, how do we think about work? It does include both formal and informal, productive and reproductive. paid and unpaid, on the farm and off the farm. But

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the answer often changes, depending on the context and how you are perceived. Right? So someone can say, yes, small scale agriculture is work. It's legitimate work, and we'll talk about it in just a second. But, on the other hand, if you come with a survey, they might say, well, I'm just a peasant, right? Because there's all sorts of history and politics associated with how work is valued and who's valuing in whom?

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It's interesting also to note that everybody has eggs in multiple baskets from your public sector employee, you know, to a small-scale farmer. Right? And so people are cobbling together livelihoods through a multiplicity of activities.

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and often the kinds of decisions are shaped by, you know where people are living, the kinds of natural resources access to markets, the household structure, access to labor, education, personal aspirations, and so on.

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and it's also interesting that even though everybody is cobbling together a likelihood, you definitely have processes of of social differentiation and jobs or forms of work that are done by some like Ganyu Gangyu, which is like day labor work on a farm versus, you know, other tasks that are done by others. So there's a class structure that exists in this post-work quote and world

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work is important, and to be a person. As to work is frequently reiterated. It's critical to relations of reciprocity and personhood. However, it doesn't have to be wage work.

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It's also important to note that there's a sense of like. Not all work is created equal, so the the meaning of work is shaped by sustenance. The ability for it to meet people's reproductive needs, autonomy, the ability to shape the labor process and define what is produced, how it is produced, and for whom, and social recognition.

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And but there's a lot of incongruity, as I was saying, right, and that reflects sort of overlapping worlds of meaning that are shaped by these contradictory histories of State discourse, policy, practice, and etc., etc. Now I did an exercise, and this was, I'm still trying to decide whether it's useful or not, and you can tell me if it is or it isn't.

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which was to try to work through a survey, to try to understand how it is that people ranked work from meaningful to alienated various forms of work in rural Mozambique, and I looked at 2 sort of contrasting districts

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in Yasuru, which is semi irid. It's a historically a mine worker, sending area to South Africa in the Ribawa, which is an agrarian sort of rich. The bread basket of Mozambique, right?

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And I think what's interesting is, we see, for instance, that farm work is considered much more meaningful. It's probably not surprising result. But in a context where you have a fertile area and you're able to produce enough and sell and fill your silos and so on. It's considered far less meaningful in an arid area that's prone to drought, and so on. So

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own account. Or if we look at wage work, what's interesting is that in many ways it's not as

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considered as meaningful as as as as as farm work, particularly where you can actually survive, because the type of wage work that's offered is poor right? Some, it's frequent for people to say, to work for someone is to work for free, because labor and social protections are not being enforced. Then you have the range of this other kind of work. So like your volunteers who, you know, community health workers right?

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side hustles bish cats, which people say, are just enough to like, buy curry or salt or sugar, you know, but very little. It's from here from today to today. You have public employment programs like the flash unpaid care work right? That also gets raised. The is particularly in Northern Mozambique, because you have initiation ceremonies

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and work is the work of loving your man, and it's spoken about that. So when you ask women and what are different types of work? Well, this is the work of loving your men, which is reproductive work.

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And so I guess the the what I want to take or the take away from this, or what I'm trying is is that there's not anything that's sort of innately meaningful or alienating

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about wage work or non-wage work commodified or decommodified?

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Rather the question is is it able to sustain you? Do you have autonomy over it? Does it? Is it socially recognized? And those kinds of categories depend on sort of the conditions of that work. And I think this is a challenge to some of the post work.

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sort of Utopian thinking that assumes that if you can sever ties to commodified wage labor, you will inevitably have something that's somehow more meaningful.

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Yeah, it won't necessarily is what I argue. I'm also interested. Obviously because we're thinking about social protection on the relationship. Sorry? How am I doing for time

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on the relationship between citizenship

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in a context of a sort of post-colonial context in which you had such a sharp differentiation between the rights of settlers and Mahmoud Mundani speaks about this in subjects, and where, in a period of war and conflict. People's ability to make claims on the State are curtailed to certain aspects. So can you really have a radical politics of redistribution

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in a context in which the State itself is not trusted.

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And and I think that one of the interesting things that came out of this research is that in some cases you can around some kinds of things. You can, for instance, the politics of a rightful share works on questions of land and land redistribution.

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and there's there's some kind of social or more rural moral economy around that that makes struggles around land

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somehow imaginable, possible. But around social protection that's much less the case. and part of that is that social protection in the context of Mozambique was really something that was imposed by the World Bank and the Imf

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as part of structural adjustment to roll back much more expensive social provisioning and redistribution programs during the Socialist period. It is not actually a strategy of sort of counter neoliberal strategy. It's a neoliberal strategy.

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And so you have today 2 pillars of social protection. One is mandatory social insurance, which, by the way, was only introduced

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in 1,990, when they privatized companies, because until then, social pensions, etc., were paid through the government. So even our ideas of social security are very much tied to a kind of capitalist model

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and then we have publicly funded social welfare. And although it's a right less than 15% of the population has effective access to any form of social protection. And so we see here, from the period of structural adjustment, the the sort of cash transfer programs, how they went up and down. And we have about 600,000 households that are currently covered by permanent cash transfer programs.

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And you see then also the percentage of how much of the funding for cash transfers is coming from domestic government allocation. So this would be the budget versus international development agencies. Now, there's an interesting thing for Mozambique, which is that there was

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as as funding from international development agencies declined. There was an argument that there was ownership by the Mozambiquean government around questions of of social protection. But what was overlooked was that even in 2,014, 2,015,

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when that percentage of international financing for social protection declined. Mozambique's own budget was still very heavily donor dependent, and donors had introduced an indicator for spending on social protection, which was then enforced by the Imf through these psi reviews. So to talk about citizenship

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given the colonial legacy, but also the sort of post colonial meddling, I suppose, from international financial institutions, you know, which have a SW. An incredible sway in what government does. I I think it is a little bit more complicated.

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so have cash transfers shaped political demands. Well, I mean.

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there's very little grassroots mobilization around them.

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and part of my research looked at workers on public employment programs. And what was interesting was that there was quite a lot of resistance to putting all of their eggs in the cash transfer basket right? And then the question becomes, why is it simply false consciousness? Is it that people have been conditioned to think about the moral dignity of work, and thus do not want handouts. Or is there something else going on?

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And I think that here there's a number of different factors that come up, I mean, certainly that's one of them. Also, there's one that is, it's never happened. And if it's never happened, how do you support something. It's never happened. But there's some other factors that I think are important for us to consider. One is a fear of dependence on the State

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fairness in allocating scarce resources. So where you have a, you know, sort of feeling that there's already neo-patrimonial relationships that are shaping the logics at the local level, then the sort of like work conditionalities, or at least one way to establish some kind of fairness.

