okay, we have a a 6 paper presenter. So master the super legit on time. So shall we start? First of all, we'd like to offer some acknowledgment of the country. So, on behalf of everyone gathers, I pay respect to that split of country here in Nam, where we are meeting. I ignored the past and present.
including Nation R and Julie. Why, Unan, as the Slovenian people here the cultural knowledge holders who maintain and promote the nam, aboriginal law, customs, and custody, and see
responsibilities for a country and a people. That country continues to sustain generation
after generation into the future. For all of us
I become the knife.
The important contribution that first nation thinkers have made to sociology, including challenge to our dominant ways of thinking.
We thank all first nations delegate in the room today for their contributions to knowledge in the display.
Thank you. And then This
session is organized by myself, Tetzo Miscami, and the core organizer is a Professor Damarine. From Monash University. Firstly, I'd like to explain about the session. We focus on multicultural collaboration and solidarity in major global cities.
embracing residents of diverse cultures and ethnicities.
We also focus on the great impact of the COVID-19 pandemic in such cities as the COVID-19 destroyed, people travel and moving.
and we therefore examine how the restrictions came into play in vulnerable ethnic groups.
Migration has delivered a heated and complex discussion that had to come to terms with both the positive and negative impacts of migration on the local communities.
Some local activities have seen the result of great tech population and collaboration between groups of different national culture backgrounds.
and some of them newer activities and events have become attractive across the entire metal forest for developing urban amenities. When we consider some distinctive ethnic towns have brighter life.
the wider local community. In other words, we are concerned with the mechanisms by pitch, the urban community is degenerated. How distinct areas within the wider urban network become attractive to vistas
and the contribution made by ethnic businesses or other ethnically shaped or motivated activities. We would like to take account of some case studies for comparison and to share the results of our investigations, and let me introduce Professor Dahmer in a
Thank you.
Yeah, the coding. So please come here.
Thank you. Well, I haven't come prepared to give a speech here, but I would like to acknowledge the major contributions of speakers and their collaborators are going to be making
to the discussion on neighborhoods and integration.
I think we are working in in A in a period of major changes and challenges, and to the knowledge we can bring from comparative perspectives. Empirically looking at what is happening around the world, contributing to the broader discussion in particular, what is happening today in Australia, and similar multicultural societies, I think, would be really very valuable to the scholarly community here. So
I welcome you all and thank you. All contributors coming over here to Australia from different parts of the world sharing your work with us and really appreciate that. Thank you.
Thank you. Thank you.
Okay. We'd like to go on to past paper. first paper presenter is Prophesa as Asakawa from Vasada University. He's also The president of the Japan Association for Urban Society. Are you ready for Saskatoon Tweet?
Okay.
so thank you very much, and Ms. Gamete for introducing me. My name is Stadsto Asakawa. I am a professor of Westerly University in Japan. The center of my presentation is the spatial distribution of bottom workers in Tokyo.
My hound out was uploaded to crowd computers. So please download it.
Using Ql. Code printed on a paper. You can find the paper Kyoto paper backward at this room.
I am Priest to report on the paper of the same title, which is included in a book to publish as the bottom worker in East Asia. In September 2023.
The purpose of this
the study was to explore where modern workers live in Tokyo using macro statistical data
bottom workers workers and a downward pressure. And that is difficult to define with a single set of macroeconomical data.
Therefore I first so, and selected lesions with a relatively high percentage of poor people as the target regions for analysis, and then attempted to get closer. Look at the living condition of bottom workers by depicting the lives of people living in these lesions, using the social atrocities
first, to determine where the where is the poor live in Tokyo. I estimated the percentage of household with household income of less than 2 million yen, using data from the housing and land survey in the national census.
Next, the social address was promoted for only the poor legendary areas.
The area of Tokyo treated in this study is in the gray colored, grey-colored area. In this map.
in this study the 23 words of Tokyo are referred to as the Ina city.
Where do the poor live in Tokyo.
But first
I conducted a multiple allegation analysis, using the household and land survey which is tabulated on a municipal basis to obtain a allegation equation, for estimating the lazy of a poor household.
Next the the integration.
Next, the degradation equation was used to establish the mesh by mesh property household lazy for the national census, additional measure, statistical data.
This map shows the laser of household in property.
Sonya.
he to a title word which is a well-known town for the day Labeler shows in height Lesio.
to select area with relatively high levels of 4 household full analysis. Only meshes with a medium layer of 10% or higher
are considered as 4 or less initially earlier, or the following analysis.
the result shows that poor residential area were concentrated in the northern and eastern part of Tokyo. In the city.
In the suburb there were found to be concentrated in Hachio, which city in Tokyo is the Khara city in Kanagua Prefecture, as well as in Myura Peninsula Yachtio town. In Ibraaki Prefecture.
In contrast, no specific areas of concentration were found in Sitama and the Chiba prefecture
social authorities.
This map shows the last year of falling operation in 2,010 in the northern and the eastern part of Tokyo in the city, and the southern end of the inner city. The list of voting lessons is high.
These maps show the laser of temporary workers in 2,010. Since boarding workers are precisely employed and extrude. Excluded from the formal job market. It is, as it is assumed that areas with high levels of temporary workers include bottom workers
so left aside, which shows us a slight concentration of male dispatched workers in the inner city.
But there are some meshes in the suburban area of Kanagawa, Saitaman, Ibaraki, and Chiba Prefecture. That shows a high issue of dispatched worker above and medium
in contrast, when when looking at the lacy of female dispatched workers right side.
the eastern part of the inner city, and the area from Toshima to Nakano
shows a concentration of meshes with a high-year license that medium.
on the other hand, unlike the legacy of the dispatched worker for men, there were fewer machines with high laser in the Sabbathan area.
These maps shows the list of part-time workers in 2,010. For both men and women, the areas with high lease. You are split evenly in the suburbs
for the inner city areas with high ratio are concentrated, concentrated between Toshima and Nakan, award for males.
and between Adapch and the cottage award for females.
The area the area between Toshima and Onakana wars is home to many young people.
including university students, which may explain
the like high issue of part time job among meals.
On the other hand, people live.
I attached to a Katushka word area, where many single, elderly or lead is suggesting that female aerody people cover their living expenses throughout a through part time job.
This map shows the complete unemployment rate in 2,010.
The Unemployment Lake is the laser always unemployed to the labor force
in the inner city area, with high Lacio, are concentrated between Nakano and Toshima wars, and between Quita and other Chivers.
As shown in previous figures.
This area had a high laser of in in immigrants and a dispatched workers and a high laser of main part-time workers.
These maps shows the lesser of elderly household. In 2010 the distribution of elderly, single, and elderly mallied couples
living alone includes some wealthy people, but also includes many bottom workers. So Hydro, with their distribution for the poor neighborhoods.
We can see that every single concentrated ends in a city, while every couple only household are widely distributed in the service.
These maps show with the 2 types of single-person household of different ages.
young, single-person, household, and elderly single person, household are concentrated in the inner city, among the poor residential areas.
On the other hand, every couple-only household were clowned to be wide-split in the Sabbath area.
This map shows the High School graduates ratio in 2,010
in Japan. It is well known that educational attainment is positively correlated with occupational class and income's income. So it is expected that areas with the high list of high school graduates who have lower educational attainment than courage graduates include bottom workers.
The inner city and its surroundings earlier have a relatively low list of high school graduates, while the Laco is higher in the surrounding area.
with the listening trend towards higher education, the laser of courage graduates tends to be high among the young.
while the list of the high school graduate tends to be high among the elderly. The list of high school graduate is relatively low in inner city.
where a young, when a young and elderly people live together while the legacy of a high school graduate is high in peripheral area where you are at zeal. Many elderly people.
We have analyzed the poor neighborhood and the depictive lives of people, including bottom workers living in 4 neighborhoods using multiple social addresses to organize the characteristics of the list.
