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Isil Erdinc: So Hi, everyone, let's start. I'll say good morning. Get on my side that I hope that it's I. I see this on some I've come to with the wake up up, and so thank you for coming to our this this session, this joint session for the act.

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Isil Erdinc: so now, trade junior. So on the old schedule of the in the in, in the global salt So my co-host at the country, who is from a both to us, he won't be here. So he says he's sorry, because of some personal family family problems. He won't be here, so I will be sharing a on alone.

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Isil Erdinc: And so thank you. Everyone for the presentations, and for for being here because present here. So we have a So I'm I'm working on the especially in Turkey, and I'm an assistant associate professor in in in Brussels.

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Isil Erdinc: And we have 5 presenters today. So I'm only we, we were supposed to have 6%. But the the 6% I was informed that she won't be here.

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Isil Erdinc: So the 5% is today 2 online and 3 there in Australia. So again. Sorry for not being there. You've already planning to come. I was going to plan to come up like, and then Turkey happened the end of life. So like. Ted, thanks again for being here. So we will you. You each have 15 min so, and the and all 2 min left. I will just tell you just to to to to wrap up on.

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I to to your your your presentation. Okay.

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I'm going easy to share with you, and I will tell the people on the room 2 min. Okay?

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Isil Erdinc: And So I said before I stop talking, and then the the the idea is that to have some comparative perspectives on trade unions under authoritarian context, that, of course, the definition and the identification of our regime, the authoritarian is in level of check of each regime is not the same.

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Isil Erdinc: So it's the the idea is not to to, to, to to compare. If one country is authoritarian and the other is not. It's a good to discuss that the practices under these alternative contexts in different countries.

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Isil Erdinc: So I'll leave the floor to to learn our top. We'll be presenting the the the situation in Brazil, and if you can share your screen with your portfolio.

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Isil Erdinc: I'll be keeping

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Leonardo Aucar: okay. Can you see the screen

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Leonardo Aucar: perfect? So first first of all, Good afternoon. Good afternoon for those in Australia. I'm Leonardo, and I call through this this paper, this work with

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Leonardo Aucar: Joseph Hekar Hamadu, which is my current certificate adviser, and which is a a a colleague Both of them were unable to to be here today. but I will be presenting in their place, and this is a look at not only Brazil unions, but a very particular

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Leonardo Aucar: Brazilian union, which is the Meta Workers Union at Ibc in the State of San Paul. So just to to give you a brief context in Brazil. science to taste 2,008 situation in Brazil has

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Leonardo Aucar: getting slowly and slowly harder for units and for workers. we slowly see the rise of now liberal economic policies from the State, and as a result we saw a marvelous move from more vulnerability to working

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Leonardo Aucar: to workers, and the worst working conditions, etc., etc. And this situation

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Leonardo Aucar: has become particularly worse. Science 2,016, after the impeachment of the President. and after the impeachment a few very important things happen. One. We had the the past, the the a labor reform in 2,017, which was a very strong

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Leonardo Aucar: no Liberal bias, labor reform, and a very anti Union labor reform. And in the late 2,018 we saw the election of extreme right wing government.

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Leonardo Aucar: which you know, is we by coincidence, today just got an electable in Brazil. But that's

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Leonardo Aucar: follow. So to focus on 2,017 labor reform. I I like to point out it was a a reform that basically institutionalized flexibility. You know, it had a argument of job creation.

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Leonardo Aucar: and it remove it basically removed in sort of finance of financing that you know Zoom Brazil had, and it severally cut back the collective bargaining power. basically saying that individual agreements between workers and companies were okay.

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Leonardo Aucar: and that you know, very

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Leonardo Aucar: flexible, particular agreements where we're okay?

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Leonardo Aucar:  because of After that, because of 2,017 labor reform, and because of the rise of this Bolsonaro regime in Brazil, we start trying to look at how different trade units responded to this process, how they adapt to this very adverse that adverse environment.

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Leonardo Aucar: And

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Leonardo Aucar: we we had, as a as a hypothesis that this, this illness would show some kind of conscious movement of self evaluation, and they will try to criticize their own.

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Leonardo Aucar: their own position and try to come up with new new ways of representing the workers.

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Leonardo Aucar:  to test this part, to, to test this hypothesis, we look at that. A very particular very unique case of metal workers. Tribune. metal workers to build is essentially the newsletter, the the the 3 or 4 times a week. Newsletter of Meta Workers union in the state of some power. So metal workers union is,

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Leonardo Aucar: is one of the most traditional, if not the most traditional union in Brazil. It is the political origin of the our current President, Los Angeles and the silver.

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Leonardo Aucar: and it has always been a quite active, you know, in terms of

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Leonardo Aucar: of social protesting and trying to fight for for workers. Right? So what we tried to do was to look at the covers of about 512 on issues of the Metal Workers Tribune. And to make an and making a a A of the 2,018 to 2,021 period

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Leonardo Aucar: based on thematic categories that we found in discover. So we scrap it, the the, the, the 500 issues using an automated scrapper. And we

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Leonardo Aucar: could basically coded every one of those covers, every one of those issues starting from in the inductive coding. So we do the first reading of the material. We come up with the codes, and we progressively revaluated the codes that we found

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Leonardo Aucar: in the material.

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Leonardo Aucar: As a result. we came up with 6 main thematic categories

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Leonardo Aucar: that represents the main issues that the you know, workers were dealing during this this time frame.

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Leonardo Aucar: and, as you can see the 6 main thematic categories are, you know, related demands, which is what we would more traditional expect of a union. So these are all sort of actions against company closures. These are these are informs about collective bargaining strikes union elections.

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Leonardo Aucar: we also see, of course, a lot of discussion about workers rights.

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Leonardo Aucar: So discussions of social secret reform discussion of any attempt by the government of removing workers right and

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Leonardo Aucar: and labor reform and we also saw, a few other categories that were not, as traditionally expected,

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Leonardo Aucar: mainly metal workers union also, but a lot of emphasis on questions regarding development and economy. very focus on the question of industry and industrialization in Brazil, a lot of social issues, which is a general category where we we saw things like antihunger campaigns. street protests against Google. So not a government.

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Leonardo Aucar: discussions about gender violence and other other social questions, social problems that would not, initially be associated with with union. You know, Metal Workers Union. A lot of discussion of politics.

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Leonardo Aucar: you know, local and national politics, but mostly national college, with a lot of reference to Bosonaro, also Lula and Car wash operation, etc., and of course, especially size 2,020 strong. Presence of COVID-19 related discussions the Union showed a very, very constant constant defense of

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so so isolation. It constantly shared statistics about the pandemic It constantly demanded action

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Leonardo Aucar: from companies in order to prevent covid the spread and and covid deaths

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Leonardo Aucar: and the main takeaway we have from this is that a lot of known, you know, you know related topics were present.

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Leonardo Aucar: There was a strong defense of, for as sues of as us which are public health system a lot of campaigns, I guess hunger campaigns against inequality a lot of discussions about gender equality, discussions about women's work overload during the pandemic and even

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Leonardo Aucar: then questions regarding on racism, ratio and equality and defense of indigenous rights. So that's the they did the main quantitative quantitative result from the, from the.

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Leonardo Aucar: from the review of the the the issues. And what you can see is that while you know, issues and worker, right issues were. As to the

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Leonardo Aucar: main categories, you know. So the the the newsletter still talked mostly about things that you would expect in a in a unrelated newsletter. There was a very, very strong presence of non-union related issues, and when we group the the category of of teams, of of of of

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Leonardo Aucar: teams that were not directly associated with, you know, but related to other sort of social questions, then they get

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Leonardo Aucar: bigger. They they are. They are more present in the material than UN related questions. And that brings us

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Leonardo Aucar: to our to our discussion, which is that both the the, the, the very trying times that unions in Brazil faced, and especially the pandemic, they they send it to produce in in metal workers, union

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Leonardo Aucar: and that to of trying to reach for different social movements and different social causes

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Leonardo Aucar: in order to make it's representation of workers more relevant and and and more meaningful. So in the face of losing, financing in the face of having, less representation that workplace of having off seeing the the collective bargaining agreements getting weaker. What this you know try to do and we are. It's it's what's trying to do

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Leonardo Aucar: as a strat strategically. And what's try to do is to to bring other other social issues as a as a

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Leonardo Aucar: talking point, in order to represent their workers in a more meaningful way.

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Leonardo Aucar: It shows, what is a very proactive strategy of exercising its in institutional powers. especially in the face of the symmetry of the relationship with

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Leonardo Aucar: companies. in in a way that denies. in sort of union crisis of of of crisis, of unionism. It we we definitely see a price of Unionism in Brazil, but we see that at least in in Metal Workers Union there is a proactive of making this situation better, of trying to reshape

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Leonardo Aucar: how the Union work reshape, what kind of issues they take on, and to bring worker representation into a more wide spectrum.

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Leonardo Aucar: And that's it for today. And thank you very much.

