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Daniel MarÃ­n: okay, but my, I will come to this session of the Aisa International Congress, Community movie session in Year One. And we're all compass. I would like to start saying, Thank you for the participant in this session. I will also like to say, to send all

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Daniel MarÃ­n: the people who are with us.

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Daniel MarÃ­n: Special thanks. Go to Timothy Gentiles team. Thank you very much for your collaboration

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Daniel MarÃ­n: in the development of this session.

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Daniel MarÃ­n: Before we start, I will like to read the enrichment proposed by the Congress organizer.

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Daniel MarÃ­n: The place now necessarily compromise the traditional, the states of always

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Daniel MarÃ­n: 200 Fascination language group.

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Daniel MarÃ­n: For nearly 50 years now studios have been basically formally recognized at the importance of consciousness of people's relationships and protocols for conditioned business in country

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Daniel MarÃ­n: recognition causes share all respect for the country and the financial and continuing connections to the country

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Daniel MarÃ­n: that's on the Isa. 2023, World Congress, 2. Which the quarter of protocols to be now to all and of serve it.

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Daniel MarÃ­n: The country we made on for this war contest is colored. Nam, this is home of culinary.

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Daniel MarÃ­n: He's so well. Team.

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Daniel MarÃ­n: Okay.

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Daniel MarÃ­n: We by session shares to acknowledgement the sovereignty and pay our respect of the elders, our ancestor, by staging the acknowledgment of the country at the start of this Asia.

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Daniel MarÃ­n: Please advice, attend the

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Daniel MarÃ­n: she will find the hashtag, and so many accounts on your own screen.

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Daniel MarÃ­n: but we in this assume by recalling some rules, and we established order. Our colleague team will moderate in person participants, and the English integrations. I moderate online participants. Spanish integrations.

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Daniel MarÃ­n: The order of presentation will be at first.

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Daniel MarÃ­n: then power prospect.

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Daniel MarÃ­n: But this Academy you have 50Â min to to make the presentations. Later

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Daniel MarÃ­n: team will will common English intervention and I will do about the Spanish information. Finally, participants will be able to ask questions

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Daniel MarÃ­n: it

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Daniel MarÃ­n: a while. Team

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Daniel MarÃ­n: what you want. Come on.

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Great, thank you.

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I'd also like to start by acknowledging the war. Andrew. People of the cool and nation whose land we're on right now here. and

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you know, I guess.

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Comment, that you know our work as sociologists in Australia in particular, needs to be a part of the process of unpicking those colonial processes.

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There's also a content warning

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for this presentation. It'll have some images of neo-nazis that might be confronting for some people.

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So this talk is called the curation of effective experiences of nature.

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The case of 2 far right groups. And I'm looking at 2 far right groups, one called Patriotic Alternative in Britain, one called National Socialist Network in Australia, and the groups investigated here are using outdoor events for a range of purposes like recruitment, propaganda production group bonding and fitness and acting together in public in ways that they probably wouldn't be able to do in a in an urban setting

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their activities are curated to appeal to and reinforce a racialized white habitat.

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and it will see that it's inflected differently in the context of the Uk and Australia, and both groups have an ethno-nationalist outlook.

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Where particular forms of whiteness are central to their understanding of the nation so, and this nation has a spatial dimension out of the national landscape.

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these groups attempt to create strong, effective bonds between their imagined white nations and the respective national landscapes, and they see the connection to the landscape. Is, is it like an exclusive connection? It's part of a natural order? and it's under threat from these defined others, be they sort of migrant or or first nations.

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How do we see? Oh, yeah. So data from this project came from groups that both of the groups websites, including Youtube, Odyssey, Twitter and telegram, some podcast appearances by some of the activists, some media reported on their activities. And an and an activist manual as well and methodologically, I've used a content analysis approach. where?

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where I've selected data based on, on, you know, groups so relevance to their outdoor activities and relationships to land and stuff.