I will organize the communities that, making up Tokyo on a coordinate space, using 2 axes
distance from the city center and the H. Of the listens in the figure.
The poor least initial areas in the inner city are concentrated in the northern lesions.
A
Aketa, and other tours in the eastern part of in the city were classified here.
Oh.
classified here because there, and they have Lv.
And
Nakano and Toshima world. In the western part of the inner city they have young people.
Most of Tokyo's suburban area are split across Santa Cruz Ibaraki.
and it is located here.
They have elderly.
On the other hand, there are some suburbs where relatively younger, and number of, and a large number of younger people also live.
These include
the results showed that the northern part of the inner city had a higher percentage of voting businesses temporarily workers and male part-time workers.
and those who work in the industrial that supports the daily levels of upper white color grass are concentrated in the northern part of the inner city which is assumed to include the bottom workers.
The poor living in Tokyo in the city include foreigners, young people, working part-time jobs, and elderly who have no choice but to work part time in their old age.
Support. Living in the suburbs were mostly only people.
however, several clusters of poor residential areas, with a high presentation of foreigners were found in Ibraaki and Chiba Prefecture. In these areas many foreigners live as laborer in agriculture area and wool houses.
Thank you very much for your patient attention.
Yeah.
as we have of is, let me make a TV. So we'd like to go on on to the second paper, and we will come back to evacuation time. We can be jealous for you
in the paper. It's going to present it by philopes and also
and
thank you very much, and I'll just correct you there very politely. I'm not yet a professor. No, no, let's cross our fingers and hope
so. Good morning. Everyone we doing research, led by Sonya Routman on solidarity networks and strategies in COVID-19 lockdowns as experienced by international university students in Brisbane, in the State of Queensland, in Australia, where it's much warmer that it is here.
So my name is Hannah Warsow. I'm from the school of Social sciences. And this is associate Professor Sonia Routman from the school of Earth and Environmental sciences. So do I work this?
Or does it go automatically? Oh, okay, so fun. Yeah.
okay, just a very quick acknowledgment, because we've already had the acknowledgment of country. Sonya and I work on yogurt and tourable land in Meange and Brisbane, and we acknowledge that we are here on unseeded land in Melbourne or Nam.
So why we're going to talk today about why focus on international students in Australia during Covid. The common perception is that they're well off. They come to Australia. They pay high fees.
Why would they need help?
We're going to do an overview of the concept of solidarity. And what's been discussed about solidarity during the Covid pandemic lockdowns that happened globally over the last few years.
and we're going to talk about what the literature says so far about solidity, verity and international students. Sonya will discuss our methods, and we'll both discuss the findings, and then possibly we'll have questions at the end of the whole session.
So if you have a look here, this is a graph of Covid, of international students in Australia, international students and international education. More broadly.
is the third highest export in Australia after steel and coal. Just let that sink in
so we could call it a third extractive industry through mining other countries that live locally to Australia. The highest number of students come from China
and India.
Nepal, Vietnam, and some other countries. Not so many Indonesians are next in line, but mostly represented by China and India.
and they're emerging elites. Queensland, which you see there in the green. That's the State of Queensland, where we both live.
has the third highest number of international students in Australia after New South Wales which has the highest, and then Victoria, and of course those concentrations are in Sydney and New South Wales and Melbourne in Victoria.
Queensland had fewer lockdowns.
but was shut off from international travel and other States during Covid. So it was isolated. So there was a more, greater amount of mobility within the State, we'd have snap lockdowns.
you. Q. Has the highest number of international students in Queensland. So non- Australians who'd come to study in Queensland as with the rest of Australia. When the lockdowns happened, planes stopped, flying, prices skyrocketed. They were effectively trapped in Australia.
Okay.
international students. Why are we looking at them. They already have a precarious status in Australia. They're all on temporary visas, with limited access to
childcare
school fees. They pay international student fees for their children.
and they pay two-thirds more than an Australian student to study at our institutions.
and they're usually on scholarships if they're postgraduates with Phds. But otherwise they're funded themselves to come here, and they're paying a significant amount more.
All of them usually work 40Â h per fortnight when studying, but unlimited hours out of term time. So They all pay tax like Australian residents, and there's a lot of employment precarity. They form the large number of hostile hospitality workers in Queensland. If you go into a a restaurant in Brisbane you'll be served by an Indian and Nepali, a Chinese person.
and there's a heavy reliance on these international students, especially in hospitality, care, work, disability, support work, cleaning and the gig economy.
Okay. Our Prime Minister at the time of covert was Scott, Morrison, and in March of 2,020, he said, we will get through this together.
We will rally together, and we will get through this together.
But what happened for international students? Sonya, okay, so The issue was that the previous statement was in March, and this statement was in early April. He was saying, well, maybe it's time to go home for international students and all tourists that were in in Australia. And so one of the points that we ask students, and we will tell you a bit more of the methods later is like.
what were the reactions on that? And of course all the students had had conversations with the peers, the friends, families about these comments, because
they all felt that it was very bad for the Prime Minister to say that when they didn't know what to do when the borders were close, so actually they could not go home, and it was very difficult to go back home.
and the reality was that they were feeling that they were in between the cracks. They were also feeling in limbo. They were feeling that they were not recognized as an important industry, as Honey was saying, and they were also very worried that even if they could go back home
they were not able to come back.
So what would it happen with the studies? Thinking about the big investment they had already done to study here in Australia.
So in terms of our methods. We did this study
last year. We collected data on international students who were still mainly in Brisbane, but we interviewed some students who were already back home overseas. So we did 20 interviews. But we also did 4
focus groups to online. And for those online there were many people overseas and 2 face to face. And we also interviewed 9 service providers. We will explain what those people are. And basically, our research questions are, first of all, what we are the main challenges faced by international students.
based in Brisbane at the time of COVID-19. And, more importantly, what sort of solidarity practices were developed during the lockdown to help or support international students.
So
the data that we are presenting today is mainly based on the interviews we are still analyzing the data. we interviewed, as you can see here, mainly Phd students, because they were the ones that we are still engaged with the university as they have been, being in Brisbane in 2,000, 22,021, and we did the interviews last year, but we also interviewed a couple of undergraduate students, master students, and one professional doctorate.
If you see also in terms of countries of origins, we had a big, broad range of nationalities, and also in terms of gender. We try to have a good distribution.
we also interviewed what we call service providers, and these are people working for different organizations that provided some sort of support to students, from Ngos to some sort of government organizations, or even the university.
So very much. Our framework is around. How do we understand solidarity, and what the literature is saying, and what the literature was saying even before Covid so, and and we found that very much is
justified. Theoretically, around 3 key issues. One is value-based wording said, why do you justify that? You provide solidarity to other people? And it's based on individual values that we have. But it's also very much linked to routine organizations. So everyday organizations that help in our everyday activities. This would be Ngos could be.
and volunteer organizations could be, even education related organizations. So they respond to the needs. And in this case the needs of international students for our project, and then we saw a couple of but they few limited 150
studies before Covid, that we are talking about some sort of kindness, and perhaps
Some of you might remember that at the beginning of Covid many people we are talking about to what extent there will be more. Situations of emerging solidarity for people to become more kind to other people, to try to support people. So We said that solidarity is very much affirming, shared similarity, which is different from charity
in the case that charity understands like a sort of unbalanced power relation, where solidarity assumes that there is more equity.
And we also understood, like solidarity, as something that is coming up from a crisis. Right? And in this case we had the the COVID-19 pandemic.
Okay, so it's okay. So before Covid or during Covid at the beginning of the Covid, most of the literature was still very much on health issues, discussing health and solidarity. And here you see some of the work that we have reviewed. We also found some sort of discussion on solidarity practices, like practices as their own, which is what we were interested in.
But we did not find. And we also found discussions on what were the issues, so problems or needs of international students. But we did not find literature combining the 3 elements Covid or a crisis, or the pandemic international students and solidarity.
which is what we are doing. Yeah.