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a fear of being abandoned by the States, so that

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you can make a moral claim around questions of work in a way that you can to run citizenship and a real desire to contribute to the space. I mean, it's often said, there's plenty of work happening, and there's plenty more to be done. So a lot of the debates in the global North are around over production.

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You know that we need to reduce consumption and so on. But a place like Mozambique, rural Mozambique actually doesn't have a crisis of over production. It probably has a crisis of under production. And and I think that you know we do need to wrestle with what are the differences in that, how our place is positioned differently.

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so that doesn't mean that there isn't support for for kind of universal or unconditional transfers from some groups of people, particularly women, single women, mothers, who are forced already to like balance all of these

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burdens of productive and reproductive labour, and there is a benefit there. And I think things like Ubi have been part of historically feminist demands.

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so this is kind of research. I guess, where I'm trying to bring together the labor, the social protection, the citizenship debates together, and and would be interested in in thinking about how to do that. I think more coherently. But but I would say just to kind of end that

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it's important for us not to dissent her

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work, because work is happening.

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and in the centering work, we risk the centering exploitation.

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and in doing that in reproducing relationships of labor and security which perhaps

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you know the yeah, so that that that would be one aspect, and I think the second one is that we have to be really careful about assuming that non-commodified forms of work are somehow innately more liberating.

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 third, that citizenship has much traction and and and and that it's possible to delink. redistribution in production.

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because ultimately, without production, you wouldn't have anything to distribute, and you also wouldn't have anything to consume. And so that we have to be thinking a lot more.

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I suppose ambitiously, about

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some kind of developmental direction. And and I understand that you know, modernist. Part of these debates around the post-work

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are also reactions against a particular modernist vision of development. And so we also have to reckon with the failures of that. But what does it mean

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to take such a defeatous position? That ultimately does little, I would argue to to really transform the relations of exploitation both within countries, but also between. So I'll leave it there. Thank you.

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We met 1 min to share. All right. Thank you so much.

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becoming more and more interesting.

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I, C.

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Colin. Oh, yeah.

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no. I think.

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Cola, can you hear? We need to go to this one

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because he's online. Our next step to dinner is

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presenting from Namibia and stop sharing.

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So he should be able to. All right. Can you hear us?

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Kolawole Omomowo: Let me?

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All right. You can start sharing it. The floor is yours. You also have.

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We'll give you 16 min, just in case technology doesn't work with you instead of 15.

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So you have a one-minute extract. yeah.

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Kolawole Omomowo: that is very kind of you.

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Alright, thank you.

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Kolawole Omomowo: it's a

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Kolawole Omomowo: it's

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Kolawole Omomowo: I know clock here also. So good. And colleagues a quick one. the presentation is, you know, I prefer your perspective on minimum wage.

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Kolawole Omomowo:  in the context of unemployment over time in quality. just a quick acknowledgment. this is part of

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Kolawole Omomowo: This data belongs to Liberal Institute of Namibia.

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Kolawole Omomowo:  It's much out of the work as an associate of guys associate of the Institute. We did for the Union when there was a call for stakeholders, contribution to

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Kolawole Omomowo: to determination of minimum wage in Namibia.

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Kolawole Omomowo: So the question

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Kolawole Omomowo: that was, we ask is that how should a form of introduction is, how should

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Kolawole Omomowo: the society determined the fixing of minimum wage? of course, the dominance, macroeconomic ideology and policy

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Kolawole Omomowo: have implications for the determination of minimum wage. What different society think is the best approach to determining minimum wage. Of course, the issue of pay people vessels

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Kolawole Omomowo: social justice. So minimum wage comes into The position here is that often.

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Kolawole Omomowo: I I told my colleagues that that if we

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Kolawole Omomowo: try to put the line of technicality in the determination of minimal. We. They will go far.

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Kolawole Omomowo: I have social justice.

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Kolawole Omomowo: We tell us what kind of society we want in terms of welfare, social welfare. And how do we get there? Because if you are crushing the figure about a production returns profitability

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Kolawole Omomowo: It becomes very difficult, however. the which commission of Namibia was tasked with the function of sustaining

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Kolawole Omomowo: employment, sustaining businesses, and also the family minimum wage article 95, of course, always come to be about social welfare which is the right to social welfare in Namibia, and one of the key methods of determining that welfare is through employment or or discriminate employment that does not discriminate on any level, of course. And

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Kolawole Omomowo: the the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the the how they put it, the the enigma of this is that

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Kolawole Omomowo: if employment cannot see people what they need to survive, then you question.

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Kolawole Omomowo: how do you think of that, or is like

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Kolawole Omomowo: the Government have to be for way of taking care of those gaps he's employment. People are employed at the

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Kolawole Omomowo: the label Acts of the level of 2,007, and the setting of which order section 13.

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Kolawole Omomowo: Empowers the Minister of Level to make which order, on the recommendation of the Wage Commission, Which Commission, which is a form of a tripartite organization which includes the Union employers, representatives, and and and the and the State

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Kolawole Omomowo: has no agreement. Our in Namibian level, or they can only recommend

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Kolawole Omomowo: the the person that decide finally is a minister of label unemployment creation.

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Kolawole Omomowo: Of course the I know convention also, we have to also take into consideration the Ilo Convention 1, 31 of 97, which is that speaks to collective bargaining and equal pay for, and this in this convention also talks about which terminations

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Kolawole Omomowo: I most state clearly that Namibia, while

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Kolawole Omomowo: the country works

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Kolawole Omomowo: with some of the Ilo conventions, they have not ratified most of them. They walk me to Ilo.

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Kolawole Omomowo: but they say is a process that's I don't know what that means, but they try to keep within the. I load prescriptions on conventions, but they have no ratify most of them, so

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Kolawole Omomowo: political. I won't dwell on this. There's poverty state in the slide. There's a new quality high. There's a high unemployment rate

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Kolawole Omomowo: minimum wage concepts some payable to a worker for work performed or service render within a given period, whether calculated or the business of time or output.

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Kolawole Omomowo: which may not be reduced to either

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Kolawole Omomowo: reduce, either by individual collective agreement, which is guaranteed by law, and which may be fixed in such a way as to cover minimum

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Kolawole Omomowo: minimum needs of workers and is, or a family in the light of

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Kolawole Omomowo: economic social condition. Of course, the calculation of minimum wage in in developed country contest often focus on the worker. in the developing called the prior the usual practice in the convention, in the in the developing country contest. Of course you have to think of the work as and the household where you calculate minimum wage, especially when you are dealing with it in the context of high.

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Kolawole Omomowo: I pirate on a of unemployment you need to consider the size of household in the contest. Of course this I lost conversion, so my thinking around the concept of conception of it revolve around this idea of remuneration. What is paid

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Kolawole Omomowo: idea of leaving which Namibia did a study on the be with Larry in particular, did this study on the week, which I think around 2,015, and it comes to almost 10,000 Namibian maybe on round the dollar. Sorry and

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Kolawole Omomowo: the minimum, the discussion on how many, what we is a fact right

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Kolawole Omomowo: from that. So you can talk about basic, which which is how it is characterized in the label as of Namibia, on how we we have to consider all these living wage that can meet basic needs of

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Kolawole Omomowo: people in this society depending on the macroeconomic in the indices on cost of living the basic wage which is a way that may be on label or capture minimum wage, minimum wage and decent work.