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So I'm going to use the concept of curation to describe how organizers within these activist groups construct particular events for their members and their supporters.

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By this I mean the process of selecting and undertaking activities that members and supports participate in, and are used to project a particular image for the group, and the organisers curate a suite of activities on 2 levels. First the the sort of the event itself. So the in-person event that some participants are involved in, and then the sort of curation of the event publicity for its sort of supporters, and the general public

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and the far right groups investigated here engage in similar, you know, in group bonding activities like out to you, you know, outdoor activities which we're talking about today. like camping and hiking. And they're often curated together into these kind of practical programs for an event that's undertaken by participants. And these are activities are filmed and photographed. And this sort of I guess the images and vignettes with with added political commentary are curated to

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present a particular image to the wars and the general public, and this curation is designed to evoke effective responses from participants. So by invoking these responses in participants, organisers hope to build lasting and emotionally meaningful bonds between participants in the group and connect participants with the organisation's political outlook.

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And

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for these ethnic nationalist groups, curation isn't simply to build a connection between participants and supporters and the organization itself, but also to build an effective affinity between participants and a larger defined in group that of the imagined white nation. And so they are appealing to and reinforcing this white habitat.

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by creating this whites-only space.

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We're in group interactions maximized. And there's almost complete separation from out groups. And the key part of this curation is to build this effective connection alongside the spatial element, which is, you know, that of the the the national landscape.

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So there's substantial evidence across a range of disciplines to suggest that experiences in natural environments and green spaces, etc., can have positive effects on people's

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a physical and mental well, being a couple of examples here, a systematic review paper recently in Lancet Planetary Health, found widespread evidence that prescribed time in nature low as blood pressure, and has a moderate to large effect on depression and anxiety. Another study recently.

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it's sort of a psychological Environmental Psychology journal suggested that the affective states boosted by time and night to revitalizing. So they sort of activating and energizing forms of effect. And so time in nature makes us feel better, and it can be a motivating force, including in the political sphere.

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So these events are curated so that positive, effective experiences in this natural in this natural setting and affinity, participants might feel with this sort of romanticized national landscape. they're paired with political education to create this effective affinity between the participants and the, I guess the discursive content of the the group's political outlook.

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and it's intended to reinforce his connection with the imagined white nation between the nation and the national landscape and these positive, affective States

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operates a form of empowerment, and are in contrast with many of the sort of negative effective states that are connected to the groups, political outlook often involving things like fear and loss and discomfort. And these kind of things. So organizers try to curate these experiences to link to link the nation and the landscape, and build these positive, affective bonds between people and people and people in place. so we'll look at some specific examples here.

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So patriotic alternative is a British far right group founded in 2019. The memberships open to white British people, and they have male and female co-leaders. they hold regular events in the British countryside part of its activism, including their annual summer camp. They also hold events on indigenous people's day, and which is used to sort of assert their claim to indigenous 80 status and tying this

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quite heavily to whiteness, using this as a white lives matter kind of messaging

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an example of this event in 2,021 at a summer camp in the peak districts, where that these photographs are from

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and they camped together in a field and did a bunch of activities like singing songs together, tag a war barbecuing, etc. And then they hike to the top of the mountain mam tour

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and did a publicity shoot with a white lives matter, and we will not be replaced. Banner Replacement here refers to this great replacement conspiracy theory. Where it's claimed, there is this deliberate process under way to replace white Europeans with people from other ethnic and cultural backgrounds.

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And so the carefully created image of this event

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is very family friendly, the the co-leader emphasizing that this is a safe space for children, participants where colorful outdoor activity, where there's always sort of of colorful regional flags and stuff that they're waving And it gives this carnival atmosphere and presenters in the videos come across as they are really smiling and friendly. And there's a strong attempt to project this image of a sort of harmonious and happy white community.