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Isil Erdinc: Thank you, Leonardo. And it was really interesting to see at the especially to see some resemblances like. And then this way, I think I've presentation will be similar. They'll be in in the same sense about the case in Turkey. So thank you. So let's just to to at Connor, and then maybe we can make a a a general discussion in the end.

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Isil Erdinc: So I've come, you guys, now we from? And we'll be presenting the Turkish case.

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Alpkan Birelma: Hi, everyone! Yes, it's kind of good morning for me. Early on a I will be presenting you today as issues

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Alpkan Birelma: mentioned the situation in Turkey, of course. but I will kind of trying to show and argue that there is a relatively roaming mutants in Turkey, and

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Alpkan Birelma: what to Italian. This is kind of

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Alpkan Birelma: a response to that in a way

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Alpkan Birelma: a Turkish labor movement actually had. It's very powerful moments in the past, However, overall in the last couple of decades it is widely acknowledged that it is not very powerful anymore. I will show you just the true basic data, which also implies that, of course, here we see the number of workers who participated in legal strikes in Turkey.

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Alpkan Birelma: And and obviously, I mean. Since the mid nineties, illegal strikes has have almost become managed to the other data which we also have, you know, usually look at, to understand laborable in almost any country. The Union density, the the the blue line is the collective bargain coverage and the orange one is, you need density.

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Alpkan Birelma: It's just because we don't have reliable data for Union density before 2,013, but obviously collective Biden cover, which is a good proxy.

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Alpkan Birelma: A. And once again since the eighties, we had a pretty dramatic fall off in the dance in Turkey.

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Alpkan Birelma: Another thing is that we had a recent increase, which I will explain in a minute.

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So

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Alpkan Birelma: my basic question is, Person of all, the labor moment is not very strong in Turkey, obviously. and Turkey has been governed by a party since 2,002, which is mostly acknowledged as a neoliberal one.

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Alpkan Birelma: and almost everybody, you know kind of agrees that it is a further author, Italianism in the country, at least since 2,010, how they were, on the other hand, which is kind of the puzzle here

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Alpkan Birelma: labor movements in Turkey have recently secured some quite serious, quite impressive victories. I will talk about in this presentation, because there are some others also. However, I will focus on 3 cases 3 such cases, nationwide mobilizations which are

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Alpkan Birelma: a victorious.

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The first one is the labor's mobilization of subcontracted workers who are working in the public sector.

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Alpkan Birelma: a party is, since it is kind of newly, but it's of course, privatized a lot. and then it cannot privatize. For example, the

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Alpkan Birelma: some specific institutions, just like, for example, municipalities or public hospitals, etc. It's subcontracted. And it's subcontracted a lot. So that in 2,000 subcontracted workers who are working for the public institutions have reached almost 1 million

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Alpkan Birelma: a. However, these people started to organize, mobilize, and, you know, demand better rights and conditions which result in a quite impressive labor movement in Turkey.

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Alpkan Birelma: Unions? Some unions also, of course, support the time, but it's because I should start it, and mostly run by, It works with themselves. Kind of. They build associations because you need them for not very much interested in them at the very beginning.

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Alpkan Birelma: It's a long story. I brought couple of things about this struggle overall, however, let me, Include, since we don't have much time before the elections. In 2,015 I party changed the law. And This law is like serious to the east unionization of these workers, and they unionized, and therefore they start to have kind of better conditions first in in the first step, however.

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Alpkan Birelma: ere

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Alpkan Birelma: nearly 700 50,000 workers, Transitioned into regular public employment steps in 2,018, just before the elections, which was, of course, a very

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Alpkan Birelma: massive nationalization.

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Alpkan Birelma: and since all of these workers have unionized since 2,015 since 2,015, and we are talking about overall. 1 million dollars you need in density in Turkey has increased. This explains almost all the around 5 points increase in the last decade.

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Alpkan Birelma: The second mobilization I, wanna you know, kind of pretty talk about is a non legal strike, maybe in 2,015. As I said, legal strikes have all almost managed. However, of course we also have non legal strikes, as everywhere.

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Alpkan Birelma: But we didn't have any data on them. But I am part of a research group, and we are doing a protest in that analysis on all types of working class protests in Turkey since 2,015. So we have data from this research which shows us.

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Alpkan Birelma: Actually, pretty much this graph in terms of non-negative strikes. Here we see the the participants, the strikers in those not legal strikes

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Alpkan Birelma: and we had a peak in 2,015 a quite impressive piece. We didn't have complete data for the previous use, but we all know that we had the piece. We had a strike wave in 2,015. It is widely recognized.

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Alpkan Birelma: I know role this number over all. This number is 14 times as many as the participants in the legal strikes, which shows that non legal strikes are the main thing in the Turkish labour scene

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Alpkan Birelma: recently. But we did what we had in 2,015 months. Actually, it started by, Metal workers? Non legal, or we can say, Well, get strikes. It was very impressive, very massive.

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Alpkan Birelma: Actually, she also wrote about this case. She had a very good article on. On this, however, it's also, of course, created a kind of a a diffusion effect. And Many others industries, many other sectors within the country also follow up their lead. We had seen

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Alpkan Birelma: many, many different non legal strikes, many, many different geographies and industries in Turkey. In the second half of 2,015, thanks to metal workers. Push

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Alpkan Birelma: What is the victory here? The victory is about. Once again a response of what party? Here we see the adjusted base share as the percentage of Gdp in Turkey.

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And and obviously, as as Bill can you know? See it?

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Alpkan Birelma: 2,016 had the greatest increase since 91, Which was also a result of another strike wave 3 decades ago. But here we also had a a quite impressive increase in the adjustment paid share. Why? Because I partly responded immediately, and they raised the minimum wage

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Alpkan Birelma: in a very actually dramatic way. The the annual inflation was around 10 at the beginning of 2,016, but that party increased the minimum wage for 33%. Yes.

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Alpkan Birelma: which was pretty, You know interesting things, and I am pretty sure that it was a response to this. Flavors militancy in the previous year. The third one is

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Alpkan Birelma: something we can roughly call mobilization for early retirement and take out the Arabic to it just actually

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Alpkan Birelma: last month. This is very, You know, fresh. It's kind of a complicated issue. I, of course, have to wrap up But basically we had a new law in 1,999, because it

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Alpkan Birelma: in in relation to the resignment, Conditions in Turkey? That was another government. This this was not a part of this was

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Alpkan Birelma: previous at party government

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the new law changed a lot, but the most important thing was that they introduced an age condition for retirement. Before that we only had something like a seniority condition.

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Alpkan Birelma: I can say, and and you know the age. It was great to the race, of course. didn't. However, the most controversial issue was that the name of

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Alpkan Birelma: was also has also applied for those who were already working who already started.

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Alpkan Birelma: who already start their employment even before the introduction of the law at the very beginning. People didn't really realize, or people didn't really kind of. You know, that much protest, however, because this situation calls delays in their retirement as much as 18 years. In the most extreme cases those people start to to mobilize in the second half of the 2,010

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Alpkan Birelma: a. And when we came to the true top 2,

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Alpkan Birelma: let's say to the second half of 2,010. We had almost 5 million people who were affected by this

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Alpkan Birelma: situation like, who supposed to get retired very early year. However, they couldn't retire because of the law was also applied to them. So they build a pretty nationwide social movement. It it's called a it internal fish, I can roughly Translate it as those who couldn't meet the age condition. It is much shorter in Turkish, but I couldn't.

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Alpkan Birelma: you know, find a better one. they built many organizations. Actually, once again, unions were not organizing this. Those people, those workers themselves.

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I call them workers, because, you know, they keep working because they couldn't retire. They built associations almost

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Alpkan Birelma: in all corners of Turkey. They organize many, many protests, also smaller ones, but also very massive ones. They lobe it, etc. They had these huge rallies, which was which were participated by

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Alpkan Birelma: according to some 100 thousands of people. So they really mobilized seriously.

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Alpkan Birelma: Aldon said very clearly, back in a couple of years ago in 2,019. Even if it costs us losing the elections, I won't do it. He emphasized that a lot. However.

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Alpkan Birelma: couple of years later he did it.

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Alpkan Birelma: He did it just before the elections we had last month, or I mean in May I mean.

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Alpkan Birelma: And that's election was arguably the risky's election for er down according to the polls, because we had a financial crisis and get a high inflation, etc. In the polls since 2,022. We have seen that

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Alpkan Birelma: he's gonna lose. but of course he didn't. And this helped actually a lot. His calls

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Alpkan Birelma: let mes me summarize. I will make 4 points about these mobilizations once it. The first one is they are somewhat growing since the last decade unions. I'm not leading them, which is also interesting, basically because unions are mostly controlled by the government. They're separate, they are not, you know, coordinates or anything like that. We didn't see something like that. However, there, you know.

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Alpkan Birelma: quite effective as the story kind of shows. So how to explain this kind of puzzle.