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Kolawole Omomowo: How do we balance this? In a A, we have to balance all these concept ideas in order to come to the to minimum wage.

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Kolawole Omomowo: So we can't talk like I I indicated earlier. we can focus on equitable and just society that if that dash can be the underlying thinking in the determination of minimum wage all. And it we can also think of the basic needs and living with. Because, do you pay people minimum wage, economic, a basic need for survival or to leave.

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Kolawole Omomowo: And there's the whole idea of which is dominant technical equilibrium price. That which should be left alone, nobody to decide minimum wage that it should be left to the devices of the market forces of demand and supply. So those are some of

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Kolawole Omomowo: so the things that

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Kolawole Omomowo: thinking or ideas, or arguments that go into the the of when a country tries to engage in the determination of minimum wage.

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Kolawole Omomowo: So there are 2 ways of doing these. There's the collective bargaining process of setting minimum wage, and government could legislate it. Of course, the the one that's common, though, that we have which is, I think we have a for about 3 sectoria areas sectoria minimum wage. I think constructions agriculture, and I think, I think,

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Kolawole Omomowo: a domestic health service sectors. It's determined through collective bargaining. Of course, in in government can also legislate minimum wage. Of course.

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Kolawole Omomowo: this

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Kolawole Omomowo: these 2 approaches to determ anymore, which, of course, is sort of feed into each each other.

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Kolawole Omomowo: Oh.

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Kolawole Omomowo: in dynamical contest. Therefore, in considering minimum wage, we have to look at the changing labor relational context in Namibia and from

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Kolawole Omomowo: colonial apartheid label systems under.

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Kolawole Omomowo: and the contract label system to post independent Namibia. where contract devices

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Kolawole Omomowo: and work is becoming more culturalized.

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Kolawole Omomowo: a non permanent. So the label acts number 6 of 1,992. We set up the Labor Advisory Council.

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Kolawole Omomowo: and the the acts are be made with the act of 2,007, which now at Labour Advisory Council, and which Commission are most

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Kolawole Omomowo: state, again, that these tripetites structures in the Namibia, as prescribed by the Namibian Liberal law

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Kolawole Omomowo: does not have

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Kolawole Omomowo: agreement power. They only make recommendation to the minister of the body. So the security sector a minimum wage. I've already that we have is the agricultural security and the constructions.

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Kolawole Omomowo: So, of course, the limitation of the whole thing is that

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Kolawole Omomowo: the minute you can discuss minimum wage in the label, which commissions you can do that in the Liberal Adversary Council.

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Kolawole Omomowo: but

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Kolawole Omomowo: all what they can do is to propose to the to advice, the minister, the minister can decide to take it on the countryside not to take it.

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Kolawole Omomowo: Oh, it's a small scale, qualitative research. Of course we have you 9 Secretary General of Trade Unions, and we tribute the Secretary General, the employer Namibia, employers for durations, and we also have you, I think, to direct us in the Ministry of Liberal and employment creations. the that's our way to where we're systematically analyze might be in themes. there seems to be worthiness of lots of jobs

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Kolawole Omomowo: and unemployment amongst the Union when it comes to to to minimal which there is press press for sectoria, minimum wage. Of course.

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Kolawole Omomowo: part of the discussion in my Gen. In the interview was that some of them say value creation should determine any more. We, that in a

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Kolawole Omomowo: in a contest where what you produce as a worker is of high value to the employer. You should be paid.

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Kolawole Omomowo: and some sectors what they produce of low value, they should be paid less. Of course, the sentiments are coming out that they prefer sectaria minimum wage, and this came out clear in the entire views. We did clean us as A for the Federal Union Security General, because, he said.

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Kolawole Omomowo: if we ask for more we will be out of Job.

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Kolawole Omomowo: So because the contest in which we works on work for corporate somewhere for individual homes. So it's very difficult for us to ask for increase in wages you ask for increasing, which is that you might likely lose your job. Of course, all that sectors whose income which income are relatively good

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Kolawole Omomowo:  not interested in minimum wage. Of course, some what came out is some of them actually start saying we might support those sectors of the economy which, like cleaning and constructions which an agriculture which which is far below the national average. So there's how do you, then, the basis for calculating

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Kolawole Omomowo: minimum wage, and I would try to go through these with a voice support the minimum wage vessels living, which, of course, I I will look at that the minimum wage floor to tier structure of minimum wage busy, which national minimum wage which flow us for the at one by one the weariness of loss of Job. I see

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Kolawole Omomowo: this. This is a statement from one of the interviews you are forcing people to buy a machine that will cost

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Kolawole Omomowo: cost them. Sorry it's caused them 4,000 to cost me for to wash my clothes. And now we hire a person that we come and work for me 1 h, 2 h, so that will not be a fear. Deal for you.

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Kolawole Omomowo: not for me and the workouts also. So if you have it, they only, and they have their

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Kolawole Omomowo: 4 day person to call my your clean, and the house people will then move to cleaning companies. You say, if you ask for more people would rather go to organize companies to give their cleaning jobs to the fear of label substitutions with machine is obvious here

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Kolawole Omomowo: that if we ask for more. People might look for a neighbors liberal power substitute in terms of investing in machines. I can do some of the job or give me to structured companies that will do the

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Kolawole Omomowo: I just

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Kolawole Omomowo: cool

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Kolawole Omomowo: sectoria minimum wage one of the interviews, said we, we we definitely definitely cannot call

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Kolawole Omomowo: back. As it is, we want to come within more, which, in terms of sectors, with proposal of wages in different centers for us to play a fear game, because I don't want us to place a sectorial wage

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Kolawole Omomowo: of in my worker on a farm worker.

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Kolawole Omomowo: and that they should be paid equal. It's not going to be to be fair. It's not going to be fair to workers and the employer as well.

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Kolawole Omomowo: If you said the my work I was, get people

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Kolawole Omomowo: reiterate, the minimum wage should be determined on sectoral basis and not on

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Kolawole Omomowo: national basis. Of course.

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Kolawole Omomowo: Yes, okay, okay, I'll just flip. This. Okay? Basic needs to emphasize basic needs. It's emphasize basic needs good. I mean, your new language and union power. Of course, what got to me is that

435
01:20:17.220 --> 01:20:24.989
Kolawole Omomowo: you the you are not only afraid of loss of Job, but the you are also afraid of loss of

436
01:20:25.050 --> 01:20:39.249
Kolawole Omomowo: like some of the comments that came out that if we go to company they invite us. We go and negotiate with on the company's floor or shop flows. If you said Minimal, we? Then nobody wants to talk to the unknowns anymore

437
01:20:39.600 --> 01:20:41.660
Kolawole Omomowo: on so

438
01:20:41.800 --> 01:20:50.040
Kolawole Omomowo: sectorial bargain become relevant because there is a national. If there is a national minimum wage, then what do you need? Once an employer pay that minimum wage.