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They're appealing here to these white habiters, one tied to this to family values, and that the sort of I guess this valorization of an idyllic, romanticized sort of British countryside a steady

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The PA co-leader, in reference to this event, stated this weekend, we built that F no state. It might have only been for a weekend, but it existed

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so by curating the experience of this ethno state, if only temporarily. This white habit is reinforced through this maximization of of in group interaction and the complete exclusion of out groups, and it attempts to construct a range of

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a kind of positive and vitalizing effective responses like, you know, connectedness, empowerment, happiness, safety, solidarity, these kind of feelings, and it reinforces that these can only occur within the setting of the national landscape and in this exclusive company of other white people.

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So they're constructing and performing what they believe is this kind of racial and ecological harmony.

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this primordial connection. Suppose primordial connection between this harmonious, indigenous white nation and a romantic national landscape of the British countryside.

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So we'll look at another example here in Australia, national Socialist network is A is an Ethn Nationalist, far right group. bounded in 2,020 here in Australia. And it's memberships only available to able-bodied white men, and has the chapters of In the number of cities with with Melbourne or Nam being at center of activity, and they've held a number of hiking and camping events within a few hours of here, including the cathedral ranges and Grampy and Scarroword National Park, where they had an event in 2,021,

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and at this event these are pictures. From that all the the 2 left and right pictures are. From this event they hiked to a series of caves and and look out. So they shot footage of themselves, singing and chanting far, right slogans and posing for photographs. And they've used these to produce content for their online media, and they project this particular aesthetic, this kind of orderly, masculine military stick, and a kind of threatening aesthetic.

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And this choice of location.

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this is a kind of a stage for the performance of a kind of frontier settler colonial masculinity that's quite specifically Australian, and and runs through a specifically Australian Nationalist myth making, and it deliberately takes place on sites of importance to first nations. People

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so unlike patriarchal alternative, or the the German far right where

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where they've appropriated their sort of see how salute gesture in these photos. They can't easily construct this white nationhood through this, imagine primordial connection to land. Instead, they have to rejuvenate the idea of settle colonialism as an as a white European project, and they see that, as having failed, due to multiculturalism and the persistence of like first nations, presences

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instead, this white nation's entitlement to land and the national landscape is built on this idea of white men having conquered and needing to reconquer this land, it invokes this effective connection to stories of like settler for bears and its positions as members of these sort of contemporary agents of colonial expansion within this wider history of white, settler nation building. And so this is the kind of idea like these tough men being forged in the conquest of of a tough land.

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so they seek to symbolically re-enact this colonial encounter as a means of domination, both culturally and in relation to the national landscape. I'm going to quote from the website here the myth that we must offer in our meta-political campaign is that of the reconquest of this continent and the re-establishment of wide Australia

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so similarly to patriotic alternative. national Socialist network appealed to this white habit. But they're also appealing to a kind of masculine habits as well one that sort of combat, even Marshall, and in terms of group, in group interaction and outgroup separation. Their membership and activities reinforce the this, this white and masculine inhabitants, and in this context, away from what they believe to be the sort of feminizing and deracinating influence of the urban space.

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So, according to the Ns in activist manual and a quote from it here.

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hikes are great for getting out into nature and away from the entropy of urban life. They're a useful tool for bringing a group of activists together, getting them to know each other and fostering a sense of mateship. So the affective responses here are quite vitalizing that this is enthusiasm, empowerment, aliveness, connectedness, and these sort of positive affects related to friendship building, and the kind of parochial masculine idea of makes you

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so these events are curated to construct and reinforce this particular white mouse with inhabitants built on this figure of the the frontier settler.

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where the white nation's connection to the landscape is built through this idea of toil and conquest.

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But these curatorial offence. Attempts aren't necessarily successful. despite how hard they try, this curation can go wrong. And this can have quite serious consequences for the group. So in these instances the organizers can lose control. The curation isn't successful. and this process of invoking the desired effective states isn't completed.

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So in these instances a range of alternative effective responses can be experienced by participants ranging from disinterest and boredom through to fear and outrage. And these experiences, rather than building this people and people and people in place. Connection

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the you know, this can lead to disillusion and and exit of the participants from the from the group and from the political project altogether.