So looking at international students, not as a rich cohort to make money out of, as seems to be Australian policy, but as a precarious temporary visa holding cohort whose family resources are very precious. Family resources are used to fund them to study in Australia.
We find that they were framed as an extract of industry when really the human element and their needs was not focused on, and likewise in the literature that has been very critical of what's happened to international students. It has not looked on acts of solidarity within
literature. So these are some of the words that people described solidarity as when we interviewed them.
and we must remember that they were forced to live off their savings if they had them. So there was an instant
covert generated poverty as with many marginal workers, and they had an incredible stress. Everybody experienced mental stress of not being able to go home. Family in Mexico, India, China, elsewhere, were very ill people dying, not being able to see them
and feeling stuck.
There was a lack of awareness of local institutional services, such as the Queensland Government and the Brisbane City Council, so assistance, both of which have large marketing arms to attract students to Australia. But there was very little awareness of what they did in terms of support for people's welfare.
Personal networks, you see, get 3 stuff. and Youq did have counselling, did have financial assistance, but again, people said it was
too little and not enough.
and ethnicity based restaurants, groups, and churches were another source of support.
So following Kinsella, who talked. Son, you talked about earlier. saying that leadership solidarity is is what gets people through. We will get this together. It's part of the equation. But it's not always the driver of civic
compliance or cooperation. I would argue cooperation. We're dealing with an educated cohort who know the science of lockdowns, and why we need to be careful during a pandemic solidarity is based on shared familiarity, and our findings find 3 types of solidarities values based
routine organizations with institutional help and activities, and individual support through groups like, Oh, yeah, Franca from Columbia, Indian restaurants and different acts of kindness of individuals, putting beautiful notes in people's letter boxes and showing them support with groceries delivered to their doors. They were the main forms of solidarity for people and each other international students.
So thank you very much. Thank you.
I
so. But it's going to
let me take my.
I like
thank you for the introduction, and Professor Mizakami.
So first to the sound, I'm about to pray. It's about 20Â s long
out of
was duck in.
See here. it's the same
going to. All right, let's go.
And these are the sounds actually produced by the people actually of Melbourne, actually recorded by me yesterday.
These are the sounds produced by the people who make up this right city.
but they are also the sounds that Aba, that are overlooked as noise.
Since industrial modernization. We have turned a deaf ear to many of society's helms in the past. John Cage
and composers and of ambient music have urged people to pay attention to these sounds.
however, compared to the 90 s. 50 s. 60 s. And 70 s. We seen, and to be we seem to be leaving the society that refused to listen to more noise today.
Now the counselor and the technology developed by Sony and the Falls, etc., offers us amazing quietness.
I do not deny that there are many benefits of this technology, but I think we haven't urged to nurify the ambient noise more than we share.
So we miss out on the sounds of living.
The same applies to art which is a suburbation of life.
as we will see later, avant-garde art has so far shown his reson better in resisting rationality and defending individual perspectives.
It was in our times, however, I. On time, however.
art has become something that is used to cancel out diverse role noise used to promote national and other industries.
and as an object of investment to earn a profit margin.
I will discuss the problem of art being used to drown out the noise with people's diverse expression.
The importance of perspectives to regist this and its sociological implications.
Now I direct to tan to section 2. There are 5 sections.
Since ancient times people have shown various forms of expression.
People have made patterns on shares. depended on cable wars
and found various techniques to depict great people
and the ray radius.
However, the balance of the concept of art itself is not that old dating from the nineteenth century onwards. Behind the conceptualization of the art, says Raymond Williams.
was a movement to protect certain human scares and humanistic aims from the changes inherent in capitalist commodity production.
In other words, it is in the emphasis on humanity which cannot be replaced or even substituted by capitalism and industrialization, that the concept of art finds its bath.
This conceptualization of art as emphasizing humanity led to a particular emphasis on the diversity of humanity by the artists and thinkers of the twentieth century.
This was because social impacts, such as the outbreak of successive world wars.
the rise of fascism
and the separation of workers by sarinism were enough to cast a doubt on the simple excel rotation of humanity
are in Frankfurt school thinkers, such as Adono and Hokheimer, were alarmed about the push of humanity towards a uniform labor force suited to industrial capital
the celebration of of diversity, and as a pursuit of its possibilities, remained an important theme of a modern art.
Among other things, Us. Approach to minorities and march culture societies is a quiet
but important trend. In the twentieth century
community art was an example of this, as has been attempted by the White Chapter Gallery in East London, creating a space of expression for the people, including immigrants and connecting people rather than art that functions for, sir, a selected group of people.
then let's move to sections 3.
However, art now seems to be frequently used to used as a way of being complicit in the power to counteract diversity.
In recent years, international in the and internal intercity, competition has int intensified as a result of accelerating globalization and the post- 40 societies.
In this context, the economic utility of the arts and culture in making a difference to others has come to come to the forefront of state and city policies.
Investments in creative sea industries as seen in the States, focus on software power and creative city policies to attract creative personnel are prime examples.
The problem with these movement is that they can exclude diversity, and there is even a tendency for the arts to be comprised in these counteractive forces.
For example, art washing a movement to promote gentrification through art has been an emerging issue in cities such as London, Los Angeles, and a Tokyo city since the 2,010, and is often included in creative city policy.
For example, in Ikabok or Tokyo Hiroshima Board.
where more than 10% of the total population of foreigners. And also actually, as a professor. Sakawa indicated. yeah, this area has a lot of actually, I employ use.
In 2,019 graffiti was being cleaned up and replaced by beautiful art for the development of the city's creative city policy.
In the same year the construction of open-air theaters with commercial shops had shrink, drunk the civic space.
for example, the space for street musicians and the folk culture of foreign residents, homeless people, or the or the adults and their children praying brew, sky, chess, Shogi.
These art washing development are often particularly mobilized by university students and local residents.
however.
they are only tools for development, and only the publicity and credit of some partitions, and the usefulness of selected artists are strongly emphasized there.
In this movement which it resembles a fascist aesthetization of politics.
The definition of good artist is measured by their conformity to album policies and their contribution to economic development and a tourism promotion through these policies.
Okay, let's move to Section 4.
On the other hand, even today there is art that emphasizes the existence of people, people's relationships and people's creativity which is often overlooked.
Take, for example, socially engaged art, which has flourished since the 1990 S.
It is true that Sca was used in some aspect of urban strategy, such as in policies under new labor in the Uk. In the late 1990 S.
But, on the other hand, we should not overlook the development of projects that to look at people's diverse library foods, either outside of the policy or by grabbery using the policy framework.
for example, Sarah and rupa artists corrective from Indonesia
there up to a mechanism for the citizens to non-chron, to cheer out in a diverse neighborhood which includes a large migrant population
refusing to be exploited by the institutional machinations of Europe.
They developed an art with the slogan.
making friends, not art. which is very different from market red art. While inviting many artists from the global South.
One corroborator in his 40 s. Who attended Documenta and officially offered me a cup of tea at the Bernie, saying, I'm a friend of Rouen Rooper, and they asked me to contribute So I rushed over
together with old and new associates from various sites. He opened his own praises of hospitality and cultural activities
elsewhere, with with many friends, including friends who are immigrants. One of the participants in hazardous, who had been part of building an ecosystem through agriculture at Documenta, was either person rising the project with a creative way of arranging and displaying local produce. What and talking in studios to carry to the visitors about what the ecosystem meant.
Another example is the port of B artist unit from Japan to developed to the Macdonald's Radio University.
where, instead of ordering a hamburger at Mcdonald's barriers, migrants, various migrants became professors, and their experiences could be listened to by a radio.
They are developing art to draw attention to the presence of migrants and the diversity of their lives.
These are arts that bring to light people who are often lost, lost, societal, while at the same time sharply addressing the gaze, power and institutional issues that lie behind as a society that relocates them to invisibility.