439
01:20:50.120 --> 01:21:10.549
Kolawole Omomowo: then the Union will lose power, and it will also become difficult for the Union to organize worker and does this of the our, I think. you say, you can leverage this minimal with, but not if you wish, because it's gonna kill business or cru on implementation of national minimum, which is imperative.

440
01:21:10.550 --> 01:21:27.779
Kolawole Omomowo: It is this, it is the satisfaction of consumer right or social work to social, well-being, national menual, we should be formed by social justice, rooted satisfactions of basic needs of workers and their family. In more we should be considered a sectarian level which national. We floor

441
01:21:28.050 --> 01:21:41.339
Kolawole Omomowo: this positive of the demand for minimum wage is negated by the fear of unions, of losing their power to mobilize strikes and right to collective bargaining which might manage work out organization.

442
01:21:41.380 --> 01:21:57.839
Kolawole Omomowo: Do you know our cultures and demanding significant, increasing wages while Article 95 for Namibia Question provide for the promotion of social welfare of citizens through payment of living wage. The industrial election context characterized by colonial, no wage regime persist in post independent namibia.

443
01:21:57.840 --> 01:22:12.580
Kolawole Omomowo: which in does the achievement of decent standard of living. It is argued that gaps in the extent extant label, legislation and framework, such as Labor Advisory Council. We, in that the achievement of significant improvements

444
01:22:12.960 --> 01:22:17.670
Kolawole Omomowo: in Winchester. Not admit. Thank you.

445
01:22:20.460 --> 01:22:21.360
Thank you.

446
01:22:23.160 --> 01:22:38.949
Thank you. Hopefully. We're trying to have a a little bit more time for discussion. So. Yeah. and hopefully, you can still elaborate on some of those our next presenter is up here. He's also presenting from Cotervoir.

447
01:22:39.120 --> 01:22:43.880
appear! Can you share your your presentation, please.

448
01:22:44.080 --> 01:22:49.400
and perhaps you could also share your put on your video so we can see you.

449
01:22:55.380 --> 01:23:00.820
APPIAH Adou: Hello, everybody. Yes, we hear you.

450
01:23:01.150 --> 01:23:08.649
We hear you. Thank you. So you also have 16 min for a presentation. So thank you very much.

451
01:23:16.850 --> 01:23:18.660
Okay,

452
01:23:18.850 --> 01:23:23.399
APPIAH Adou: we. We pause the 16 min.

453
01:23:23.500 --> 01:23:28.410
As the connection is not hello. As the connection is not good here, I'm going to.

454
01:23:34.430 --> 01:23:40.120
Okay, we we we are losing you.

455
01:23:44.040 --> 01:23:46.260
APPIAH Adou: Okay.

456
01:23:46.330 --> 01:23:50.030
Oh, okay. thank you very much.

457
01:23:51.360 --> 01:23:52.160
APPIAH Adou: do you?

458
01:23:52.560 --> 01:23:53.430
Okay?

459
01:23:54.210 --> 01:23:56.030
Hmm. yes.

460
01:23:57.700 --> 01:23:59.000
At

461
01:24:03.260 --> 01:24:04.470
okay.

462
01:24:04.650 --> 01:24:08.830
APPIAH Adou: You see. Yes, we see it. Thank you. Okay.

463
01:24:08.960 --> 01:24:17.520
APPIAH Adou: my topic is a trade union and workers resilience. One activist different themselves.

464
01:24:24.200 --> 01:24:35.020
APPIAH Adou: The central idea was in my is due to virus factors, the Union, you just ug, Tc. And humanism

465
01:24:35.410 --> 01:24:42.230
APPIAH Adou: of an. And so our company is set up, we can the presentation

466
01:24:42.710 --> 01:24:51.539
APPIAH Adou: by members of this Liberal organization to defend themselves.

467
01:24:52.030 --> 01:25:14.909
APPIAH Adou: is the contents I'm going to give you an introduction and overview of Cordiva, since most of you don't know this country, the methodology, the weakening of I board and unions, and the weakening of the set up unions and workers strategy to defend themselves, and then a conclusion

468
01:25:16.730 --> 01:25:27.089
APPIAH Adou: Despite the economic performance recorded by cotiva, this recent years. the living condition and living working or the

469
01:25:27.740 --> 01:25:30.670
APPIAH Adou: the workers is not very good.

470
01:25:31.020 --> 01:25:42.279
APPIAH Adou: the right of the workers and never printed it. Representative asked it. It's it's it's it's it's it's it's it's it's it's, it's, it's it's

471
01:25:42.910 --> 01:25:55.100
APPIAH Adou: to unions of cotiva as lit the weakening of workers. Our presentation. Another is the strategy developed by activists

472
01:25:55.130 --> 01:26:12.229
APPIAH Adou: level organization to answer the difference in context of weakening trade unions. Let's have a nuclear view of cotivo. This is the map of Cudiwa is a country located in West Africa.

473
01:26:12.770 --> 01:26:22.880
APPIAH Adou: I'm not going to insist on this data. But is a glance of the history. Only one was greeted in

474
01:26:23.120 --> 01:26:24.440
APPIAH Adou: on March

475
01:26:24.840 --> 01:26:26.020
APPIAH Adou: then

476
01:26:26.240 --> 01:26:32.779
APPIAH Adou: 1893, and the first party was

477
01:26:32.880 --> 01:26:38.790
At the at the Colonial stage there was Democratic party of cudiwas who sales party progressing party.

478
01:26:39.180 --> 01:26:42.739
APPIAH Adou: Abernian Democratic party, and

479
01:26:48.200 --> 01:27:06.099
APPIAH Adou: from the Independence to min nurse in 1,990, there was a single party system and a beginning of political stability in the lit of the nineteenth, and we have the coming to power in 211 of a liberal

480
01:27:06.980 --> 01:27:11.599
APPIAH Adou: power, with the support of France and you. And

481
01:27:17.540 --> 01:27:36.829
APPIAH Adou:  that, 2929 millions, we have 10.8 million of the liberal force and 91.7% of informal employment in the total improvements in line

482
01:27:37.130 --> 01:27:39.049
APPIAH Adou: 290.

483
01:27:41.380 --> 01:27:44.290
APPIAH Adou: Oh, here's a some data

484
01:27:44.430 --> 01:27:54.649
APPIAH Adou: regarding economy. The most important is both domestic products, 70.0 5 for billions

485
01:27:54.770 --> 01:27:58.570
APPIAH Adou: in 221 and

486
01:27:58.670 --> 01:28:00.120
APPIAH Adou: the gross domestic

487
01:28:00.570 --> 01:28:08.280
APPIAH Adou: growth rates 7 persons in 200 and 2,021.