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positive These sort of intended positive experiences in real life can be disrupted by intervention from the State intervention, from anti fascist or from internal dynamics. within the groups themselves. Examples here include the the police raid on the Nsn. Camping trip in 2,020, both of which ended these events prematurely and in the resulting confrontations.

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you know, invoking affective states, such as fear and humiliation, and these kind of things which really goes against what you know they were trying to setting out to achieve. I'll give an example here of an internal dynamic, you know. In August, 2,020, an account was published online by an ex patriotic alternative member. talking about their experiences under undertaking a protest action on indigenous people's day in London. And this image on the screen is actually taken from that. And that's a good example of the curatorial process. So this isn't a photo from the event. This is them overlaying

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there an image of what they think they're ban. It looks like over Trafalgar Square, and they're curating the kind of like aesthetic that they want to project in the future from having actually accomplished the the, the the banner action one.

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So this protest. Action was disrupted by anti fascist, and the account details the reasons. The author having had left the organization that describes these internal debt dynamics in the in in a patriotic alternative involving controlling behavior and micro management, a lack of concern for activist safety and well being blame, shifting and sort of post activity, accusations, and stuff. And so, rather than these uplifting, effective responses that they would have had from this successful execution of this curated publicity. Start participants were left feeling

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fearful and abandoned under suspicion and blaming not the anti-fascist, but the organizing culture of the group itself.

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So, despite these attempts to curate these positive, effective experiences, these incidents and dynamics can result in participants having very different experiences than intended and can result in people designed to leave the group or cease to be politically active or pursue politics by different means.

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so I'm just gonna discuss a few things relation to this. I think it's it's rare as research is to get an insight into these kind of dynamics. yet they're incredibly important. in the functioning of these groups and documenting these movements aren't curated accounts of themselves as important, but as is looking at alternative accounts, of events and and internal struggles when they're actually available to us. it's also important to compare and contrast far right groups across different contexts.

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Bernard Fortunner, who edited a recent volume. The Far Right in the environment, highlighted this need for this country to country analysis of relationships between the far right and the environment.

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It's also important to consider affect in studies of the far right as well as investigations in the social and environmental nexus. Australian sociologist, Stuart Locky argues for more systematic consideration of emotion and of embodiment, and affect more generally in environmental sociology.

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So to wrap up the far right, utilizing these events in nature, where they curately series of activity just designed to invite this particular effective responses. these leverage people's effective, existing effective responses to being present in natural settings. in order to reinforce this in group connection and connection between the group, the imagination, and the national landscape, and they also add political content to give this additional meaning.

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to these positive responses, and contrast them with the negative feelings of fear and loss that's often a feature in the groups understandings of multicultural society, and these events are also curated aesthetically for use in social media. putting the group activities in these natural vistas and landscapes for photogenic appeal and to reinforce this people place connection.

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And sometimes, however, these curatorial processes are unsuccessful, these activities are disrupted, and it leads to different participant experiences and resulting Effective states that are quite different than what was intended.

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Thank you. And

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there is some references.

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Daniel MarÃ­n: Okay, thank you very much, Dean.

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Daniel MarÃ­n: You are on time. It's very well, thank you very much for that then. Now, probably prospect. If you come team, you can present parallel, or can I?

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I'll click on it

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Daniel MarÃ­n: right? Okay.

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Daniel MarÃ­n: right? Okay. Come on

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: right. Thanks. I'm I'm sorry I still haven't been able to fix my camera. So so it's a Yup.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: it's just the presentation, can I? Can I actually move the presentation, or, or

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Daniel MarÃ­n: sorry? Can I? Can I? Can I move the slides in the presentation, or should I? Should I? You you you come off the presentation

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sb: he was speaking. I think what you have to do is you have to stop share. You have to stop share on the podium.

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sb: and then you have to share your screen. The next present has to share their screen.