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Alpkan Birelma: Of course, actually, I need to make an international comparison, but I will only, you know, share some tentative conclusions I have in my mind.

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Alpkan Birelma: first of all, of course these mobilizations are significant series enough to get congestions from a powerful government. However, there are also some specifics in Turkey. We have a sharp elite division, as the you know, relationship between elections and victories also kind of implies. And you know this calls some opportunity for the laboring classes. However, I think we should also recognize that at party actually has a label policy.

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You know it is not strictly neoliberal, and a part is kind of, you know, enjoying a

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Alpkan Birelma: pretty impressive working class support, and it is aware of that it and it doesn't wanna lose it. So

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Alpkan Birelma: actually, at parties, kind of the most pro-label one, among others, mainstream parties. So this is kind of also another reason of this, I believe.

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Alpkan Birelma: So that's my conclusion. I hope I will keep up with the time takes.

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Thank you.

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Isil Erdinc: Thank you. I'll for the for these especially these these stories in the end. thank you for the perfect timing. So

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Isil Erdinc: So now we are. We passed to the to to Melbourne, and then people are we have 3 presenters who are already there. So we will start with the. We will continue with the

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Isil Erdinc: who is from the Philippines? the University of the Philippines. and he will be talking about the Asian and the several 8 countries in Asia. you know, to to talk about the the legal process, the labor policies on the authority they zoom and during the pandemic.

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Isil Erdinc: So by zoom, in that you, you have a 15 min to, and I'll let you know that we let you know about when 2 min left

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here? Come.

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And then, after you do like that with the done, yeah. Yeah. Great.

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Yeah.

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Isil Erdinc: Thank you.

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No.

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I wanted to.

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It's okay. I can do something like that now.

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Isil Erdinc: I I think. But I don't know what happens. Maybe for the painting. If you click on this here.

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Isil Erdinc: It's floating now.

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is it? Okay?

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Isil Erdinc: Perfect.

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So we're good. Good day to everyone and thank you to our C. 44 and our C. 30 for the opportunity to present. I'll be talking about responses of workers to authoritarianism. during the pandemic in for countries with Philippines, Indonesia, Myanmar, and Hong Kong.

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We all know that to Italianism is on the rise globally, and that includes Asia. Then Asia, I think it preceded even the 2,008 global recession. I start from the idea that authoritarianism is organic and not a pathology to neoliberalism. And definitely during the pandemic It enabled the the consolidation and

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and or the turn to authoritarianism. Yeah, mobility restrictions, emergency powers, ban on gatherings, of course, enabled authoritarians. But of course, there are different

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kinds levels of authoritarianism. So I use that they automate between soft and hard. They authoritarian regimes with all restrict civic spaces limit civic participation by opposition groups, popular actors. But then there's a range. I I they could be using repression or persuasion. So this the difference between soft and hard.

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Okay, however, I also take off from the idea that workers 7 interest in defending civic spaces, civil liberties, and that historically, labor movements have been a force for democratic transition as their form. And after these, from that arises this study to a bail scale, a comparative study of labor responses to authoritarianism, especially as what we saw during the pandemic in these 4 countries.

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So I did to inform my interviews of trade unionists labor activities in these 4 countries. Of course, in the case of the Philippines. it's also participant observation. Because, I'm well, in the Khadim. I also active in the labor movement, and then correlate all this data with a discrep view of events that transpired.

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I start with the Philippines Rodrigue. The third is bloody war on drugs created a climate of impunity. A very significant example of that is the the killing obey union organizer in a key export processing zone area in the Philippines happened in June 2,019, just days before the International Labour conference, and that, of course, led to outrage from worker delegates

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and Conference, resolved to send an Ilo high-level mission to the Philippines. when when Covid happened the instituted was have been called a securitized form of response, basically weaponizing rules during the pandemic to even even

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press down more on right political rivals and popular movements, and at the height of the pandemic, with very little opposition, obviously because of restrictions and the laptop ad Rahonian anti terror law was basically railroaded in the Philippine Congress.

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there were, of course, protests that you can see in the pictures, but just numbering in the hundreds or a few thousands. Many of them were students rather than actually workers. Unions, however, did did resist that. They contested the law in courts but the unions in the Philippines are Quebec relatively weak, and they couldn't mobilize big actions they compared to he, he the passes of the Philippine labor movement.

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Okay? And it was also during the pandemic when direct repression. So there was the blood they were on drugs, targeting alleged drug addicts in the Philippines. But it was during the pandemic that there was a definite shift

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to repression against a labor activist. Human rights defenders.

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personalities associated with the popular movements in the Philippines, harassment, arrest, and also killings by security forces. This, of course, this

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for the labor moment in the Philippines historically been fragmented. There's like a dozen. There's several labor centers. There's dozens of Labour Federations, even thousands of independent unions.

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But tactical unity was forged in order for all, for the whole Labour movement to defend what remains of a democratic space and labour rights and labor standards in the Philippines. They, the labor movement all sought allies. One is with the international labor movement, and they also what they doing campaign to engage the Ilo regarding the probe on violations of C. 87 and C. 89,

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and on the one hand, in Indonesia, we have a relatively strong labor movement. Okay, from the amazing years of 2,011 to 2,013. There were general strikes. So, of course, Indonesia which one significant benefits for the workers huge wage wage hikes

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social security regularization of outsource employees. But there was a backlash from employers, and of course, that the Government and by 2,015 a fight against a wage reform pro unsuccessful under Without this Presidency

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the labor movement may not be as strong. It might have weakened a bit, but And it was still strong enough to launch huge street protests

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not anymore. A general strike, also in 2,018 in 2,018, again, several anti-label reforms during with all this presidency, and of course, in again at the height of the pandemic and on the bus low. Rationalize us. A measure to generate jobs, improve the economy was, say, must be railroaded.

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Okay, and would cut back on labor standards. also even environmental protection. So this provoked massive, nationwide street protest by workers and students, sometimes leading to rioting.

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that. Of course they didn't prevent the omnibus law itself. Okay, but it was declared unconstitutional through a case filed by unions and other groups, unfortunately, was also replaced by a new one, but resistance still continues

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it, using a rapporteur so other than street protest. Lobbying cases filed by is among trade unions. As you can see in the pictures, the scale is much different compared to what we have in the Philippines. I'm told that tolap means redeck so rejoic

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in Burma. Similarly, we have a relatively strong labour movement re recently reinvigorated, just started from 2 to 11. Part of the democratization process goes back to the 27 saferon revolution in Myanmar. interestingly, most unions are formed out of strikes. Right? So. And workers do unprotected action.

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Okay, they win gains, and then they consolidate it by forming a unions. The Peak Trade Union Body, called Ctu. M. Exercises the dualistic unionism. It engages in a collective bargaining fight for labor standards. But understand that this is inseparable

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from a consolidation of the democratic process in in Burma, and is there for a a a, a. A vested in the struggle for reservation of democracy. So that's why, even before the coup, the Ctm. had a statement the posing a possible call and calling on workers to ready themselves, so that when A. Co. Actually happened there were.

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there was a generous strike by workers in both the public and private sector, along with the general mobilization by society in resistance to Theku, which, of course, was built, brutally suppressed.

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led to the CPU and other groups being banned, leaders being arrested. Of course, others went into hiding. Okay? Resistance continues today mainly in the form of flash mobilizations. Of course another form would be, aren't the assistance directly provoked by the violent repression by the the Anti Co. Protest the Union Led labor Alliance calls for a comprehensive sanctions against the Junta

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as a way to hasten the downfall

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in Hong Kong. Similarly, we have huge social mobilizations across almost a decade in 2,014. There was the umbrella movement. It it

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went on for a few years, although kind of the client. But then there was a rebel of must protest again, in 2,019 against the extradition law. The umbrella movement is about a restriction, protest against restrictions

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to the electoral law in Hong Kong unions were present and our present in mobilizations, but they generally took a back seat. It's mostly students that leaders the opposition figures which are highlighted in the social mobilizations.

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Although the impasse, the fact that despite this incredible social mobilization, they couldn't really stop the government of Hong Kong baptop, of course, by the Government in China from proceeding with this very repressive laws. So there was discussion there was a call for let's do a general strike. And it actually happened in August 2019.

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And of course, despite being athletic, unsuccessful, it did lead to a wave of UN so unionization among workers.

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of course. Now on set of go bid stop! Called the anti extradition protest again. At the height of the pandemic the national security. Low was passed in Hong Kong along with a host of other repressive laws. And it's because of like. It was a sort of democracy over the over the heads of the Democracy movement and orderly different groups, and that prompted the Hong Kong

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Congress of Trade Unions. And it's biggest affiliate the teachers union along with other civil society organizations to voluntarily disband themselves as some form self defense. Basically

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the assistance continues. We have, you have small activist groups basically trying to probe. How can they still continue the resistance in some other form workers have

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of? He did there to do economic actions. There was a planners protest during the pandemic and industrial action in Katie Pacific strike by food funded, deliberate riders, which actually also happened across the 3 other countries dressing with us, maybe in another study to look at it.