488
01:28:08.560 --> 01:28:14.809
APPIAH Adou: You want development index. We have a 159 over

489
01:28:15.100 --> 01:28:18.210
APPIAH Adou: 189.

490
01:28:19.610 --> 01:28:22.150
As methodology is our

491
01:28:22.240 --> 01:28:34.739
APPIAH Adou: research question. how do workers manage to different themselves in a contest of weekend trade unions. Our presentation is part.

492
01:28:38.150 --> 01:28:43.129
APPIAH Adou: It's based on the positive research current out the walking.

493
01:28:43.250 --> 01:28:56.189
APPIAH Adou: They have a literature review into their interviews with 20 individual in July and August 2,019,

494
01:28:56.460 --> 01:29:04.729
APPIAH Adou: we responsible of Liberal administration union leaders responsible of the company and Union activists.

495
01:29:07.350 --> 01:29:17.879
APPIAH Adou: We work. We have a unions, humanism and general union of workers of this is the most important unions. And what you want. And

496
01:29:25.440 --> 01:29:32.689
APPIAH Adou: let us see the weakening of unions in codi. We have 2 main reason.

497
01:29:32.960 --> 01:29:37.480
APPIAH Adou: The first is a

498
01:29:37.640 --> 01:29:40.600
APPIAH Adou: for a union to put

499
01:29:40.780 --> 01:30:04.849
APPIAH Adou: the policy and to rest before their own interest. During the colonial period the politician has the Union to struggle together to fight the colonial power together, and when independence will come the living condition will be better, and after the independence. It was the same thing, less fight together to have the economic and social development.

500
01:30:04.960 --> 01:30:10.910
APPIAH Adou: and when we it will come you will better your living conditions.

501
01:30:12.350 --> 01:30:14.769
APPIAH Adou: And after the

502
01:30:15.240 --> 01:30:23.420
APPIAH Adou: the 19 nineties it was the same thing. The politicians say, let's fight together for democrats. Democracy.

503
01:30:23.460 --> 01:30:27.179
One will get democracy. Your living condition will be.

504
01:30:38.000 --> 01:30:41.250
I think

505
01:30:41.500 --> 01:30:55.860
the network left him. Yeah, yeah. okay. I think for us not to waste a bit of time while we are waiting for him to come back online.

506
01:30:55.880 --> 01:31:07.850
I know it's a little bit unfair for him. But maybe we could continue with their discussion. yeah, so that we don't waste that. Okay? So

507
01:31:08.240 --> 01:31:26.030
it's, it's an open, an open discussion platform until appear comes on. So when it comes on, then immediately we we accommodate him. I think that's okay with everybody. All right. Thank you. So so far, we've had. Okay, actually, let's back for the presenters. Yes, thank you.

508
01:31:27.790 --> 01:31:41.970
yes, So this was so far quite interesting discussions that we've heard and I think, as I was listening to the presentations, including a little bit part of appears.

509
01:31:42.010 --> 01:31:54.439
I keep going back to the whole theme of this session. And thinking about this debate, where some some argue that

510
01:31:54.580 --> 01:32:00.200
the post-war era is more of a speculative concept

511
01:32:00.250 --> 01:32:12.639
rather than a tangible reality. And and I was thinking that also, in the context of starting with the first presenter looking at the

512
01:32:13.530 --> 01:32:17.510
your presentations. especially on

513
01:32:18.230 --> 01:32:21.150
the food delivery.

514
01:32:21.210 --> 01:32:24.079
asking issue of digital divide

515
01:32:24.350 --> 01:32:27.840
the platform economy in South Africa.

516
01:32:27.940 --> 01:32:30.070
coming to Ghana.

517
01:32:30.090 --> 01:32:44.729
where informal economy and the idea of, and this debates about taxing the the the informal workers. So those are in the form of claiming the different Debates surrounding that

518
01:32:44.950 --> 01:32:52.430
to the meaning of work, the the subjective objective minimum of work. How do we conceptualize the fine work?

519
01:32:52.640 --> 01:33:03.469
And also to call us presentation about trade unions, particularly navigating the complexities of

520
01:33:03.980 --> 01:33:06.310
at the prevailing political economy.

521
01:33:06.630 --> 01:33:16.909
And That characterized by high rates of unemployment, poverty, and union's role in all this

522
01:33:17.070 --> 01:33:29.260
up to a little bit of what appear I was trying to To bring in, especially on And looking also back to his abstract.

523
01:33:29.350 --> 01:33:33.010
The whole idea of

524
01:33:34.700 --> 01:33:55.290
work! A a trade union, and and they role, and who protects, for example, trade unions cause some of them sort of put themselves out there, and they they become victims. So perhaps. In all these, let's see. For to have a conversation discussion. It's not just questions, a discussion.

525
01:33:55.340 --> 01:34:07.269
you can oppose questions. I can start, perhaps if there's anybody online, please. Just go. So. just help me find you get the comments in the chat, if there's any so

526
01:34:07.760 --> 01:34:09.129
flows open.

527
01:34:10.400 --> 01:34:18.550
Okay? so may I ask you. So for the benefit of those online to please come to the microphone so that they could also hear us.

528
01:34:20.370 --> 01:34:22.550
okay,

529
01:34:23.140 --> 01:34:30.490
okay, yeah. Let's start with clouds online. And then I come to you. And then you, okay, thank you. A cloud, can you?

530
01:34:30.720 --> 01:34:33.679
Klaus Schmierl: Hey? Yes, class, thank you.

531
01:34:33.740 --> 01:34:52.429
Klaus Schmierl: Yes, we hear you. Very well. Okay, perfect. So many thanks for the very, very interesting presentations. I've learned a lot. And what's very kind of you to to take the the questions of trade unions, collective bargaining into account, and I have a different question to Crispin.

532
01:34:52.430 --> 01:35:17.220
Klaus Schmierl: because, I have made research in the last years on possible drivers. And and it's a similar kind of work structure of a contract structure as these. You you about drivers show, and he has in one of his conclusions told us that that he sees opportunities and new a new repertoire

533
01:35:17.220 --> 01:35:42.170
Klaus Schmierl: of collective bargaining in this sector. I see it in Germany in a different way. It it's a it's a kind of erosion, of collective bargaining in in the this, these sectors. But maybe he cannot give some hints how you deal with that. And the another question was, that was very interesting is the the in in Namibia, the experience with the Solely Dairy Fund.

534
01:35:42.530 --> 01:35:46.139
Klaus Schmierl: Maybe he can tell us something about that. Many things.

535
01:35:46.740 --> 01:35:53.770
Okay, can we just quickly collect the questions, and then I give the presenters the floor.