It is important to note that these seam movements are underpinned, not by the creativity of individual artists. but by the corroboration of the public's creativity.
Each activity is indeed created by the artist's devices, but, on the other hand, each activity is formed by the individual creativity of the people moving away from the artist's intentions and transforming them.
In other words, they can be considered to be people's art projects with the artists, presenting the impetus.
However, art shaped by the creativity of these citizens is often misperceived.
They are ignored in the structures of the art world that profit from the preparaging of certain artists and works.
For example, in Rou and Rupa's work, the artists they embodied did not receive much attention in the market phrase because they focused on intangible activities by unknown people
rather than works of art with economic value. Economic party.
especially the sounds where marginalized people are easily overlooked as a noise.
So I'd like to finish with a short conclusion. Finally, a red Me indicated the sociological implications of what we have seen in this presentation.
So far sociological discussions about about the war art world have focused on artists, expressions, and the education, media and institutions around them. In addition to debates on the reproduction of a people's taste.
The masses have only seen, or who we have been seen here as recipients, or as being outside the debate
socially engaged. Art has also been discounted. Story memory. According to the pros and cons of the artist's attempts at collaboration.
it has been critiqued, excluding the perspectives of the general public, including the citizens involved in the project.
Both sociology and art research tend to overlook the individual sounds of people. That is, their creativity.
Academic research into the arts, should take a good look at people's creativity and the art that it develops develops with it.
not only as you a, but also Instagram, Twitter, Tiktok, and, of course, of the grassroots, marginal odds of graffiti, fester bars, even the simple act of humming, etc.,
in contemporary society in the transition from the era of a special rights to knowledge, to the age of corrective marriage and participatory character. The creation and the culture production of the masses is rapidly increasing in increasing in number and variation
in these contemporary times. It is now time to reassess people who have been overlooked as noise
as key culture actors and look at the movements they produce.
This means I'm paying respect to the work of artists, but also repositioning them. Actors in the complex network of society
rather than dismissing the sounds of society. That is, people's cultural activity as noise.
We need to refocus our tension on each and every one of these sounds.
sociology should be able to serve as an important technique, to recapture the actors around art production and to hear the voices of of overlooked people.
Thank you for your kind attention.
Going to need a first step out to this.
Yeah.
she is going to
between the
and the
just leave.
Good morning. And thank you very much. I, Professor, I'm Ms. Kami, for introducing me. I'm Novaki Fujioka from Shizuka University in Japan.
The title of my presentation is relations between the global city and the regional cities.
a building solidarity among the local and ethnic residents. The case study of Tokyo and Homatsu.
In this presentation I would like to outline the recent measures to build solidarity among local and ethnic residents in hammamatsu.
and with a focus on Japanese-language education support system for ethnic residents.
Then I would like to analyze its strengths and limitations and consider what should be done to build solidarity in industrial cities like Hamilton.
Okay.
okay.
okay, let's start with a brief overview of Hammamatsu.
Hawaii is a regional city located in Western Sizeauka University. It has a population of about 800,000,
but, like many other regional cities in Japan, the population is decreasing, due to the declining birth rate and the outflow of young people.
The foreign population of Hamas is about 27,000, and its ratio is 3.4, which is higher than the average of Japan.
Hermad is also famous as a major industrial city in Japan, because there are factories of global manufacturers, such as
Yamaha, Honda, and Suzuki.
I choose hamamats as the subject of my research, because it is one of Japan's leading regional industrial cities with many foreign workers, and has a history of trial and era to include foreign reasons in the local community.
I'm running out of time. So I have to skip this slide. Sorry.
So next, I'd like to compare Hammamazi with Tokyo and think about the relations between them. First of all, Tokyo is one of the world's leading global cities, where economies and political centers are concentrated.
On the other hand, homage is a regional industrial city. When we look at the number of establishment and employees in the manufacturing industry.
Tokyo has experienced a sharp decrease since the 1990 S.
It can be seen as a process of Tokyo becoming a global city, specializing in management, research, and marketing functions
during the same period. The number of establishment and employees in the manufacturing industry of hammamats decreased.
but the rate of decline was much smaller than in Tokyo.
Now the number of establishment in Shizzoka prefecture is almost the same as Tokyo and the Shizzoka Prefecture has more employees than Tokyo.
Considering about statistics, it can be said that Tokyo and haamats are interdependent
in the international and domestic division of labor in manufacturing industry.
and in this division of labor Salamata has made use of Horing factory workers as a flexible labor force to maintain its status as a major industry. Industrial city.
In order to understand how Tokyo and hammamats have tried to include the foreign residents in the local community. I have a conducted fieldwork in Tokyo and Hammamatsu.
in Hawaii. I have conducted interviews at Hayes. How about the city in Hammond City into the National Affairs, division and Bos and companies. and participated in several research projects as a research adviser of Heis. Since 2,019,
heis is an abbreviation of the homosexual foundation for international Communication and Exchange.
It's a public foundation certified as a local international association. It's a public foundation. It's a most
an important player in Hammond City's multicultural policy, and interested with many projects by Helmut City.
The International Affairs Division of Hammond City is a department responsible for policies and measures concerning the ethnic residents of Hanaman City.
They always work together to build solidarity among local and ethnic residents in this region.
Okay. let's move on to the recent measures. and with a focus on Japanese language educational support, who is not present.
But before that I would like to briefly review the background to the growing importance of Japanese language, education, support.
First.
there has been an increase of children and young people connected with foreign countries. The number of children and young people with low Japanese-language skills has been increasing, due to the bursts of foreign residents and their children being brought to Japan.
Secondly, recent service revealed the existence of long-term residents who cannot speak Japanese sadly. The Japanese Government has been embarking on strengthening Japanese language education in recent years.
The law on the promotion of Japanese language education went into effect in June 2019.
Since then the Japanese Government, mainly agency for cultural affairs, is focusing on strengthening the Japanese-language education system for ethnic residents. Namato City has also been working on it with subsidies from the agency, full culture of heritage.
So what is the characteristics.
or how about the city. This light is a quick summary of it.
One city consists of 7 wards, and City Hall is located in Naka Ward
Heights, operates in the cultural center in Naka Award and the foreign resident study support center in niche word. and the pos and the mutual aid organizations operate 13 Japanese-language classes in all awards except Miami award.
All classes are supported in some way by highs, and some of them are subsidized by the city.
There are also 3 school attendance support classes supported by Heis and the Board of Education.
This system has both strength and the limitations.
The most remarkable strength is the close collaboration between homosexuality.
Heist and Npos. As a result of this free or low-cost Japanese language classes are provided the project for 0 out of schooled foreign children.
The project for 0 out of school. Foreign children
deserve a special mention as a symbol of close cooperation. I will explain it in the next slide.
A long history as a multicultural city with a large population of ethnic residents, is also the advantage of Hanamatsu.
There is a large number of long-term bilingual residents, mutual aid organizations.
I think a business is
that enable the operation of a local Japanese language language classes.
At the same time, however, how much had these limitations?
This first, the residence in resulting unequal opportunity are the primary challenges.
because ethnic regions live scoutedly in the vast city. Many of them cannot access Japanese-language classes. For example, Hamankita Ward was only one Japanese-language class.
who, around the 4,014 residents
stalwart also has only one class, and the Minami Ward has no Japanese class, even though there are about 3,000 foreign residents.
This situation contrasts well with Tokyo. There are 114 Japanese-language classes in Tokyo.
Another problem is the lack of young volunteers.
There are only 7 University college campuses in Hammamatsu, while there are 228 University college campuses in Tokyo.
Mamas, like other regional cities, faces the structural difficulties in training young volunteers and supporters.
and for 0 out of school. Foreign children is very famous in Japan
in this project? How about the city
and Heist and Federation of neighborhood associations and appeals and police have been cooperated to support all children with ethnic butterans to go to school.