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So as an initial typology, basically this, our work in progress. So comments are most welcome. So I distinguish between the soft authoritarianism that we find in the Philippines and Indonesia.

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against the hard authoritarianism that we see in Myanmar, in Hong Kong. in the Philippines, we see a mostly defensive response in contrast to what we see in Indonesia, which I call offensing

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similar to my animal in Hong Kong, although, of course, the defensive form of struggle basically led on to being defensive later.

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by defensive, I mean, all these responses, of course, in terms of content, were defensive. They were opposing the the rolling back of gains that were already on, or the democratic space that workers were already enjoying.

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but in terms of form, there was, there was a difference. By offensive I mean the use of collecting mass mobilizations, including strikes such as what we saw in Indonesia, in Hong Kong and Burma. These responses, of course, affirm what I mentioned earlier as labor as a fighter for democracy.

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in Hong Kong we see an interesting case where union revitalization happened in the midst of this generalized social mobilization against authoritarianism, kind of distinct with what we see in under the other countries where revitalization happened for couple in Burma and Indonesia. After the democratic transition.

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the difference between the response in the Philippines and Indonesia, I would put mainly on the question of union strength. The labor movement in the Philippines is in decline. So that's why it's using institutional and societal power. If you use the power resources approach lens compared to Indonesia, which the workers rely more on their associational and structural power.

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Maybe that's a last note I would say that union strength, though, is variable in dynamic and clearly that can be seen in the case of the Philippines, the unimaginative line today. But before it actually grew. The Labour movement grew in militancy and strength ironically, under the dictatorship, and the labor movement was a major actor in the ouster of the dictatorship in in leading to the democratic transition

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so

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different from what we see in Indonesia, in Myanmar, where revitalization happened. Basically, as an outcome of the transition, I will end there and thank you.

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Isil Erdinc: Thank you. Thank you, Benjamin. and It's a thing. Thanks also for the type of the Java. That's good question after that. So let's pest to Ashley, Kumaraja or Kumara that maybe I'm not really for most of the who's from the school of regulation and global governments, you know, in Australia. and who will be explaining us? this is the case of Sri Lanka.

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Isil Erdinc: The floor is your

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thank you. So first of all, good afternoon. Everyone. Thank you for being here to listen to me today, and I would also like to thank the organizers for giving me the opportunity to present my research at this session, so

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that me maybe get my time up.

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Oh, move away from the life. Yeah, yeah. Okay.

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 right? So before I go go any further with my presentation, let me first acknowledge the traditional owners of the land that we meet on, and I pay my respects to elders, past and present.

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so I'm actually, I'm a Phd research at the Australian National University in Canberra, And from South Southeast Asia and East Asia. We now move on to the South Asian region, because my focus is on Sri Lanka, and I do see strong similarities between other countries in in the upper industries of other countries in

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the South Asia, such as Bangladesh and Pakistan. So at the outset of my presentation, I'd like to highlight that this is a part of a bigger project. so I maybe I may not be able to condense everything. related to the topic in the next 15 min, but I'm happy to take questions and clarify anything. after the presentation.

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So

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my presentation focuses on women workers and their behavior in the spaces of labour representation and labor bargaining in the appal industry and its associated global supply chain.

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So I'd like to first situate my project before I sort of, you know, move on to the data and the findings of this research. So as I said my, the project has a gender focus, and I'm looking at worker representation and bargaining on a broader thematic aspect rather than just focusing on trade unionism.

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 so I think I

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first of you, some context to a knowledge about the April industry in Sri Lanka and its workforce, Sri Lanka's April industry is a mature industry which was set up in the 19 seventies.

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And if which was open to the global market in the late 19 seventies with with market opening up, If you look at the pie chart on my slide, it shows that the uproar industry currently is the biggest export industry in Sri Lanka.

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so you see the economic contribution of the industry. you know. to the countries export earning on the other side of the slide. I've included a world map primarily, primarily to indicate the location of Sri Lanka and also to indicate the the the supply chains which span from the global south to the global north countries. especially the Us. England.

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some countries in Europe and Japan and India have been major you know markets for Sri Lankan apparals.

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so Some of you may know this already. But Sri Lanka had a civil war which spanned for 32 years, and the war ended in 2,009, about 13 years ago, and with the war ending, the industry spread to the former conf conflict affected areas in Sri Lanka, in the North and East, and people of these areas were offered economic development in the place of unresolved, incomplete reconciliation.

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So reports identify that Sri Lanka's industry offers better working conditions compared to most destinations. Most apple production countries, partly owing to the social protectionist system, and also the legal standards that are in place. It doesn't mean that the system is perfect. But

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This has been highlighted by several international labor organization reports and other reports. But Red flags have been raised for worker representation and bargaining.

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So since my focus is on be men work because I'd like to highlight that the industry employees one in 7 women in Sri Lanka. So the workforce is 80% of women workers. And these sets in contrast to the country's overall labor force participation, which is about 35 or 34.5

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So what happens in the industry is quite crucial to to women's economic participation as well.

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since we are on the topic of authoritarianism, I think I need to highlight some contextual and social realities that that impact. the organization and activism of April industry workers.

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I've already a shared with you about absolutely industry spreading to form of all affected areas in Sri Lanka. So At this point I'd also like to mention that the industry employees workers from different ethnicities and races in the country. And also during covid, the workers had to face special challenges

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because The the economy was pressured and There was an expectation that apple industry workers and other manufacturing workers

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turn up to work. To work in an unsafe working environment, to sort of contribute to the economy and to keep the economy going. So

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At the moment Sri Lanka is going through the worst economic crisis in its history. And and there's extra pressure on the April industry to step up and to sort of fill the income gap caused by other disrupted industries, especially the to the the The tourism industry was impacted during Covid, and it hasn't recovered. So this has post additional

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pressure on the April industry and as you, as you probably know, in any manufacturing supply chain when there is pressure at the top tiers at the employer level. These sort of trickles down to the lowest levels of the supply chain and the. As a result, the workers. In this case a majority of women workers keep absorbing

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the the pressures and the shock. So the discussion on work rights is quite crucial. during this time.

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so these, these are some information about the collective bargaining and worker representation. rather worker representation of or rather in the in the manufacturing industry in Sri Lanka

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there's a noticeably Low Trade Union representation which has remained about 9.5% below 10 for many years now. and especially in the appal industry, the employers have introduced a mechanism called employee councils, which are a non non autonomous form of

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labor bargaining. they don't have the capacity to sort of, you know, negotiate and formulate collective agreements, and at the same time they are organized and funded by the employers.

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and then the third point is that women workers are inadequately represented in the current trade unions and also at the national level in forums where labour rights are negotiated.

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So

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I'd like to present to you a case study that I conducted in examining how women workers negotiate their rights in the opera industry in Sri Lanka. For this I have conducted field interviews with 42 women workers and other stakeholders.

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from the appeal industry, including the employers state officials, and activists, also, including our representatives of international organizations. I may not get to all the data during the presentation, but if there's anything I can follow up later on.

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So

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sorry I would. I would like to sort of conceptualize and elaborate a little bit on the theoretical lens of my presentation. before I sort of discuss the case study and data. So my research, it's at the intersection of 4 different disciplinary areas. I would say, 3 key areas. firstly, industrial relations law, because I'm trained as a lawyer.

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And then there's legal anthropology along with a regulatory theory which I use for my analysis. And then the key theoretical framework that I'm adopting to examine. The activism of women workers is networked governance. It is a phenomena where non-dominant actors in systems come together to form alliances

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while maintaining their autonomy to overwhelm great powers. So in the apparatus industry, I'm interested in looking at how workers formulate alliances, one.

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you know. not just limiting to unions to sort of influence the regulatory decision making at the the top levels of the apparatus supply chain. So for this I'm I'm drawing from a regulatory scholarship by John Braithwaite, pre to Peter Rajos Hillary, Charlesworth, and Adrietosaurus

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and that brings me to my case study, which is on wage theft.

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So this case study is really set in the pandemic times where the production process was disrupted and most workers had to stay home. due to social distancing and also due to lack of demand for you know, manufacturing production.

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But then During this time the workers who were called to work were also not paid their entitled Salary and Some workers were dismissed without lawful compensation.

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there was an ineffective, collective bargaining agreement regarding wages of factory workers during the pandemic. this was initially very welcoming. But later on, The employers started misusing this agreement. So it became ineffective, and it fell into disuse.

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So when the formal labor bargaining mechanisms become ineffective. There are other informal strategical methods that workers adopt to influence regulation and also to sort of, you know, seek security and to

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to enhance their power. in some way. So workers in Sri Lanka, especially women workers. They they're not. As I said, they're not represented in a major trade unions at the national level. but they have formed civil society organizations and alliances which are now sort of seeking to apply for registration trade Union registration. so they got together. They also work in combination with

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trade unions, and they filed a strategic complaints at the national level against the local employers, and also against the international fashion brands whose decisions affected the payment of wages of women workers at the ground level.