536
01:35:55.000 --> 01:36:02.659
No, no, it's not color. It was a peer. Yeah, it it was appear. Well, unless Kola had a question. Okay.

537
01:36:03.150 --> 01:36:05.600
I please come to the microphone.

538
01:36:11.330 --> 01:36:19.699
Yeah. Yeah. Okay. Okay. And Hello, colleagues

539
01:36:20.740 --> 01:36:35.580
on all different time. Zones. Really. Morning. Evening. yeah. My name is Sandra. I'm veto from Nelson Mandela University in South Africa. So you're gonna have to forgive me. I didn't really get all your names.

540
01:36:35.730 --> 01:36:48.580
but I've got just a comment from for my colleague from presenting on the Ghana informal economy focusing on Akram. I just wanted to say, I'm a little bit worried about

541
01:36:48.990 --> 01:37:03.379
And they for a focus group discussions, you know, amongst workers in the in informal economy. And the reason for that is that you know, that is usually a very time constrained.

542
01:37:03.490 --> 01:37:25.480
You know, environment where people are typically concerned with, you know. selling as much as they can on a particular day, and, you know, given the nature of focus group discussions themselves, they have a a life of their own, you know. You may budget, say, for the 5 min to have a focus group discussion that may end up taking up to an hour.

543
01:37:25.500 --> 01:37:44.119
But with the same token, it. You know, I also get worried because you may struggle, really, you know, to pull people together at the same time, you know, given the same reasons right? And I was thinking to myself, perhaps

544
01:37:44.180 --> 01:38:06.590
you know, doing ethnographic work would be much more in order where you could either shud or someone, you know who's, you know, assist them with the type of work that they are doing. And here, I think you know, let's say you are trading someone who's selling potatoes, you know, and if you engage on the day to day, you know with them, assisting them with work, you may

545
01:38:06.750 --> 01:38:16.590
perhaps be exposed, you know to some nuances that you wouldn't otherwise get, you know you'll begin to unearth the unspoken

546
01:38:16.959 --> 01:38:20.509
But can you also, just perhaps

547
01:38:20.590 --> 01:38:27.710
tell us a bit more about how the organizing of tax and the foreign economy.

548
01:38:27.770 --> 01:38:30.200
You know it works because I think

549
01:38:30.280 --> 01:38:38.569
I've never heard of that before, and I think perhaps novelty in your own work could emerge from that

550
01:38:38.670 --> 01:38:42.430
and it could be a stand alone. Chapter where you speak

551
01:38:42.629 --> 01:38:57.969
about how an infernal economy is organized. You know, firmly, you know, because in some ways there there's a paradox, you know, to be spoken about in the in, you know, on that aspect of things to my colleague from Vitt. on, on, on.

552
01:38:58.150 --> 01:39:12.520
on Mozambique. I just want to say it would be interesting to know what their views on work and alienation would be in the context of South Africa, where there is a bigger regulated formal economy

553
01:39:12.549 --> 01:39:18.629
when looking at, you know the various forms of work. You know the views of

554
01:39:19.030 --> 01:39:30.320
what they would consider to be alienating work or not, because in South Africa there is a bit more substantial

555
01:39:30.430 --> 01:39:36.860
formal economy than you would find, you know in in many parts of you know, the African continent

556
01:39:37.059 --> 01:40:04.490
and Crispin on the platform economy in in, in in South Africa. In in general, I would be interested to to know. I mean, we live there, and we've realized that in the main it is people, you know from you know, from the bordering countries you know, to South Africa that tend to partake, you know, in in this platform economy. Why is it that you know? you don't see many South Africans.

557
01:40:04.620 --> 01:40:17.829
even though you know, unemployment in South Africa, especially amongst youth, is is quite high, you know. Have you picked anything up around that? Thank you very much.

558
01:40:20.370 --> 01:40:23.850
So we take 3 at a time, and then we go for another round. Okay.

559
01:40:25.680 --> 01:40:29.110
 I I think it's off.

560
01:40:29.460 --> 01:40:30.230
Yeah.

561
01:40:30.610 --> 01:40:55.350
Hi, everyone. I'm Hannah Dolson from but in South Africa, and those are all fantastic. Thank you so much. I wanted to just ask quickly, Daniel. I wanted to ask one. You had this 1 point towards the end around informal taxation being gendered, and I wanted to ask you what? What exactly you mean by informal taxation? One. What form that takes

562
01:40:55.350 --> 01:41:12.520
and in what ways is it gendered? So now I know that you haven't done your field work yet. But what are your working assumptions on the ways in which it's gendered? Is it about the type of work that women are doing thinking about your pyramid, that certain types of work more women are in, and therefore they are taxed in specific ways.

563
01:41:12.640 --> 01:41:26.750
Or is it that women are more compliant in paying these so-called informal taxes. So I just wanted to dig around that. And then the second one was kind of a big question about so what or why? What is the bigger question your research is trying to answer?

564
01:41:26.760 --> 01:41:29.600
Because I was wondering about Ruth's

565
01:41:30.030 --> 01:41:35.240
bigger questions around citizenship as you were talking about tax? What

566
01:41:35.260 --> 01:41:42.540
if, as we understand more about tax payments in the informal economy, and how they're gendered? What are we learning beyond just

567
01:41:42.820 --> 01:42:02.379
how tax is gendered, what? What's the bigger question? And it doesn't have anything to do with the State or citizenship, and how it's configured in Ghana And then just quickly to Chris, Crispin, I wanted to ask a very specific question, which is, are the platforms you're talking about collecting data on tips? Do they actually have

568
01:42:02.490 --> 01:42:19.440
data on how? What percentage of customers pay T, and how much? As a proportion of their earnings? So is that date or something. They actually have. because I think that if they do, it buffers your argument that that potentially pushes wages down.

569
01:42:19.730 --> 01:42:35.530
And then a broader question is kind of, I guess, always with these conversations around the gig. Economy is what is new or not, and tipping at least when it comes to the restaurant sector, of course, is not new. So any thoughts on that, and then largely, quickly to Ruth, was just a question about. I think

570
01:42:35.640 --> 01:42:54.700
I think it's just brilliant and But you're providing a substantive critique of the post-work debate. But it seems that the post-war debates aren't really speaking at all to the context of Africa. Like they are assumptions. They're not thinking about the landscape you're describing. And so what does that do to your argument?

571
01:42:57.030 --> 01:43:04.470
So at. oh, okay, okay, let's let's do one more. And then we come. Sorry. I actually it was, yeah.