The project team compared the Cities Register to foreigners with the list of elementary and junior high school students.
and a list of 727 foreign children who are not enrolled in school was created.
and the team visited all the address of all 727,
and most of them have already moved out from the city, but it turned out that 16 of them were completely out of school, not to attend the school or Japanese language classes.
So the project team provided them and the parents with detailed support, such as counseling school preparation, guidance, school preparatory education and school. Towards
and by September the twentieth 13, all out of school children were attending school. Since then a special team of the City Board of Education has continued the project.
So what kind of attempts have been done to overcome the limitations?
First, in order to deal with the issues of unequal opportunities, a expansion of free Japanese-language classes has begun.
and, secondly, measures to promote Japanese language. Education in companies have been under consideration. Now.
for example, implementation of on-site Japanese language training by highs, by highest teachers.
expansion of the certification system for excellent companies that employ foreign workers.
relaxation of requirements for subsidy, payment to companies that support Japanese language learning with their employees. exchange matching events between Japanese language schools and companies.
requesting the local companies and the economic organizations to provide a Japanese language, education to foreign employees and their families. All these measures have been seriously considered among the international affairs, division, heis, and other organizations, and the individuals involved
sadly measures to increase volunteers and teachers in Japanese language education are also being considered.
Ok, let's quickly summarize this presentation and think about future perspectives. In this presentation. I have outlined efforts of Muhammad to build solidarity among local and ethnic residents.
In order to do this, how much places emphasis on Japanese language education
in particular, a lot of effort has been devoted to creating an environment in which children can be included in the local community through the project.
through the project for 0 out of school foreign children.
In addition, there has been notable efforts to involve companies and economic organizations in Japanese language education. In recent years
our Moto City and heights understand that it is difficult to get many firms to participate in the system, because the cost is not small. At the same time, however, they understand that being abandoned by
boring workers and their families increases their risk of losing its status as a major industrial city
in the midst of a population decline declining a breastly and aging a population facing a homosexual.
whether or not many companies understand the risk and to participate in Japanese language. Education may determine the future of Haomats.
industry, and society as a whole.
And finally, I would like to conclude this presentation with a consideration of relations between Tokyo and Haomatsu. The increase in foreign workers
and
sorry, including foreign workers and their families in Hamas and other industrial cities, has been caused by the development of the domestic and the international Division of labor
in the manufacturing industry. So it would be wrong to treat it as a separate and independent program of those cities
the existence of industrial cities, such as hammamats.
has enabled the development of Tokyo at a global city, so it is desirable in terms of a fairness and sustainability for Tokyo to give something back to the industrial cities.
In the case of Japanese-language education, I think it is necessary to have a mechanism
to return, know how human resources and money from Tokyo to the regional industry of cities.
It is also necessary to increase the involvement of companies
that participate in the domestic and international division of labor and the benefit from it
as part of their social responsibility.
Companies should provide a Japanese-language education and living support for foreign employees and their families.
As I mentioned earlier, Hammamato is consciously trying to promote these changes as a researcher and a member of the local community. I would like to investigate and support these efforts.
That's all for my presentation.
Thank you.
What I
peace.
So
thank you. Thank you so much for the introduction. So my name is Ed. And I'm here today with
Professor Creed Margie in the audience and live a little wave, and Professor John Solomoths also in the audience and give us a little wave.
So what we'll be talking about today is one small aspect of a much larger project that we've been working on for the past
3 years. And as an outline I'll talk a little bit about the project overall the open city project, and then look at ideas of a progressive sense of place.
The thing that we're focusing on everyday micro-conflicts in creating openness in the city and creating closeness is in the city, and then looking at what makes place inclusive.
and finally ending on some design elements, closed histories, opening up histories and opening up our cities.
So at the broader scale the Open City Project, which is funded by the Economic and Social Research Council, and as a collaboration between 4 universities, the University of Warwick.
the University of Oxford.
the University of West London, and the Open University asks, what makes a city open, so is this ideal of the Utopian open city achievable? Is it something that's desirable? A city where everyone can come together and everyone can get along
And we do this by exploring histories of welcoming and practices of welcoming in London residential turn and turnover and everyday mobilities within London, enabliness and connections to elsewhere at different scales in London, on 3 different social housing or public housing estates
and claims made over the city by campaigning organizations and policymakers. Today, we're just focusing on the third of our 4 work packages, looking at ideas of maybeliness and connections to elsewhere.
and we will be doing that by focusing
on one of the housing estates that we've been spending time on the Hilgrove estate was built in the early 19 fifties in North London, in Camden, one of the city's more diverse boroughs. It was built after extensive bomb damage, following the Second World War, and was built ostensibly to house lower income residents in the city.
so we've been spending the past 2 and a half years now, 2 years now on Hill Grove, a State using a range of different methods, spending time with people spending time with artists, socially engaged artists, or shout out to the previous presentation.
We've also done some work on 2 comparator estates which, as we'll find out, are very different in some ways, despite their physical proximity to the Hill Grove estate.
So the research question is, how do open and closed features on Hilgrove estate impact upon people's lives. So, looking at social mix in terms of intersecting dynamics of class race gender, and sort of everyday mobilities within the housing estate, but also looking at the design elements of the estate, and how they can circumscribe
openness or closeness in the city and in terms of methods, we've used a mixture of survey qualitative arts based and co-productive methods. so we began our work on Hillgrove estate with a survey, looking at household churn, at the estate level, where people are moving to and from both from abroad, but also within different regions, and also within parts of London.
And then we built on this through participating off observations of spending time doing ethnography with residents We also worked with 2 artists, one of whom's a socially engaged artist to Co. Produce, an arts piece, an installation on the estate, and also to Co. Create a walking tour of the local local area, exploring its history and design elements.
Today we'll be focusing on 3 aspects of the work that we've been doing.
we'll be looking at some of the artistic work that we've been doing for socially engaged art. But we'll also be looking at some of the more ethnographic elements of the work that we've done on Hillgrove estate.
So what we want to look at what we're looking at is sort of ideas of openness. So for Doreen Massey,
openness is about permeability. So the links between a place such as London to elsewhere in different scales, so you might walk through your local neighbourhood, walk into a shop and see a product that reminds you of, say, your grandmother in Poland, and the the dish that she used to cook you and thinking about how those micro encounters can connect you to elsewhere and to other people.
And for Richard Senate the open city is adaptable. It's endlessly reconfigurable and livable, and it's very much counterposed to the sort of top-down imposition of look at Boozier's plan Vizan and interestingly Ebenezer Howard's garden city, and we focus a bit more on the Garden City because the Hilgrove estate was designed with Garden City principles in mind.
And so the Garden City was developed in the sort of early twentieth century, with the idea of marrying up the ideals of town and country life by producing cities with lots of open green spaces, and and Senate finds that this form of design is very closed and very rigid. Instruction doesn't allow for opening up
so for Senate. The open city is an ethical principle for understanding the good or socially progressive city.
And so, we ask, does Hilgrove, built on Garden City principles, allow for openness, and how Hilgrove residents intervene to reconstitute space and social relations on the estate.
So for Doreen Massey, it's openness that guarantees an open future and openness to others, and the possibility of progressive politics.
And, curiously, the Garden City for both is a test case for a progressive sense of space in the open city.
So Doreen Massey, writing about her own experiences of growing up on a Garden City estate, explores the progressive potential for change and challenge to social structure within Garden City estates, and, as I said, for Senate, for all of its progressive elements, the Garden City ultimately blocks new ways of dwelling in the city.
And it's this that we focus on in our discussion of hill growth.
So people generally like living on Hill Grove estate. These are some of our survey findings. 70% of residents say the estate has a good reputation. 50% stop and chat and help each other out. so this survey was conducted just after the last Covid lockdown. So it gives quite a bit of insight into how the community came together.
during the lockdown to sort of create mutual aid groups. The work of the community organizers on the estates setting up a local food cooperative on the estate.