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so that, for instance, their decisions to cancel. The decisions of the international fashion brands to sort of, you know, cancel orders for local factories was majorly impacting workers at the ground level.

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So They wanted to establish that International fashion. Brands were joint employers of these workers, because when they refused to pay the dues, cancel their orders.

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Including those that were in mid-production, and use the low demand for clothing during the pandemic to solicit even lower prices, their jobs and their income. was primarily affected. So there was strict strategic complaints filed at the National level, and secondly, there was a transnational campaign on wage theft.

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in collaboration with regional and international worker rights, coalitions. So about 200 organizations worldwide and Asia-wide launched a global campaign against our fashion brands as joint employers.

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This campaign is ongoing, and claims have been filed in several countries locally, you know, including Sri Lanka and Pakistan.

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So how do we men work of? Yes, thank you. So how do we men workers car out spaces for work activism? Why, why do we have very, you know, few women active in trade unions. so this is what we men had to say. it's certainly not because they think that trade unions are not important or voicing Their issues is not important.

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they believe in, you know, speaking up and asserting some sort of authority at the at the workplace. Because you know, there's a there's a massive bargaining disparity between the employers and the workers. but one work. If you look at the last extraction, it says that express one worker shared with me. That expressing voice is a good thing, but I saw it only in the

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movies, not in reality. There are lots of barriers for women's voice, such as culture, family backward perceptions, and beliefs of people. So, nevertheless, there was interest among workers to come together and form alliances to voice and also to amplify their issues. so local organizations have

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partnered with trade unions, and also with regional and international worker coalitions to amplify the issues at the local level.

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So in this case, study I observed an informal structure alongside the formal structure of labour negotiations, and an expression of what I call collective voice, where workers came together to sort of communicate, discuss, and bargain as a group and influence labor regulation through non-official pathways.

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So there is a dynamic network orchestrated by grassroots, women's organizations. also recruiting transnational and and regional labor collisions to leverage their power.

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And yes, I'm going to wrap up now. My final 4 points are on these informal. you know, networks labor networks that really strengthen the grassroots, level trade unions as well as women's organizations.

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so

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on this slide, you can see that actors, you know. drawn out of my previous presentation points. like. I've I've sort of, you know, displayed a a picture from the wage theft case which I should have displayed earlier. But then Here I wanted to sort of, you know, conclude on a note that non-conventional forms of worker voice become more prevalent when a formal structures are disrupted during crisis times

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and networked governance or network worker networks figure prominently in disrupted times. And also, finally, I would like to push an agenda for thinking about worker representation and labor bargaining more broadly. And yeah, especially in authoritarian context. So thank you very much for listening to me. Happy to take questions afterwards.

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Isil Erdinc: Thank you. Actually, and I just passed through the last presentation meeting you, who is also there in in Australia, and will be presenting on on trade unions in India.

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Isil Erdinc: The flog is yours.

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Now I think it's it's going to be complicated to charge it now, because it's in which language it is. It's an English, I think.

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Hi, good afternoon, everyone. So I'm the last one, I believe. So bear with me. So I'm presenting a

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on the historical legacy of trade against India. So this has been a topic, I would rather say over researched

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right? Whenever you talk about trade unions, especially in the in the context of global South, your India is something that you can't really avoid. Lot has been written and researched on the Indian trade unions. So this actually happens to be a small little section in my Literature review of my Phd. Which I happen to join last year in the Uk. Before that I was a teacher in a business school, so I left that job and

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took up a Phd. Ship, which is quite a I'm not sure it's the right thing to do during today's time, but I did it anyways.

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So yeah, so why, my, my, my, my, my larger topic is, or is actually on the trade unions within the platform work. That is, I think one of the most biggest like point of research for anybody working on the idea of feature, of work, and so on and so forth. And I'm trying to royal

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a parallel between what has happened in India in terms of the historical legacy in trade unions. And right now we are seeing quite a bit of

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trade unionism in the platform work as well

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everywhere in the globe, also in India.

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So I I've distributed my my themes in my my literature to like small little sections starting with the political ideology, the trade unions, the industrial unrest.

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new liberalization, membership and significance. And I I found lot of similarities within the cases that we have seen in the earlier brilliant presentations ranging from Brazil to Indonesia, Malaysia, and to Sri Lanka as well, and the similarities in India as well. So I won't go into details. Let me just like, focus some bit on this. So I'm talking about the political ideology. So we have variety of political ideology in terms of political parties. In India. We also have the similar kind of

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political ideologies within the trade unions in India. The reason behind that was actually the colonial past of India, where the trade unions were very much

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in in in line with the anti-colonial forces. So that happened in 19 twenties when on the First National Trade Union was formed in India, and therefore everything got segregated in the lines of parties right? We have central left trade unions. We have right trade unions also have the left trade unions

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and traders, which are also part of political parties, which are very much pro-market or new, have subscribed to new Liberal politics an industrial unrest which was quite, quite a case.

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Primarily after British colonial period and new liberalization. I I was saying that the theme, I think, overarching all of the presentation that we have seen. It is also happened in India in 1,991 formally, when private investments were welcomed in a big way in India, due to their due to their large, their to the world economy, and in a way, trade unionism membership declined, which we are saying, there is a decline of it and its significance also.

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 So let me, just before going into that. So I I have actually distributed all of these trade union movements in India into primarily 3 sections I'm not going into in details from the colonial period, starting from 1,840 to 1,947, then the post colonial period, which is 1,947 to 1,961 was the State capitalism where at state started off lot of big industries in India big, especially in petrochemicals and manufacturing

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sectors. Then we come to new liberalization. That's 1,991. And I think this now is the context of hyper new liberalization in the context of India. One thing we we are just to build up a context to my study that the larger project I am doing is is primarily quite a bit of convenience for us to look at.

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The colonial history of India in terms of trading is just focusing on the British colonial times, India. But it was not the case, like the colonialism, existed in India, primary before even British came to India, or like Communism from the Mughals, and during that time India did really have trade unions, not necessarily in the context of formal trade unions, but normally in the context of organizing on the basis of your craft and craftsmanship, so and so forth.

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So I'm trying to draw the parallel between the information economy, because the information. Economy precedes what you call now the gig economy of the platform work. Right? The smartphone based work is prevalent across the globe now, which is termed as the most convenient and efficient and leading to precarious what conditions we have seen, like authors, have drawn parallels, that precarity across the globe has increased, although a lot of work, the lot of demand. But precarity is growing

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again. But this there's one case, I think, recently in a Ilo has came up with a report string that extreme probability has reduced in India by one that means there is no case of extreme probability. One, on the contrary, economies like John Greece have argued that.

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but the social status of people at the margins did not really improve much.

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So this is something that we need to talk about when you talk about something in the context of India, we have something known as which is very prevalent to our labor force, which is the caste system. I'm also trying to draw a parallel between the caste system and what you call the platform work into this time, especially looking at the caste composition.

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So cost. Composition, I think, is somewhat different. We have heard about this in the in the context of black discourse in the Us.

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Also, I think in Australia we have heard about it in the context of origins. But there are similarities there also dissimilarities in the context of India, because the caste system primarily India also to say in South Asia stems from religion, which makes it very different right? And this is how our even labor work force has been segregated.

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So you see Our labor! What for? This segregate is very interesting on the basis of a human body. So the brain actually are supposed to be doing tapper cast people. That's sufficient in the intellectual work, because that's what the mind is coming to the feet. The lower cost people at the margins.

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We'll be doing the work, which is not very dignified. Sort of say, the dirty work.

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So what has happened to that in the context of platform? That was my larger research, right? Whatever you are saying in today's time, that's not going to be leading to Picard. Yes, work. But my research and also building on other research that is being done in the context of India. Yes, to some extent it is actually given access. People to rescale themselves, especially people at the margins. There's no doubt about that. We'd brought in so much enormous amount of resources. It did actually help people in getting so much of

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upscaling opportunities, especially getting access to language, which is one of the very one of the visible barriers of The cast-based discrimination is access to English language, so to say.

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So, the impact of inclusion-based work that also create a lot of barriers in terms of like churning out.

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You're working in, day out, day out in any platform work. Because, yeah, the platform economy not just thriving in a big cities in India, but also entire 2 entire 3 cities and also in rural areas in today's time.

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So expanding on the load of technology, in, in the labour market and

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workers, access to technology and algorithmic in influence and how it is nudging human behavior. So recently there was a case in India where people were made to work for close to 14 to 15 h a day, and they were getting at the end of the day like.

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how do I say? In terms of Australian dollars, like 10 Australian dollars in a day just for making yeah. Working for 14 to 15 h in India. So that's there's a case of a delivery grocery delivery company known as blink it that has happened recently in India.

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Sorry.