572
01:43:05.190 --> 01:43:11.999
thank you. My name is Maria Kam and Pant. I'm from Romania. And I really enjoyed the presentations, and especially Ruth's presentation on

573
01:43:12.050 --> 01:43:38.660
on the meaning of work. And I would like to do to ask her if it's possible to develop on the statement that to you launched that there is some we should be careful when saying that there is something in at least alienating or meaningful about work which I totally agree with. It resonates with my research on precarious work well, from from Romania, that and I would like to just to check an idea on on a research on textile work

574
01:43:38.660 --> 01:44:03.460
about which many would agree that it's an oppressive and the precarious work. However, it carries meaning for a woman that is able, for instance, to to live on a music relationship because of having this precarious employment. Is this what you you meant when when you said that there is nothing in at least alienating or meaningful, and because the the meaning of work, something personal, and once we aggregate

575
01:44:03.560 --> 01:44:26.680
what work is meaningful? Then then we we get a mixed picture that cannot actually unpack the complexity that is behind. So I would like you to to develop on that interesting point. Thank you very much. before appears to be back online, please. I hope you took note of those questions and comments. So we go back to appear so that he can continue with this presentation.

576
01:44:28.140 --> 01:44:29.360
sorry

577
01:44:29.530 --> 01:44:31.419
into you already.

578
01:44:31.520 --> 01:44:41.510
yeah. Up here. Can you please complete your presentation? you have now less time.

579
01:44:42.140 --> 01:44:47.310
So you basically have 3 min

580
01:44:48.100 --> 01:44:50.570
to present and conclude.

581
01:44:50.630 --> 01:44:51.890
appear.

582
01:44:54.410 --> 01:45:03.380
APPIAH Adou: yeah, yeah, cool quickly. Yeah. Could you please wrap up? Could you please wrap up your presentation? Unfortunately, we are running out of time.

583
01:45:04.520 --> 01:45:05.310
Okay?

584
01:45:09.070 --> 01:45:14.460
So I'm going to. I'm going to resume.

585
01:45:14.810 --> 01:45:23.929
Yes, but but we are asking you to maybe sort of like resume by trying to wrap up because we will be kicked out of the

586
01:45:24.020 --> 01:45:29.859
the whole system soon. Okay, yeah. So the

587
01:45:30.100 --> 01:45:33.439
APPIAH Adou: the the many questions. the who was

588
01:45:36.420 --> 01:45:41.179
APPIAH Adou: the was how to

589
01:45:41.260 --> 01:45:43.100
APPIAH Adou: workers

590
01:45:43.200 --> 01:45:49.729
APPIAH Adou: to defend themselves in a text of, We can trade unionism.

591
01:45:50.550 --> 01:45:51.520
APPIAH Adou: and

592
01:45:51.940 --> 01:45:55.649
APPIAH Adou: what I try to explore the reason why

593
01:45:56.370 --> 01:46:04.890
APPIAH Adou: the the the the unions are not able to different their members. And there was 2 reason.

594
01:46:04.950 --> 01:46:07.659
And so so it's to recall the reason

595
01:46:08.310 --> 01:46:21.350
APPIAH Adou: beginning since the colonialism period to now. And the second reason was an organized organization. Reason the Union in God's

596
01:46:21.520 --> 01:46:24.879
APPIAH Adou: no able to.

597
01:46:26.290 --> 01:46:42.609
APPIAH Adou: I'm not able to build the great real unions. There's was a law, financial resources, micro administration, leak of training, leaks of union press. We capacity in terms of negotiation and and strike.

598
01:46:43.880 --> 01:46:47.460
APPIAH Adou: And so the

599
01:46:47.760 --> 01:46:52.810
APPIAH Adou: 5 min strategies to develop to defend themselves.

600
01:46:54.690 --> 01:46:58.450
APPIAH Adou: The first strategy is negotiation.

601
01:46:58.720 --> 01:47:07.839
APPIAH Adou: When the workers, Jack. The videos are not able to defend them. They want to. They both would negotiate directly with the

602
01:47:09.000 --> 01:47:10.419
APPIAH Adou: the employers.

603
01:47:14.820 --> 01:47:18.519
APPIAH Adou: The second is, I do crossing.

604
01:47:18.550 --> 01:47:28.999
APPIAH Adou: Autocracy is borough from a remains where we define it as cyclical or period through the current organizations.

605
01:47:29.060 --> 01:47:43.279
APPIAH Adou: So when the members think they need, those are not able to defend them. They creates an organization just to one at the conflicts. What the conflict is over. The organization is also over.

606
01:47:43.670 --> 01:47:47.620
The first strategy is trade union migration.

607
01:47:48.580 --> 01:47:53.660
APPIAH Adou: One thing to go wrong. They is the

608
01:47:54.400 --> 01:48:01.380
APPIAH Adou: first union, and they join another union, or they are going to create to set up another union.

609
01:48:02.730 --> 01:48:09.440
APPIAH Adou: Different strategy is mobilization of

610
01:48:09.790 --> 01:48:10.590
APPIAH Adou: the

611
01:48:11.650 --> 01:48:17.359
APPIAH Adou: the the the members of the unions the

612
01:48:25.720 --> 01:48:30.660
appear sorry to interrupt, and I ask you to please conclude

613
01:48:32.350 --> 01:48:37.079
APPIAH Adou: that so the the 5 strategy is strike.

614
01:48:37.210 --> 01:48:50.590
APPIAH Adou: So as conclusion, I can say, although this strategy have worked well for workers, in some case they can not replace a strong union with real union power in the company.

615
01:48:50.660 --> 01:48:51.980
APPIAH Adou: Thank you.

616
01:48:52.780 --> 01:48:54.899
Thank you. Thank you very much.

617
01:48:56.560 --> 01:49:04.700
may I ask to be as brief as possible to respond to some of those questions, please. I'm sorry that we have to do this to you.

618
01:49:05.040 --> 01:49:22.609
so I can start with Crispin here. Yeah, but you can use this one. Okay. okay, I, I will be very quick. The the the question around tips.

619
01:49:22.790 --> 01:49:35.279
yes, it's not something that is new when you look at the tips. But for the gig work it, it was not something, if for the delivery sort of like, it was not really

620
01:49:35.420 --> 01:49:47.889
a part of it was really for the catering, but for the delivery. But what is interesting is how the gig The the platform sort of appropriated it now, and even incorporated it on the app.

621
01:49:48.130 --> 01:49:53.149
So it also answers the question around whether they know they actually know.

622
01:49:53.250 --> 01:50:00.220
because how much the workers are making from the tips, especially the one that you where you use the app

623
01:50:00.390 --> 01:50:18.519
because they at the end of the chip you get. You need to sort of like, give the the the points, and at the same time they they ask you how much in terms of maybe, how you in terms of this. So there, except in cases where you pay the driver by case, then they won't be able to account for that.

624
01:50:18.670 --> 01:50:31.029
And then the question why they they, they, they, they, they they are no sort of yes, of course, the majority of these workers. They are migrants from at the Southern, from the the the some neighboring countries.