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sb: Okay, your

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Daniel MarÃ­n: yeah, your your own presentation. Okay, okay.

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Daniel MarÃ­n: okay, wonderful good. thanks. So what I want to talk about really,

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: is a project that I'm working in with with colleagues from Usari University. We have a a project which is focused on how, in the Czech Republic, where we work, how the relationships between the centers and the peripheries are experienced and discussed and frames. So the kind of tension between the center and periphery is what has been interesting for us.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: we did interviews, we did some media monitoring, we did content analysis, and and we kept sort of bumping into into a topic of real life. So people were talking

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: when when asked, and when when we read the the articles people were talking a lot about real life about live on the periphery as sort of more real than live in the center, and we we had this one. We had this motive kind of

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: being repeated so often that we figured we should look into it, and we should see how people use the notion of free life, or what they actually mean when they talk about real life. Right? So so this is what the presentation will be about.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: basically. yeah, the question would be, What is real life?

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: I don't know that. But I do know a bit about having done this research. I do know a bit about how do people use this notion of realness and unrealness to make sense of the relationship between between the centers and the peripheries.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: Now, of course,

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: this is a big topic, the relationship between center and periphery at least since 2,016, and and Brexit and the election of Donald Trump. And it has been a big topic discussed in sociology and in social science in general. There are accounts, influential accounts of alienation at the periphery there are in political science in particular.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: there are the notions of places that don't matter. So the kind of how peripheries are not taken seriously, and how the problems of the peripheries are not visible for the centers. some of these have been a man manifested in social movements like the, you know, West in France.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: and and there is also the the notion of the the social border and the symbolic border of the very frame. So

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: the social border I'll move to here. The social border being the actual border between, say, the capital city on the one hand, and the rural in the lands on the other.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: and the symbolic border is rather

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: a border dividing those who are placed in the

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: against those who feel themselves that they are on the shoulder of the stick, against those that who feel that they are being treated unfairly, that they are being peripheralized, so to speak. in this book. that you can see on the slide the the of resentment. Of course. Catherine Kramer is introducing this concept of rural consciousness, and she says

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: a rural consciousness is a is a sense, a feeling of being treated unfairly, not getting your share of resources from the center, for instance, and you don't have to.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: It is something that she found in the rule of Wisconsin, but it doesn't have to be in the rural areas. You can experience a real consciousness even if you are a person living in a city, for instance. So so there's also a symbolic border. That's the point.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: right? This is the Czech Republic. You can see on the map in in Central Europe.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: And like, I said, when we were mapping out the discourse about the center and periphery, we kept on encountering the motif of real life, and usually it was about the urban elites about the rich people from cities, from Capital City in particular, from Prague, who don't know anything about real life. That was the sort of recurring motif and it has. It is a cognitive dimension, and it is moral dimension.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: the cognitive, the cognitive dimension was about the lack of knowledge. So people from

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: centers, people from cities where portrayed as alienated from real problems, and because they don't have the knowledge

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: right, they don't have the experience of of real life, which was done translated as a moral sort of issue as a more of failure. So if you are, if you don't know real life, if you don't know what real life is about, then you don't have the right to intervene. You don't have the right to tell people what to do. So, in a in a certain sense, the the relationship between the real and the unreal was portrayed as a

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: as a relationship of the adult to a child like somebody who knows who has been there? Where is the experience against somebody who doesn't?

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: So, in in a sense.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: this was You may know the the sort of classical text on center and periphery by by it, or chills where you said that the center is the sacred. So one of the society was the periphery kind of the profane or or polluted in a way? So in in a sense.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: this, this course is reversing this relationship. Here the periphery is portrayed as the sacred.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: while the the centers

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: profanized. So

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: this the data that I will show you all the examples of the data all come from not from the interviews yet, but from the media analysis, from the content of the news media of the reports that we're discussing the relationships between center and periphery. The reports were collected between 2,010 to the 23 from a broad range of media, including all sorts of political beliefs, and so on.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: and broad sheets and tabloids, of course. and the urban elites that that

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: we're discussed in these articles where sometimes referred under the heading of the Brock Cafe. So this is a sort of media short cut that people use in the general public when they want to talk about

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: rich, influential, idle, urban people, they use the shortcut. They use the term Brock Cafe. So people who sit in the capital city, and they drink cafe, and they have nothing better to do and talk right?