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So what I'm trying to do is I'm trying to identify the patterns in workers organizing going back from Australia I'd be like talking to. I've already been talking to a few of the trade unions which are emerging in the context of a platform work in India. So what are the, what are the like emerging patterns that are there in platform economy, and how they are different or similar to what has happened in the past, as well as mentioning cast also plays a very important role. And

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yeah, I I'm I'm not sure whether you can quote me on this. But my interview says so. The even the trade unions that are emerging in in the platform economy. They're quite cast based onions. Right? Yeah, I haven't found any readers which are coming from the margins, like people who are actually on the street doing the work dirty work, and they are forming to do this. These are traded meals primarily given by people who have sudden access to privileges, social privileges.

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So I live in the importance of studying workers, organizing efforts in response to changing work conditions, addressing the gaps. On the on the contrary, to the formal traders being being all driven by people coming with social privilege we are seeing. I think we have seen the case of Sri Lanka. There are like small little informal ways of people organizing, which is very much

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prevalent in the case of actually actually in platform work. Very interesting. I'll give you one case study I think it's there in Australia as well. So you you have to deliver a certain item in particular time. If you are not delivering it, you get penalized by the company. Even. There's a complaint. You get further penalized, you are being deactivated from the platform.

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So what? In the sense of trade unions making an impact and helping out to workers is the like individual workers coming together and helping each other. How so? They have created an app

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which detects the CCTV camera on the street. So moment you are riding your bike or driving your Uber or rola. It gives an indication that there is a camera you need to slow down. So that's coming from the workers, not from any juices. I said. Beautiful insight that I was interviewing someone they told us, and also teaching each other because some of them are may not be quite efficient in using the app, especially in English. So how do you use it? In a regional language these days? Google helps you to navigate the app in regional languages.

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So that's what people are doing.

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And what could be the further implication in terms of when you're talking about legally when there are changes happening across the globe when you are accounting platform work as one of the vital areas of work in your label laws, globally. So in India we have something known as the Social security actually recently came. It's not country wise implemented, but some section of of the country implemented where

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platformic platform workers have been for the first time recognized for their for their efforts. But there are, there are a lot of other nuances in that. So what could be the future implication of that?

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I I believe this is my last side. Yeah, I I thought of like presenting an updated once. But anyways, so borrowing from the existing writing, so this entirely build up on the on the write up of existing theories I borrow from like gay Lombard tokrum weightker

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guys sending from PE areas where David Harvey and their work, and how they how it is like getting contextualized in the context of platform economy. So I'm talking about historical legacy. How is it different? How is it similar when you're talking about platform work? So this is an ongoing project, hopefully will be done in

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like a couple of years more, and will be sharing my full-fledged research once it's done. So, thank you very much for your patience

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and for listening to me. We can have discussion on this. Thank you.

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Isil Erdinc: Thank you. thanks for the

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Isil Erdinc: for the for the for the, for the presentation. So let's let me jump into the to the discussion. I see that we have over the question. let me over the question online?

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Isil Erdinc: so it's to Would you like to to ask your question? might take it by maybe opening your micro, or would you like me to to read your question?

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Isil Erdinc: Okay, all agreed to. Quick. The okay. I read the question then.

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Isil Erdinc: so on the chat the the. We have 2 questions for our 2 presentation. So to present this already. so for Leonardo. the question is, what is the standards to differentiate between union and non union issues. So

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Isil Erdinc: as an example why gender issue is not part of the Union. Some union also share gender and reproductive issues. So, moreover, there is some there. There are some union did concern on climate change and in any other issues.

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Isil Erdinc: and another question is for outcome.

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Isil Erdinc: And she's asking between those cases where they're in, there, they're they their own goals. So besides defense from the from the or target. And zoom, do you think any labor movements we arise if they only get oppressed by the government.

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Isil Erdinc: So there are 2 questions for now, and if they have questions in the in the audience, and there we can get the questions.

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Yes, that was one. There was many questions here. Yeah, please.

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Yes, that's what I I was trying to do. My name is Dr. Sril going again? a academic at the Curtain University, and also an independent researcher. My question is about the presentation on Sri Lankan, the labor movement focusing on women. Why, in the appar industry my understanding about the Sri Lankan Label law is such that it has been dominated by mid right from the beginning

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point number one. And in that context, and I have seen any women taking the leadership in Sri Lanka

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compared to my Australia. That Actu has a very strong women leadership. So in that context, how do you really expect?

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But this somewhat uneducated apparel? Workers who come from lower socioeconomic background

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to negotiate individually focusing on their workplace. But your observation about their role and their capacity to increase their

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income, to collect 2 bargain in Sri Lanka, where men are really dominating. Still, after 50 years of labour? Thank you.

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That question from the room.

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Yeah, please come.

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Isil Erdinc: We have other questions from the room. It's okay. We can. We can also take some questions on them.

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Isil Erdinc: Sure.

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Hi, my name is Dipin. I'm a Phd. Candidate from the University of Melbourne. Thank you very much for the presentation. I have to question, firstly, for Professor Benji. you mentioned the distinction between soft and heart authoritarian regimes. Right? So could you please elaborate on the contrasting characteristic and Additionally, it is very intriguing. Actually how authoritarian regimes can emerge from what is known as electoral democracy.

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so has there been any endeavor by the trade unions or progressive political groups in the Philippines, for instance, to like, cease, and attain power. secondly, for actually thank you so much for your enlighting presentation on such a crucial topic. I'm interested in knowing who actually takes initiative to

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grassroots, organizing.

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especially in Microsoft as a collective women's worker to progressive activists or the Ngos play a role in this process. in addition, considering that some what so-called Ngo. I'm like quoting James Pedras, that are like angriolization of the grassroots movement

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which have previously received funding from the Imperialist country, such as the the Us. In in the case of Sri Lanka. One of the the what is it? The exploiter of the Sri Lanka's workers as well, so how does this factor come into the the equation? According to you? Thank you very much.

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Isil Erdinc: Maybe. Get yeah. Another question, or we can get a round of of answers, for now, if you

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Isil Erdinc: maybe we can't get around the answers so that it's people who they can not forget their answers.

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Isil Erdinc: and then we can get the second round of questions. So let's talk with Leonardo and his answer.

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Leonardo Aucar: first of all, thank you.

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Leonardo Aucar: Thank you very much for the question. I think that most streamlined way I can answer is that you and an issues regard

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Leonardo Aucar: they. They. They need to have meaning to, you know, members as workers.

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Leonardo Aucar: in the role of workers. That means that sometimes for certain topics, we could potentially have for the sink sort of top of you, we can potentially have something being classified as a union issue or as a non-idish to give to

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Leonardo Aucar: the question of gender. If the Newsletter was discussing maternity leave with team. Brazil is a workers, right? And it's a part of Brazilian law and can be can be put as a a, a, a, a clause in in a collective bargaining agreement, then that would actually be a Union issue. But if the the the newsletter was discussion discussing, for instance,

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Leonardo Aucar: violence against women outside the workplace. That would probably we would classify that as a non union issue To give another example on the question of safety. If the Newsletter was discussing on safety in a factory or discussing the importance of of safety commissions, the factors that is a unique, but if the new letter was just saying.

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Leonardo Aucar: hey, let's make a campaign about the importance of driving safely during the holidays. That would be a a non-union issue. Thank you very much.

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Isil Erdinc: Thank you. And I come.

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Alpkan Birelma: I still thanks for the question,

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Alpkan Birelma: Is to I mean, of course, it. It can be conceptualized like that, like they are like these mobilizations for defensing themselves from also Italianism, maybe in a more high level of abstraction. But I would. I wouldn't think like that. I don't think they're

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Alpkan Birelma: they were defensing from auto Italianism. I mean. for example, the first

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Alpkan Birelma: example was kind of like a very classic example a mobilization against like the employment, you know. It was not particularly a had the sentiment being against authoritarian zoom. Maybe the second one can be.

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Alpkan Birelma: They conceptualize like that in the sense of authority. Time is at the workplace, maybe, like those that strikes, etc. So in that sense, I already think that they had their own goals. Besides, you know, fighting their games, or to retali and Zoom.

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let me also kind of mention that.

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Alpkan Birelma: okay, okay.

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Alpkan Birelma: And let me also mention that, A simple fact in Turkey, like most of the working class, are voting at parties. So if we would ask them, most of them. Probably we don't agree with us, Pit? Our, you know statement that Turkey is becoming authoritarian.

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Alpkan Birelma: you know, kind of happy with what's going on, most of maybe not most of them, but at least a significant number of them. And about your second person. Of course, I will answer positive. I mean if they were, I mean, many other labor movements have oppressed in Turkey, but they somehow survive. They kind of kept going

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Alpkan Birelma: since, I guess I I guess, according to my friends, from from Philippines, Conceptualization, we don't have hard authoritarianism yet, so it is kind of not that hard.

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Alpkan Birelma: at least for now.

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Isil Erdinc: thank you.