But interestingly, Hilgrove estates has one of the highest proportions of private ownerships of all estates in the local borough that we were working in, so introduced by Margaret Thatcher in the 1979, the right to buy ended in many functional ways. Social housing in Britain by allowing residents to purchase their properties.
About 50% of hillgroves. 370 properties are in private ownership, which has significant implications for how people live together, and as I'll come to later, contrasts greatly with the other 2 estates that we worked on.
The estate is also less ethnically diverse than other comparable estates in the local area. and I'll revisit this, as we progress through the presentation. you can see the little word cloud there. capturing some of the ways in which residents described their estate. So it's good, it's friendly, it's peaceful and comfortable.
So
building on from our survey, we worked with socially engaged artist Dana Olrescu, to explore what is meant by inclusivity in space on the Hillgrove estate, and in a series of socially engaged art workshops, where she roved the estate, wearing a cape that said the most inclusive place question mark
recruited a range of residents about 20. But then there are also another 20 or so who contributed, without attending the workshops to imagine what the estate would look like and feel like, and be like if they had the power to change it and influence it.
And the aim of this was to amplify and platform the work residents have already been doing on the estate to hold local stakeholders and the local council to account. and what emerged through residents? What if questions where they were asked to imagine what the ideal estate would be like?
What we found were a series of micro-conflicts. So some residents were saying, well, there'll be much more car parking we have. We don't have enough car parking spaces, whereas another resident said, no, we'll ban cars entirely. One resident said, Well, okay, what we need are flying carport spaces for the flying cars that are inevitably going to come? And another resident said, Okay, action. And we need to create spaces for farms. We want goats on our estate, please.
And it was through these micro-conflicts as residents were discussing what they think the ideal city would be like that. We started to think about the different ways in which openness and closeness in the city played out.
and in this image here you can see the art installation that this culminated in.
and what I particularly enjoyed about the art installation was once it was up. Residents who hadn't engaged with the actual workshops started graffitiing it, and would say things like, Yes, I agree, written in pen beneath the statements, and I'll just show a brief video of the installation.
I'm just going to pause it there in the interests of timing. you can view the full video on our website, and alongside the installation, we produced a pocket publication Zoom that was delivered to every resident on the estate which brought together some of our research findings, residents, aspirations, and also images of the workshops, and our findings from research about the estate's history.
but thinking, when when we actually launched the installation, one resident said.
how dare you do this? What have you done? You've torn up our lawn and we went. Oh, no, no! But we were so careful. We discussed this with everyone. We talked all these permissions. We haven't torn up the launch, he said. Well, there are daffodils planted on this lawn, and what you've done is damage the daffodils. And that made us think more about these micro-conflicts and struggles and collaborations over open space on the estate.
and as we found the estate is also home to some secret gardens. because the estate was built on Garden City principles. There are these 2 hidden gardens that residents guard really closely, and some say no. These gardens are just to look at from a distance.
and others say, this is where we have our barbecues you can see a self-created barbecue pit nestled against a ventilation shaft for the mainline railway You can also see that there are many different layers of fencing around the playgrounds on the estate, that both close off the playground, but also create safety. So, thinking about these different tensions.
so this normative ideal of openness as a political imperative, to create an open future, to fight structural closures imposed by relations of power, but then also to claim space and say, No, no, this is where we're going to have
our barbecue, or this is where we're going to take over this lawn, and that it's not supposed to be used, and have our children's bouncy castle for their birthday parties.
So, in thinking
about these different spaces of reconstitution, of collaboration of micro-conflict, we started to think about the hidden infrastructures, design elements, and material events that shaped the contestation of city of the city, and we asked about the design and social mix of the city.
So, in collaboration with artist Natalia Orundan, we spent some time in the archives, and what we found were particular histories of enslavement and colonial extraction that have shaped all 3 of the social housing estates that we worked on. So the Garden City Principle of the Hillgrove estate was that that way? Because the historic landowners.
an aristocratic family, the heir family, who made their money through enslavement, insisted upon the Garden City design so as not to undermine the middle class character of the area.
And so it's pitched roofs and quite traditional design then also led to it, becoming more desirable for privatization, with the introduction of the right to buy. In contrast, one of the other estates that we worked on the childcare's estate, the land was hysterically owned by the very, very prestigious school, Eaton College.
and they, too, shaped the design with more limited spaces
for interaction on the estate. So each of the estates have their own particular histories that in their design shape the spaces that people can gather and come together. And then what they're able to do with these spaces in the city.
So just for the some concluding thoughts, the question of what came first design principles, or the social mix.
how do we create openness in the negotiation and renegotiation of space. And how does inclusivity and togetherness emerge through micro-conflicts? And finally, for some bonus reading? We just had a paper come out in Geo. Forum. That looks at our work in more detail. the Doi. It was published in the middle of the night last night, so we haven't got a link up there, but it is now live
And finally, we do have some goodies. so we have some maps of the estate with their own guided tour that we can share. which will be at the front, and Kareem and John also have copies. Please take them. everybody loves freebies. and we've also got some images from exhibition. We put on in the local library that showed residents, sense of home and place that they took on a participatory photography. Crawl? but yeah, thank you very much.
Thank you.
Yeah.
They invented by
close to me, and
from the
Hello! Good morning, everybody. so this paper is about a multi-culture collaboration in local civil society, urban civil society in super divers neighborhoods with the case city of of border ho! In the city of Anthrop in in in Belgium. So the central research question is is really about, how does urban civil society. How is it Does it incorporate
diversity in cities? And so that's the central question. If at all. There's a central question that we are trying to address in this paper, and just to make clear our basic concept, what do we mean with civil society, civil society, or all the organisations that have a kind of societal mission.
so they are not oriented to what's profit, making private companies, and they are established by citizens. So they are not governments, although in the context of Western European states they are very often heavily subsidised, so they are very strongly, of course, interwoven with State policies.
and they adopt different roles. they are heavily involved in community building. So they bring people together. They create social cohesion. They have a political role. They are mostly are very often aiming to create some kind of political or social change, and they're very often also, in the context of the welfare state also involved in in in in delivering social social services.
So why do you think it's important to think about the way or the the degree or the accent to which civil society is incorporating ethnic and culture, diversity and society in its in its organization is because within the context of Western European neo-corpetist welfare States. Civil society has a very important role, and we often think about the welfare state. But in fact, it's a misnomer. In the case of many Western European countries.
These are very often welfare regimes in which civil societies are very, very important partners in in managing and provision of of well for today civil society has a very important political role. They manage the social security system, they marriage, the health care system. And so they very. They have a very important political role. They are very strongly involved in delivering social services. Very often, at least in Belgium, Belgium is actually quite a weak state.
Much of its capacity, delivery, social services, entirely dependent on large civil society organizations, and a very important platform for community building. So given their very central role in in, in, in in welfare societies. It's important that we look at that sort of miser level of organization to see to what extent they are able to incorporate the diversity in in, in society.
Now. as far as we can see, it's a bit of a neglected field of study, because if you look at academic research on ethnic and culture diversity. It either focuses on the macro level. And so there are endless debates in political philosophy.
in migration studies. whether we are in a multicultural society Interculture society, whether we are pursuing new assimilationist policies, maybe we should be colonized, and so on. So many of these discussions are really on the macro level of society. On the other hand, and I think the previous presentation was very much in line with that. We have lots of, especially in urban studies and itography, a lot of studies on
Mit, Ctl and Micro Level interpersonal interaction. So I hope people on the on the micro level interact in in diverse societies, and literature on super diversity of covidiality. Very much is is in that in that line 150.