625
01:50:31.040 --> 01:50:42.129
and and quite a number of reasons why it's really the second sort of like skills and capital that you need for you to be able to

626
01:50:42.320 --> 01:50:55.390
to thrive in this in this particular sort of like which which sort of like, in a way the difficult for the unemployed sort of like youth in the township in South Africa, too. So the first thing is like

627
01:50:55.880 --> 01:51:07.270
you need to the the the motorbikes. They use motorbikes. So, in fact, the few South Africans where they actually use cars which makes it much more.

628
01:51:07.370 --> 01:51:21.590
It's sort of like it away. You need more. You, in terms of it, cuts down on the what they can make at the end of the day. What is a lot of the Malawians, and especially the people from Malawi, before they come to South Africa. They already have got the

629
01:51:21.770 --> 01:51:32.540
the, the, the disposition of how to use the motorbikes because it's parallel. So so there are many sort of like fact that why, and also the the migrants are also quite

630
01:51:32.590 --> 01:51:56.179
organize communities in terms of how they support each other in terms of even starting capital for you to get into the into the into the sector, and then the last thing on a new repertoire of collective bargaining. What? What? I'm trying to sort of like. What from the findings, what is coming out from this particular study is the fact that especially

631
01:51:56.300 --> 01:52:20.550
the way that capital organizes itself in this particular sector. It also informs the different, the forms of strategies that the workers can deploy. So in particular, you'll find that for the one that the the, the, the, the local, the what we call Mr. D. You just got a whats up group with the workers where this management and the work are they share the same? Whats up group? So through that.

632
01:52:20.550 --> 01:52:31.320
what's up group? The workers are able to to use that to talk back to management and make claims in a very informal way, like just someone just

633
01:52:31.390 --> 01:52:48.900
lamenting about how life is very difficult. They are failing to to to pay the basic thing for them. They just put it on the group, knowing that some of the management they also are going to, really. So that's how sort of like this sort of like. In a way, it creates space for some form of sort of like bugling through the

634
01:52:49.040 --> 01:52:56.470
put it the big, do I? Don't I? I I'm still trying to a a concept of how to capture that. But that's what I am referring. I'm referring. Thank you

635
01:52:57.710 --> 01:52:58.820
to thank you

636
01:52:59.530 --> 01:53:07.990
all right. Thank you. So you asked about the idea of using for Cos good discussions in my work.

637
01:53:09.060 --> 01:53:30.089
and instead of that, I should use ethnography. That's a very good observation, but I mean focus is good discussion will allow me to solicit different views from them from my wake. It's it's interest you to know that they seem for my we can. We're so happy for me to interview them and ask them question about tessation, because something that's

638
01:53:30.090 --> 01:53:45.899
they have been complaining about, and it's visible all about the media in Ghana as to how governments are to impose a lot of taxes. And so it is about a strategy that I use. I mean, every quantitative research you have to build a rapport with your participants.

639
01:53:45.900 --> 01:54:11.259
So I just committee entry, I'll do the how this is. Spread it off me be a rapport with them, a real time and a convenient place, and they'll be they'll be able to turn out. Yeah, so I I will. I will also adopt you from observation. So as part of it, I'll spend time with them for my week as they go about the activities. Yeah. And you also about that paradox of

640
01:54:11.360 --> 01:54:36.540
utilization. in the inform economy. Yeah, earlier scholars have suggested, I don't from economics not tasked. And this is not true, because, I mean, there is no statistical. It's difficult to collect data on informal workers. So because of that, they they came out with the idea that in former workers and not us, but they are very various stasis, baros, fees. They pay various rate fees and taxes to governments and

641
01:54:36.540 --> 01:54:43.500
and development organizations in in a committee that operates.

642
01:54:43.950 --> 01:54:52.739
So I mean, that is all my time. So, and as, of course, is mean by informer economy. Yeah. So, as I said earlier.

643
01:54:54.180 --> 01:55:00.040
inform our taxes. Ok, there are taxes that are not mostly

644
01:55:00.070 --> 01:55:18.139
legislated by the Constitution. Was there there for outside the former tax net. you know, they for the for our outside of format that's that's that's paid by the former economy, and it's a paid by in for my economy. So it's more of

645
01:55:18.810 --> 01:55:33.969
Yeah, not formally. Sanchez. They cannot be. They are not, but they are. They are implemented by various groups and governments also implement format taxes. And this task is

646
01:55:34.070 --> 01:55:58.700
in in in Atlanta. You say that, or maybe then, for my wet as zombie, but they do be in a form of fees, you know they there's recently there's what we call the E. Levy tasks in Ghana, and this are paid by both from A and from our workers, you know, and that they are traditional authorities in

647
01:55:58.720 --> 01:56:06.960
on this informal workers. So there are various taxes and fees. It's more like you'll call it that like that like fees.

648
01:56:06.980 --> 01:56:14.600
you know. Yeah. And you also, you ask about how to. Okay.

649
01:56:14.650 --> 01:56:16.080
I'm sorry. Yeah.

650
01:56:16.790 --> 01:56:18.250
we just

651
01:56:28.910 --> 01:56:49.509
 So I think the issue you raise about South Africa is a good one. So maybe we can do some comparative research. But my colleague, Hannah has already done some very interesting work that I I just think we can talk about that. Maybe it drinks after the session. The other question was.

652
01:56:50.170 --> 01:56:52.230
I think I

653
01:56:53.630 --> 01:56:58.359
I'll just end it. Oh, Hannah, yes.

654
01:56:58.970 --> 01:57:13.029
okay, on on Hannah's question. I think there's a big problem that I have in trying to turn this into a book, which is that I've gone and picked debates that are happening in the global North and to some extent in South Africa.

655
01:57:13.050 --> 01:57:35.750
and then used Mozambique as a sort of empirical base. But these debates are not very relevant to Mozambique and sort of debate in society, and I'm actually struggling to kind of bring the 2 together. So I think you put the nail on the head in terms of my existential problem, and on the last one, and I'd be interested to hear more about the Romanian case, but I think

656
01:57:35.790 --> 01:57:40.680
I hadn't thought about the gendered aspect which you highlight, and which I think would be important.

657
01:57:41.280 --> 01:57:54.199
I was thinking more about the theories of alienation and the way that post-work Utopian. So Marx's theories of estrangement and the way that post-work Utopia tries to work back

658
01:57:54.700 --> 01:58:04.740
backwards and say, Okay, well, if wage work is alienating, then decommodification will inevitably lead to more meaningful forms of work.

659
01:58:04.740 --> 01:58:31.450
and I think the experience of Mozambique shows that that's not necessarily the case. And so but I think you're adding another layer which would be useful. Thanks. thank you. Unfortunately, we have to end here. but we can continue with the conversation. out, actually outside, or even during the business meeting, which our is about to have in the same room. So thank you very much, everyone, and thank you to everyone online.

660
01:58:31.650 --> 01:58:46.359
apologies for those that we are not able to respond online. But thank you so much for your time and enjoy the rest of the sessions. And goodbye. But it's all good bye, because we have a a meeting right now in a few seconds time.