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so a lot of this was focused on that

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: right. So real life.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: First thing that that I noticed in the data is that

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: when people talk about real life they very frequently refer to work. that there is an idea of

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: work which is real and work which is less real, and the distinction

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: is that

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: real work is work which is hard on the one hand, and which is tangible, which produces something that you can see and experience and touch as opposed to the work which is considered unreal.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: which is, you know shuffling of words, basically working with words only

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: very frequently you hear about empty words. So here's an example. The the first quotation in in gray, where somebody's an all through saying, I have strengthened my physique, my immunity. I was happy to see the results of my work, and I slept well, happy and physically tired, a happy redneck.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: so describing himself as a redneck of ironically, but on the one that, on the one hand, but, on the other hand, showing that what he did in the day was a real work, because it was hard work.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: Then the the quotation in yellow which again speaks about the the tangibility of of real work.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: But rural people live in the houses that they built, they drive on the roads they built in cars that they produce and they eat food, they have grown. So there is. This emphasis on

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: real work produces real results.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: And the the final quotation is probably also something that has been appearing in the data.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: a real work is seen as a duty.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: something that you do without boasting, without. You are not trying to impress anyone. It's not about you.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: the work that you do. It's about the duty which is there. so that's the that's also sort of touched up on in the quote. Any village woman knows how to skin a rabbit. This, won't it, for impress anyone.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: It's not done to impress people. So this work. the second area that that that was there was in the data was real knowledge.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: and real knowledge is something which is lift, not land so In this this course the key source of legitimacy is, of course, first hand knowledge, and first, that knowledge is very frequently connected with the experience of lack, the experience of

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: not having enough or lacking something.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: Here's the first example in in in the Yellow Books, where it says it it it. It's from an article about people on the periphery people in the rural areas on the periphery who in snow, in rain, in blizzard. They wait for the only bus to get them to work or to school.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: and the offer also emphasizes that this is how you experience real life by experiencing like.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: And

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: and

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: the second quote is an interesting one, comes from an author who argues that the right to vote which in the Czech Republic you get with 18 years of age should not come with 18, but rather after having completed 5 years of real work. So

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: you you can only vote once you have done real work for 5 years.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: but then he kind of backpeded us on the statement and says, but there are young people who, even at their age, got a good meeting from live, and they had the chance to find out what it's about. So again, this this notion that if you want to know what real life is. You must get the good beating from live.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: The third area is language. There's a real language, and there's less read language. Now, this is. Of course, this is a very family motif in

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: in the Populist move and movements around the world, people calling spate a spade, people saying things as they are. This is the kind of legitimacy card that you here quite often when the was the Populist politicians take the stage. it's also something which is very strongly repeated in in this discourse of the center and the periphery right

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: calling things the right name on the one hand, as opposed to empty words, empty phrases. Here's an example in the in the Yellow Books intellectual empty talk doesn't buy you a little of Diesel or a kilogram of pork.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch:  On the one hand.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: on the other hand, a real talk is also something which is understandable to everyone, and it unites people together.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: This is a strong motif, where, for instance, some politicians are being loaded into this course

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: by saying, Yes, they speak.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: they, they, they, they, they, they, they use a real language because everybody understands the language as opposed to the urban elite and the urban elite. Instead of coming together reading from the gray books. Instead of coming together, cooperating, helping, and improving the country, they prioritize disputes, hate with inventing obstacles and problems