But we think that the measle level of organizations and the way diversity is incorporate in that music level of organization is a little bit understudy. There's a lot of work in management studies on private companies, on public institutions that looks at diversity management of critical diversity studies. So on that level, there is quite a lot of research.
but on the level of civil society organization, especially local civil society organization. We found much less literature on on the way that it was done, except for the specific niche of organization which we called ethnic at self-organizations. So the self-organization of people with a migration background. There is some research on that, but much less so on the on the general level of of
of non-profit organizations and and civil society. So that that is what we trying to address in our study. Now the first part of the study is, is we looking at the incorporation of diversity ethnic and culture, diversity and civil society on the level of the Dutch speaking region in Belgium, looking particularly at cities and and municipalities. And so we did this kind of a called quantitative survey
in which we are trying to kind of assess to what extent Ethnic and culture diversity was represented in the organizations. Now that was a difficult study because we worked together with civil society organizations, and they were quite resistant to what we were doing. Because basically, we were trying to see
if you have in in in in the Dutch speaking, part of of Belgium, around 25 of the population has a migration background around 11 or 12 has a non-EU background. So that are quite a high levels for a region in in total. And and we'll be trying to see whether that was reflected in organizations. And when we were asking for collaboration of of nonprofit organizations and to to share the data with us, they were quite resistant, because
In fact, there is a constitutional freedom to associate in in Belgium, which means that Every citizen has a right to be part of an organization, and the State doesn't have. The State has no right to intervene with that.
If people, if people associate themselves with others and organizations and civil society organization, they see that as something that they do run, share, needs and concerns. So the so the question
whether that reflects divers in society we've seen as a kind of an illegitimate intervention, because nobody, nobody has the right to say how people should associate to gather in organizations, and they even refer to the Constitution, saying that this was really kind of wrong question to ask
Nevertheless, we were able to kind of serve you a thousand 660 civil society organization, 14 different municipalities from very large municipalities, such as Ancra and and Brussels, 2 very small municipalities, and we were asking them in to to to give us an in an insight into how, on different levels of the organizations, what were the presence of people of a non-EU background?
And the reason why we have this broad category of non-EU background is that most organizations do not keep statistics, of that they don't really know. And non EU was for us sort of most
credible or valid way to ask kind of some kind of understanding, of of of of of how much diverse there is in the organizations, and we asked them to to to do not give us the exact number because it didn't. Most organize didn't have these statistics, but to give us sort of in categories.
and we asked them, In in broad categories of of percentages, how much ethnic and culture, diversity, non-EU, ethnic and culture diversity was in their organizations, and we asked them to do that on different levels of the organization, the target group.
so that they, the crossroads, the people that they were working for, that their mission was directed at the level of the volunteers that are involved in the organizations, and then also the board meaning the most important decision making body in the organizations. A reference point was 11.3%, because that's more or less the kind of non EU level of non usage in the Flemish population.
and, as I said, we didn't ask for exact figures, because organizations were very often not able to provide that. But we asked them in categories. And we considered every organization that has between 6,
our 19% of people with non-EU background on that level of the organization as more as represent representative of the diversity in society, which means our estimate is, it's quite conservative in a sense that most organization, or, as we will see on the next slide, or rather having low levels of diversity. But we did what we didn't want to. We did want to have a kind of robust assessment, one
erez agmoni. Our findings are not surprising that local civil society organizations in in the Dutch speaking region of Belgium, Flanders do a majority. They do not reflect the ethnic and culture diversity in society also, not in the big cities. So we don't see much difference in the big cities. The exact data are on the right hand side. I'm not going to read out because of, because because of the lack of time, 250.
What is more important that they don't. They don't reflect the Attic and culture diversity in society, but more so if you look at the share of non-EU citizens
it decreases when you move close to the decision making center of the organization. If you look at a target population, so the people they are serving and the people they are working for. that. you find quite a number of organizations that do reflect non-EU diversity in in the population.
It is much less the case for the volunteers. And if you look at the board level there, of course, most of the organization, the vast majority, 80.5% have no way of or in no way representing the ethnic and culture diversity in society, meaning that if the best participation of non-EU Migrants with an on EU background. In civil society organizations, they participate in the periphery of the organizations, but not really in the center of power of the organization
how to explain this. Well, we looked at the different roles that civil society organizations are playing. And although this is a very heterogeneous set of organizations.
The most important role as they itself report to us, is a community building role. So if you ask them, what are you doing? Most of them say, we bring people together. We try to give people a good time. We try to create a space in which they belong. So really, community building roles.
Then this is the most important role they play. And this was very consistent. Across many different types of of organizations, from huge organizations to a trade unions to art organizations, to environmental organizations. That really was a very important role. They they, they, they saw them with the most important role. They see themselves playing. However, there was one item
on the set of items which we asked for to assess the community building role which they escort much lower on. And that item was bringing together people with a different social background. So they escort all the items on community building very high.
But the item of bringing people together with different social backgrounds so very broadly frame, not even ethnic and culture. Back on just different social backgrounds, they scored much lower on which to us suggest that if they do community building, they see this predominantly, as bringing together people which which are socially similar, which share a lot which which are really from the same kind of of background. And this, occurring to us, explains why.
although civil society organization are very strong and creating community. They're not very good and creating community across ethnic and culture and across socialize. So this explains they don't even see it as a task to do so. So that's probably explains why they are so. Such a weak capacity to incorporate ethnic and culture. Minorities of monoritized populations.
But we wanted to go a little bit more in debt. So we looked in in a more qualitative sense, as a number of of neighborhoods of number, of cities in which The level of diversity was very high to see if you could understand more about why. Civil society is not very strong in incorporating
ethnic and culture, diversity, and the reason why we were asking that is because.
most civil society organizations in Belgium are towards the left of the political spectrum. They are progressive organizations, they have inclusive missions. So if if one, or if one type of organization, society should be able to incorporate ethnic and culture, that is, you would expect that it would be civil society, and, in fact, as our number show, they don't do any better than state institutions than companies, and so on. So this is why we want to go
a little bit deeper. So we looked at the prime example of Flemish urban multiculture, which is the city of Antrim. It's the most diversity in the Us-speaking part of Belgium.
Brussels is out of that, just to just to make that clear. And we looked at border how, which is one neighborhood towards the north of the city center, which has very high levels of of of of diversity around 55%
of the inhabitants of our foreign origins. 30% are residents of not African origin, mostly people with a Moroccan background.
They have been historically a bachelor for the extreme right. The extreme might has relabeled the neighborhood. Boroko. It's Borderhot and morocco. In the same sense. It wasn't meant to be a a a praise quite to the country. They're very often they're a rice. So there's a lot of urban finance in that neighborhood, or eruptions of urban violence quite regularly, mostly with disenfranchised migrants.
There is also, of course, a lot of gentrification. So there's new middle class, white middle class people moving in, and it's also in terms of civil society. It's quite a kind of dynamic
situation in which you see quite a lot of new organizations popping up. So we thought, this is a sort of good example to see, maybe a place in which it would work better to incorporate ethnic and culture diversity.
Nevertheless, our findings were that local civil society is still heavily segregated.
So there are. If you look at civil society in general, there is a lot of ethic and culture diversity, but people are gathering in different organizations. So you have a lot of sort of well, long established organizations which are entirely white and and middle class. They're also also what we call polarized. So they're according to different biological
orientations.
At the same time, you see, a lot of new organizations. But these new organizations are basically the organization of the gentrifice. So they have all kind of neighborhood committees focusing on neighborhood parties and bringing people out in the streets
a lot of citizen initiatives which are really addressing kind of post-material concerns about reducing. The space that cars card cars! They can do the neighborhood to run traffic, safety around extending public space. All kind of culture, events, and so on. So the typical and post-materials concern that you will find. But these were also new organizations, but also mostly not entirely, but mostly white.
Then there were a lot of ethic and cultural self-organizations. So any every ethnic and code group in the neighborhood has its own organization.
which are
which create diversity on the level of the whole of civil society. But within the organizations. They mostly remain within the same the same ethnic and culture group, and most of them were built around the experience of mono monitorized culture and religion. So wait was basically because they they felt that you know their their culture and religious background was not part of other organizations, so they felt they had to organize their own organizations.