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Isil Erdinc: And yes, they are in this, in the, in the in in Melbourne. Benjamin.

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Isil Erdinc: that

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yeah. So the question is about the the distinction between Softenheart authoritarianism. I think there's some discourse around authoritarianism. And how do you classify regimes as authoritarian or not authoritarian? So I I understand the authoritarianism as regimes which try to subvert

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civic spaces and civic part participation. So there's some kind of normative idea that the standard is liberal democracy. Right? So you have respect for the role below human rights, right?

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For convenience. I I just use the dichotomy soft and hard. Okay, so if

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the undertaking of democratic rights or standards are done in a more coercive manner.

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so that classifies as hard. So that's definitely the one that in Myanmar, and then the government in Hong Kong. In in contrast to a government that uses more persuasive definitely doesn't doesn't leave out coercive means.

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So, for example, you have killings, but you still have a a, a, a political regime that depends on the legitimacy of elections that actually enjoys a huge popularity in terms of the and I guess that's kind of the same in in in Indonesia.

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I stood a part about unions, having a perspective of taking power. I guess there's there's in in Asia the question this concept of political unionism or the holistic unionism has long been used so unions involved themselves in the ROM of politics.

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But political unionism as a complement to economic unionism, is usually understood as within the bounds of reforming engaging with engaging with the system.

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But if you you specifically talking about unions that have a radical perspective of like taking over power, and in the case of the Philippines and Indonesia, I think they're really very radical labor unions which have a per per perspective of radical social change

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which, interestingly, I found different in Myanmar. My correspondent in Myanmar said, Don't call us militant unions

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in Indonesia. They're in in the Philippines. They're very proud of being called militant unions, but in Burma that responded, said, Don't call us militant unions. We're fighting, and I guess that's the same in with the Hk. CPU. Okay, I would understand. That's that's basically the same.

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Yeah, I I guess I can go next. Yeah, thank you very much for your questions. I think there were 2 questions that directed to me. And there, there's this one other point that I want to respond very briefly as well.

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So the the point that I want to respond to is you know, unions and their focus on various different issues. they do focus on a diverse range of issues in different contexts, including reproductive you know, concerns. But I would like to highlight that this is really context dependent depends on the background of the country social perceptions. and also, most importantly, who leads the labor movement

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and whose voices are heard. So I'd just like to highlight that. And then there was a question on the Sri Lankan Labour movement and also about women's leadership.

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I would say that if you look at, you know historically, the Sri Lankan Labour Movement was formally left, mostly led by male Union leaders.

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but that there are records. primarily in sociological research, including the works of a professor, Kumari Javadana, who has written extensively on the Sri Lankan Labour Movement. She has highlighted that there have been women activists involved in the labor struggles. seems independence. from, you know, 1940, 48, 49

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but that role as leaders in labour movements, I think, have been very very insignificant primarily because we men excluded from labor spaces. I think this is to do with social perceptions about women. being present in workspaces. And also we meant being vocal in the public and political spaces.

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so the next part of the question was, how to increase the capacity of women and how to sort of, you know, integrate them into mainstream labor struggles. I think this is happening at the moment. because we do observe a ground level network of we men workers primarily forming as civil society organizations, not per se

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the Ngos, but as civil society organizations, and then seeking to register as trade unions. so I think, what is I think what what really matters is empowerment. Firstly, you need to empower women, especially in authoritarian context, which also have strong gender perceptions against women being present and vocal in political and economic spaces.

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empowerment is quite crucial. And at the same time, education is important. Because if you look at the apple industry workforce in Sri Lanka. we have people educated up to grade. 1011 you know, at school, which I think is good. But then, there's very little rights literacy. And there's very little understanding

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about how the labor framework operates and the role of the workers and their rights. So I think awareness also, awareness. Creation is quite crucial.

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The last question was on on who takes initiative to Grassroots organizing, and Ngo, umisation of local unions. I think this is quite a valid concern, and thank you for raising that question.

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I think I would. I I I think I want to clarify something before I answer that question. Firstly, the the the women's organizations that I spoke of were not essentially Ngos. They are grassroots organizations formed by women leaders as civil society organizations, I think. the key barrier was that

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trade unions were somewhat crushed. in general, at at 1 point you know. I actually at several points in the history. So there was hesitant on the part of We meant to join mainstream trade union. So they organized as informal networks initially, then, you know, evolving into civil society organizations and now

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becoming registered trade unions.

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But then, you know there are, of course, concerns raised on funding and who fund the projects of these organizations. But I have observed in my field work is that there's genuine interest in women women's organizations. which sort of which originate as civil society organization, to work for the welfare of women workers, and to sort of, you know, and also to work with the long term agenda to further work arrives.

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and I would finally like to say that this claim of you know, grassroots, organizations being Ngos, and for sort of pushing Ngo agendas. I think this is also used as a weapon to crush women organizing at the grassroots level by some mainstream trade unions and other groups, such as employers in the upper industry. So I think I'll leave it at that. Thank you.

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Isil Erdinc: Thank you thanks. And meeting my

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yes.

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yeah. Any any specific question to the presentation that I've made? I can comment on that. I think many of the things that I could not cover in my presentation was the primarily the thing that

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the lay at how the labor force is is shaped up in India, especially, there's like 95% of the labor force in India. What you call is informal label force. That means they are not covered by any label laws, so they don't have probably didn't fund. They don't have graduating. It's a 95. So less than that

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is the formal sector which are mostly governed by primary label laws. So right? everyone was talking about the the global uprising of the right. So we are seeing how businesses are actually lobbying to make label laws quite friendly for investments.

386
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But this is actually bringing out, probably a very

387
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sort of, say, a very, very dangerous picture. And what is going to happen to that?

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people who are not covered by level laws, even they are trying to curtain. Now the Trade Unions Act. We have only one act in terms of law, that trade in Act 1,926, in India. So they are actually trying to curve that also. So it's it's not a very like great sign in terms of going forward

389
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in terms of what you call is is of doing business. The Internet is being shaped towards that.

390
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And yeah, all, all the that. Everything is now being giggified. Or if you work, is now back from what we do just talking about in terms of delivery work, as we now nowadays see when teachers, job and academic jobs are being now on platforms.

391
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So this is going to share a shape in a big way when you talk about feature of work and also feature of the workers.

392
01:34:38.790 --> 01:34:45.730
Yeah. So this, my entire like summing up my interpretation once more. You have any questions specific to my presentation. I can address that.

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Isil Erdinc: Thank you. Any questions in the room or here online.

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Isil Erdinc: I have, I am questions to, if and if no one is asking questions in the audience online, I in in the room, there is 1, 2 questions. Okay, go ahead. The it's more about. So we go ahead. Okay.

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who is going to ask

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Isil Erdinc: that? They're online. So it's more important than my question.

397
01:35:18.990 --> 01:35:40.809
Hi, I'm Hans Christian from the University of Cabinet, and I'm a I have a question to Benjamin, because in your title you said authorization and the pandemic, and I was just interested if you could reflect on the question, how the pandemic as he went, the influence, the wave of authorization that you have described in your interesting paper. Thanks.

398
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Yeah. I actually wanted to invite this, the speakers.

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and possibly other people in the room to to think comparatively about these cases, and with with apologies to the R. C. 3 people, there was this morning there was another, our C. 44 panel on authoritarianism and labor, and I mentioned some of those cases as well, though many of them are familiar. And so I I'm going to throw one idea of how to think comparatively. But I don't. I'm not saying let's discuss that idea. But let's discuss how we should think about this comparatively

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so. What strikes me is that in some ways. We can put these countries in in 3 categories. One is the hard authoritarian authoritarians using Benjamin's classification where the main problem for labor is, how do you expand democracy?

401
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Then there's a rather large and growing category of soft authoritarians where workers are voting against their class interests. So I would include Philippines, Brazil, India, Poland, which which is in the morning panel and the United States. And here in these countries, including the United States.

402
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we're sort of trying to figure out how to win workers over to a pro-worker, anti-authoritarian platform.

403
01:37:05.820 --> 01:37:10.189
Turkey is in a third category by itself, which is soft authoritarianism.

404
01:37:10.370 --> 01:37:19.919
where, in fact, the authoritarian party is the most pro-worker of a bunch of not very pro-worker parties, and

405
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there, it seems, like

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the main problem may be trying to shape the the hegemony of neoliberalism, so that some of the opposition parties can actually be willing to distance themselves enough from that to actually attract workers and and challenge authoritarianism. So

407
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2 questions coming on that one is just again to restate the invitation to think comparatively along these lines or others, but the other is, I would love to hear from from Alcan, or, for that matter, easing because you had a morning presentation.

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also about Turkey, about what's going on in Turkey that makes it so different for these other cases.

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Isil Erdinc: Thank you for the Prince. Thanks. Are there any questions, sir.

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on the floor for the moment, and by I think that Chris made a very good question transferred question, and very like, because this is a joint session with F 30 and F 44. So it's it's nice to have this type of question, so I invite you. I I invite you to to organize.