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: right? So

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: language is seen as a tool of solidarity, of uniting people. That's what makes real language real.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: Fourth, and penultimate. Real life is not just about you.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: I have specifically chosen the cover of the book by Christopher Lash, because it kind of echoes the arguments that Lash made about narcissism, that

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: the urban elite and the urban personalities those people living the

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: in inverted commos under your life are seen as narcissistic because they have their arguments, they have their cliques, they have their groups, and they are obsessed with themselves only just like when Christopher Lesh odd use that the narcissist keeps on looking.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: but wherever he or she goes they only only find themselves. They only encounter themselves because they are making everything about themselves. So there seems to, it seems to me in the data that there is the there is a sort of discrepancy. There's a sort of conflict between the ethics of personality. This would be the narcissistic ethics making everything about yourself

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: and the ethics of office, the Fx office in the sense that Max vain but uses the word So an ethics of duty, something which must be done regardless

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: of who you are, regardless of the person it

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: so real life is like which is not just about you.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: And finally, real values are something which is on the decline. This is also a familiar motive. Real values are on the decline. There is a sense of pessimism, of civilization or pessimism, of entire urbanism.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: and there was an emphasis on the figure of the dissident somebody who stands against the ideological mainstream because the ideological mainstream is seen as something which

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: it's advancing the on the real.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: So those are the 5 areas where I was able to observe

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: what people see, what w, what what people mean when they actually when they talk about what is real, what is real life? Right? There's real work, there's real knowledge. There's real language, there's real life. There are real values. All these are

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: a sort of one side of the deep binary codes which are underlying the civil discourse, the real against the unreal And I was wondering whether there is something that

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: unite these things, whether there is something common

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: that you couldn't say what makes the real real, and I was able to come up with 2 possible candidates. One is resistance.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: So things are perceived as real experiences perceived as real. If it resists.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: If it comes easy, then it's not perceived. As for you. and the resistance must come from the object, from from an external object.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: not say If somebody overcomes their personal sort of problems, their their traumas. This is not perceived as completely real.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: What is perceived as completely real is when you engage with an outside object.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: So an external object which, of course, echoes the sort of Hegelian dialectics of the master and the slide. Right? It's it's about being in touch with the external world. The outside object. So so resistance was, was one idea, and autonomy was the second idea.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: Autonomy is a claim for more recognition, because you have your own experience, because you don't make everything about yourself. You are social, but not hurt like

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: you are able to perceive the world autonomously. This makes you a person always in touch with real life.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: So so I think these could be the idea of resistance, and the idea of autonomy are possibly the the significations of the imaginary significations which which help us make sense of what people perceive as real and unreal. Therefore making making the connection or making the the relationship between the centers and the peripheries understandable.

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Pavel PospÄ›ch: Thank you.

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Daniel MarÃ­n: Thank you very much. Follow

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Daniel MarÃ­n: so very interesting presentation.

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Daniel MarÃ­n: Thank you. And

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Daniel MarÃ­n: a. Now

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Daniel MarÃ­n: see

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Nohelia Pasapera: some of you.

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Nohelia Pasapera: he

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Nohelia Pasapera: and

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Daniel MarÃ­n: perfect.

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Patricia Schettini UNLP-LIMSyC-RIAR: You can enter a meeting if it past you.

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Patricia Schettini UNLP-LIMSyC-RIAR: I'm sorry my English is not good.

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Patricia Schettini UNLP-LIMSyC-RIAR: I was speaking in Spanish. Sorry.

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Patricia Schettini UNLP-LIMSyC-RIAR:  So that is important.

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Patricia Schettini UNLP-LIMSyC-RIAR: And

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Patricia Schettini UNLP-LIMSyC-RIAR: he shook to you

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Patricia Schettini UNLP-LIMSyC-RIAR: and

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Patricia Schettini UNLP-LIMSyC-RIAR: one of

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Patricia Schettini UNLP-LIMSyC-RIAR: in

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Daniel MarÃ­n: where we in to comment these presentations, and at first a you are, are you here?