They were also often involved in integration support, so they would help newcomers to find their way into society, and there were, of course, a lot of religious organizations, mainly mosques being set up and and and and most of these mosque were really also focused on particular ethnic groups, so there would be an Afghan most. There were a lot of morality and Turkish mosques, and so on.
So the reasons why we're trying to find out. Why is it that although the the the range of organizations expands, people do so and organize? Really? a long ethnic and culture lines. And one of the issues that often came back to socioeconomic cleavage. So wasn't that much an issue of ethnic and culture difference? It was also because the the migrants that were coming to the area had a very different socio-economic position from the more established population, and also of the white gentrifying population. So people really organized.
maybe visibly along ethnic and cultural lines. But if you look deeper, it was also people were a def for every different socioeconomic background that organized. So it was basically a lot of the ethics and coast to self organization. We're also working class organizations, whereas the new gentrify organization were basically higher middle class organizations.
One of the issues was also that people had different concerns. So people came together out of free will. Of course, that's why people associate in civil society, and they just had different concerns. it wasn't about
okay, that would be possible.
It was also about the fact that what they were trying to do is different. I mean, most of the newly established white organization were really about the position of the car, which a very, very contentious issue they were really trying to organize around the car and pushing back the car out of the city, whereas all those were really about, you know, creating spaces for religious worship, where about supporting kids in school, about education, and so on. So they really have very different concerns, naturally coming together in different types of organization.
the issue of language, of course, and the the way language we spoke, but also culture. Alcohol is very much part of of of civil society life in the established population. So you would have a meeting and then have a drink. A drink was entirely part of civil society life, and of course, in in the context of of a largely Muslim population, they didn't really recognize that part of the of civil society life that would sort of antagonize them.
Quite often and very often civil society live is quite formalized. I mean, you need to have their formal positions in every civil society, and you cannot establish an organization without 3 people that care the the the vice chair of the of the meeting, and then also the ones that are looking after the finance. That's the formal part of the organization, and for many a newcomers in in in the country. That's that. This is not this kind of form organizing is quite difficult to get in. It's quite a threshold for them to organize in that way.
I will spend the last minute just detailing some, some, some tendencies that are innovative in terms that are trying to bridge ethnic and cultural diversity, especially in new to organization sports organization. You could see more diverse organizations emerging so organizations that incorporated ethnic and culture diversity.
many of them involved second and third-generation migrants. So it would very very seldom be a first generation people with a migration background, and it would baly be about sports and youth, and ever, very, very often they were frustrated about the mosques
because they felt a Moscow donated by older man, by conservative men. And so they were. They didn't feel reflect in that, so they would find their new organizations would be, which would be more diverse. They would also often, very, very often, organize around urban culture, urban sports, culture, urban musical culture, and that would be a kind of shared basis with a lot of different people, with the youngsters, with different.
and they can culture backgrounds. What was also very important is the slow emergence of a migrant middle class. So it was with the indigenous grow middle class that would play a kind of mediating role between organizations, so they would corporate across organizational boundaries. I would very often be migrant middle class people, which are quite a small segment of the organ of the organizations that would act as kind of which figures
and finally, professional social workers would also play an important part. So there are a couple of social work organizations that are trying to support people with a migration background in building capacity and transferring knowledge about how you organize organizations, especially with the more formal parts of the associations. They would help them to interact with organizations, with governments.
and they would also try to kind of improve cooperation, and they would also be kind of quite strategically, focusing on incorporating young people with a migration background in the boss of existing organizations supporting them in in in in, you know, finding their place in these these organizations. And so these are some of the evolutions that are.
you know, slowly working towards some more. most more diverse civil society organizations in that neighborhood. Thank you for your attention.
Thank you.
Let me.
The
for grandparents, and
I have a question.
Hello. So I have a question for the presentation on Khammatsu. Yeah.
yes. So the question is very much because you mentioned a lot about integration in terms of
learning the language right? so. And I wonder whether there were other strategies in terms of learning about culture, not just language, but culture more in general.
No?
Oh. thank you very much for your question.
Of course the city has a particular strategy focusing on festival.
because how much? Has a no. a very special kind of festival.
It can be a source of.
you know.
tourism.
and also can be
our trucks leaving us for
foreign workers to stay
and participate in
those festivals. If there is no.
if there is no festival or that kind of event for your people.
I not not interested in in the local community, but first of all is kind of twitter
to foot to them, so they
may be focusing on the festival.
I like to ask
the Asakad presentation disclosed some areas concentrated of
the low wage honors, and also some ethnic groups. Is there any particular reason such as the Chinese in the cable grow, or the other ethnic groups in other areas, or something some, it's in concentration, exist in Tokyo than any background or any particular reason for that.
Thank you very much for your question. The particular reason is, a person
first enter Tokyo first, and he about a lot of networks. So
the village.
Okay. the
the to later cover.
wants to
connect to the person who enter first. So there
concentrated in
the certain part of Tokyo.
That that is why I think that's uneasy
very much.
Yes.
I have another question for Dr. Fujioka, but the same thing, because I was just wondering, since. I think language classes are very valuable. It's very important for people to learn the language of the country they're moving to.
But I was also wondering, and it has been elaborated now that there's cultural festivals to teach foreign people about the local culture. But I'm wondering this seems very much about what foreign people should learn about the local place. But is there are there initiatives to help
Local Japanese residents understand multicultural society? And yeah, and to create solidarity in that way.
Thank you very much for your question.
So
for local people, they are facing the problem of
the declining of population. So they are gradually changing.
The festival was very conservative
40 years or 50 years ago, but they need someone
to continue on. So they
have been changing. And actually Hanamatsu's festival was
focusing on boys. All the boys can join and
do some rituals or something like that. But now girls can participate in.
and now they
try to hook foreign people to the festival organizations.
So they are gradually changing because of the
population crisis. That's what's happening in Hammond.
Answer your Christian. Thank you very much.
I have a question for Mr. Koisumi about his work, about multicultural society, and I found it wonderful. Your relationship between these noise and
how collaborative. Artistic expressions can rebuild cities.
And because you were making this metaphor between The acoustic stuff with the visual one.
I have another one that maybe I I want to know if you consider it between the spatial and the sound
ideas, that it's the concept of sounds like the landscape for cities.
There's a concept about sounds good. Have you worked with that concept? And you consider, what are your ideas about this?
Thank you very much for your yeah. Good point in, actually, yeah, to the answer is, I'm yeah. In this presentation I couldn't mention about my, it's actually interest. But to that, to to research. I'm also actually working with those actually up projects as as a today, there's I'm from actual music music background. I mean, yeah, I graduate from a music manager study or something. So
I also interested in those sounds actually around the escape or something. So yes. But, as you know, actually, recently. Yeah. those? yeah.
The of those on contemporary music is memory. Focus on those jury. A very specific, actually. giants of those music. But actually why, I actually mentioned about those socially English art that may refine art or to reactivity was actually
in the field of those. yeah. fine arts. yeah, they are actually including those music, or a theorem or other activities as well. So yes. But but actually, as you said, actually, those sounds. Aspect is also very important. And
yeah, that's a very important point, I think. Is that Ok? For you? The question.
yes. and then let's talk it, or later, yeah, if you don't mind.
Okay. both the papers are so exciting, and we have a lot of questions. But I think we might look at the broad essential on time on the 2030. And Thank you for participating this session that we have these Communists coming together, and the effect on the unprecedented experience we have to get us from from Corona virus just as it was below by the Leicester.
But now Sanskrit pays the page box of this kind of covenant that you have impossible.
And then, we have confirmed the importance of studies as a sociology has deal with and focused on the changing society. I do hope our study will continue to be to faster sociological discussion and to develop further collaboration among us for internation and research, and let us thank you for all the paper presenters. Thank you so much. And the volunteer. Thank you for the conference. Thank you
good job, everybody
it is.