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Daniel MarÃ­n: I mean.

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Daniel MarÃ­n: Well, it's out.

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I can't see the bubbles there. No.

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Daniel MarÃ­n: it's out what? Don't worry. Well, I comment your presentation team at first.

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Daniel MarÃ­n: I I want to commit to give you congratulations for your presentation.

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Daniel MarÃ­n: is, it was very interesting. And and you're a

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Daniel MarÃ­n: Us. Speech

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Daniel MarÃ­n: is a is, may be.

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Daniel MarÃ­n: very complete. and I one question for you. It

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Daniel MarÃ­n: you, You will so call it this a

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Daniel MarÃ­n: who create landscape collective action. You also call it a eco-faxis.

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So what sorry

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Daniel MarÃ­n: you so call it this corrective ecosystem?

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Daniel MarÃ­n: Eco-fascism?

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Yeah, I mean.

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I think there is a there's a tendency to use the term eco-fascist to mean a very broad range of things, and I think in the academic literature, at least in in, I guess.

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coming from. I guess the English language, academic literature. Around this there's been a tendency to

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refer to eco-fascism as something much more specific as in something that is like fits, the definition of both fascism and a ecological thought, and that people are sort of using a broader term of of far right ecologism or far right environmentalism to capture the sort of broader spectrum of thought that occurring on on the far right around the environment.

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 and I think for these groups. I think they definitely they're definitely fascist groups.

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but I don't think they necessarily ecological in the sense that it's a key.

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It's not a key issue for them in terms of their actual politics is pursuing environmental issues. I think the environment is is part of how they understand their relationship to the nation and to to the landscape. But at the moment they're not out there.

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you know, protesting about actual environmental issues. They're more focused on things around race and gender. And this kind of thing. So I would, I would hesitate

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to call these groups eco-fascist groups. But I do think they're fascist groups who

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you know, embedded in their politics is is a particular relationship to the environment.

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Yeah.

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Daniel MarÃ­n: And and can you, Intificate. Another more, Groups, or call it, if like that in the your presentation in around the world?

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 yeah, there, I mean.

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there's definitely I I've picked those 2 examples because they 2 places that I've you know, I've spent a bit of time in in the U in in the Uk, and also in Australia, obviously and but there are definitely other groups out there who are doing a similar thing in terms of having these kind of outdoor activities.

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particularly, I mean, there's been a groups on the on the quite the very sort of extreme right groups, groups like the base. And these kind of things that we in America, who are very like, you know, actually kind of like. Some of them have been prescribed as terror organizations, and this kind of thing where they would do outdoor, I guess military style, training, and this kind of thing, and that

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also, you know, form as part of their their kind of suite of activities.

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Yeah, I think you know, in America, it seems there are some groups that are doing similar things as well, yeah, yeah.

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Daniel MarÃ­n: okay, well, thank you very much.

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Daniel MarÃ­n: They are CEO. And

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Nohelia Pasapera: and

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Nohelia Pasapera: and

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Daniel MarÃ­n: the real mental phenomenon of

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Patricia Schettini UNLP-LIMSyC-RIAR: a

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Patricia Schettini UNLP-LIMSyC-RIAR: in

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Patricia Schettini UNLP-LIMSyC-RIAR: and

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Patricia Schettini UNLP-LIMSyC-RIAR: and

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Daniel MarÃ­n: team. are you there?

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Daniel MarÃ­n: Team timber. yeah, okay, the audience, okay, as there, anyone with you

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Daniel MarÃ­n: who Mega was? Yeah.

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no, there was. There was 6 people in the audience. But everybody, everybody has headed off during the question.

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Daniel MarÃ­n: if you can.

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Daniel MarÃ­n: They anything?

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Daniel MarÃ­n: Wow!

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Daniel MarÃ­n: I'm good. But thank thank you both for your your those presentations that were really great. okay, thank you very much. Team. Thank you again for your help to me.

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Daniel MarÃ­n: Good night, good mine.