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This

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Isil Erdinc: and easy, if you can speak also, of course, and I also have a question for Leonardo that just the maybe more factual question. But my question was

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Isil Erdinc: you. You're talking about the non e E. The Union related issues. I was wondering who brings these issues in the Union. So there's like, concretely how these non union related issues are are brought to up in the in the in the trade union, in order to see the the, the different actors who are working in order to

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Isil Erdinc: to bring up these different questions, and another question is for curiosity, but like a for a for for Ashley. you're always saying this. V. Most associations are human organizations.

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Isil Erdinc: And I, since, like in the literature, we are talking about the the solidarity between feminist associations, Communist organizations from this moment and the labor movement.

416
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Isil Erdinc: Okay, just is it to us that the the the Your calling, rumors association, but not feminist associations? Will it be that in this case, if you compare different cases, and if we are stuck to try to understand the, the, the solidarity ties between different kinds of movements, and we between the Labour Room and the other movements. So shall we not say from this moment, or shall we stay with the rooms we want?

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Isil Erdinc: So what's the the reason why you are using this, and especially everyone's association.

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Isil Erdinc: So yes, and the but the global question was really nice, because in this this morning there was this this panel on authoritarian innovations

419
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Isil Erdinc: organized by a

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Isil Erdinc: my Michelle for the and the so it was also that always took on the exact again that was on the relations between the the prolific and practices, and on the all neighbor governments, and I presented again the case of Turkey, and this this morning. So I think that the question of compared to comparison in the tactics that the government tools and the consequences on the day.

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Isil Erdinc: So I leave the floor to maybe before Benjamin.

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Isil Erdinc: and then and then you get it again just with the present, or or we can start with Leonardo, and then go with the

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Leonardo Aucar: well. Thank you very much. I will start with the the the question of who brings the issues to to the unit. I think there's well, this was not the A, a main main point of to our research, but I think there's 2 main possibilities here.

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Leonardo Aucar: or at least I would form like this to hypothesis. One is, some issues seem to to originate from more left leaning social movements in Brazil. So, for instance, the defense of public health care was a very, very big thing during the pandemic.

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Leonardo Aucar: certain So certain issues are definitely related to what is

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Leonardo Aucar: becoming more mainstream, what is getting more media attention, and that is somehow coming from this more left to leaning social offense the other are issues that are that seemingly come from inside the Union. That that that regard the lives of you know members and metal workers. Union is is a is very proactive in trying to

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Leonardo Aucar: to look at A at his, you know, at his, you know, members from a more broad perspective. So I think when we we go into the questions of

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Leonardo Aucar: and

429
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Leonardo Aucar: campaigns for the health of, you know, members or campaigns regarding domestic violence, or these are things that probably at some point where we're identified among members of the Union, and to to to try to to briefly talk about the the, the, the, very, the comparative question.

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Leonardo Aucar: I I I looking at the other presentations. It it feels like

431
01:42:53.209 --> 01:42:55.879
Leonardo Aucar: it feels like

432
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Leonardo Aucar: the country you know, all over the world. They?

433
01:43:00.450 --> 01:43:11.259
Leonardo Aucar: They seem to be trying to formulate answers in different ways. You know it it, and they try to formulate answers to

434
01:43:11.389 --> 01:43:13.549
what is

435
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Leonardo Aucar: The lack of lack of

436
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Leonardo Aucar: institutional power. Right they they. They seem to be losing institutional power. They seem to be less covered by by laws, and I think in in all the case we can, we can look at different ways. They are trying to come up with solutions to these problems and and articulate themselves.

437
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Isil Erdinc: Thank you and I've come. It's because of what is going on in Turkey.

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Alpkan Birelma: I mean, that question was actually very interesting, thanks to my colleague, I mean. I am not sure if we should. you know, take Turkey as such an extreme case, and, you know, open a new sort of categorization. We can, of course, but I'm not sure. I just wanna

439
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Alpkan Birelma: mention that, But here I get, My colleague's point like, Up like our government authoritarian party is. Yes, kind of I mean, it's kind of pro label compared to the other means in visual parties.

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Alpkan Birelma: But this might be also. I mean, I'm not sure. Of course I'm not an expert, and I also need that a competitive approach is necessary. But it is kind of

441
01:44:34.080 --> 01:44:42.490
Alpkan Birelma: about my pay grade right now I'm kind of new in this debate. I'm a more micro case. Qualitative kind of researcher.

442
01:44:42.610 --> 01:44:59.819
Alpkan Birelma: But yes, I mean in that I mean, Turkish case might have something to be at least. But I mean when I I'm not sure, of course. But let me think about for example, like the Biden administration in the A, since it is one of the, you know.

443
01:44:59.840 --> 01:45:07.380
Alpkan Birelma: Well known one, I mean. I'm not sure how they were pro labor, you know. It's but it seems like it. It was kind of

444
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Alpkan Birelma: also. not as good as expected. So the other alternatives, like mainstream.

445
01:45:14.480 --> 01:45:43.609
Alpkan Birelma: so called, left, being virtual parties are not really doing good. Unfortunately, I guess, in the context of crisis, etc., and also the crisis of Social Democracy. So that might be a more rational logic in the, you know, rush of working classes to work, or Italians. Unfortunately, because of the lack on the mainstream left. I think this is at least what the Turkish case kind of implies.

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Isil Erdinc: and just to add for the Turkish case, maybe. But let's see, I I I in the end, so that I would not just monopolize the, the, the, the discussion, and the at least I would like also the here. But the others Benjamin.

447
01:45:58.410 --> 01:46:15.809
Yes, thank you So the question about the issue during the pandemic, I think it's really striking to see that across the 4 countries that I look the Philippines, Indonesia, Myanmar, and Hong Kong. It was. There were significant repressive

448
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laws or actions done at the height of the pandemic. So there was the national security law in Hong Kong the omnibus law in India, in Indonesia, and then the anti terror law in the Philippines. And then the wave of killings also in the Philippines. Then they'll go in

449
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Myanmar. I would argue that the pandemic was actually a very convenient situation. The fact that there were emergency powers that people were staying at home. It wasn't. It was a much harder to gather people to to mobilize them.

450
01:46:52.430 --> 01:47:15.159
That the the law was passed in the Philippines, and I guess the same for Indonesia and Hong Kong, although ever in in in those cases it it provoked it. It did provoke a resistance right so in Indonesia there was a resist, but there was massive resistance to the Omnipos law.

451
01:47:15.230 --> 01:47:39.229
I guess Bournemouth is the only outlier because he he you couldn't really, really the cool wasn't really because to take advantage of the the situation of the pandemic. It was, more directly a result of the fact that the the who the supported candidates right lost in in in the elections right at the end of 2020.

452
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And so I mean, it's really understandable that the coup would happen at that point in early 2,021.

453
01:47:46.910 --> 01:47:47.470
Yeah.

454
01:47:47.870 --> 01:48:11.059
though I guess it's a good point I have to go back to. My response is just to double check on that issue. The link between the pandemic and all this authoritarian taking from the session earlier this morning, our c authoritarian practices. So here it's, I guess, more repression rather than what was it called authoritarian innovation.

455
01:48:14.690 --> 01:48:43.879
Yeah, I think I'll respond to Israel's question. briefly, thank you very much for raising that point. so why not use feminist associations? And why use women's organizations? I think, in my bigger project. feminist solidarities and feminist associations is quite central to the analysis. But of course, for this presentation I thought, I will sort of, you know, leave out that part, but I I think it came out quite strongly during my presentation, nevertheless.

456
01:48:43.880 --> 01:49:06.910
So a complementary lens that I use in the bigger project. is transnational feminist movements. I use that to sort of expand the potential and the capacity of the network governance lens. So I do. Take your comment on board and thank you for raising that. And I emphasize that. feminine solidarity is is very central to my project. Yeah, thank you.

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Isil Erdinc: Thank you.

458
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Yeah. So

459
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yeah, I think. there's some some similarities, I believe, with Turkey, and could be of India, because you also feel that the the right wing vegetarian government probably. If you go to the field Probably in the working class, I would say, this is the end, but based on my interview with the trade unions and people working in the platform. This is the end of, especially in the Indian Indian context, ideological based reunions. I think this is the end.

460
01:49:35.330 --> 01:49:47.769
I don't see any uprising, especially in big uprising and trade union movements based on political ideology, especially coming up from India. I don't think so. That's going to happen anytime. So primarily reason because you are more concerned about

461
01:49:47.890 --> 01:49:56.829
delivering from point A to Point V. If you are not delivering it, your account is deactivated. You cannot probably feed your family. So that economic crisis

462
01:49:57.420 --> 01:50:02.830
which the new Liberalism actually like, what started about

463
01:50:03.060 --> 01:50:27.219
to like, distract you from your larger political goal, has actually achieved this goal. So I would say, it's the end of, especially in Indian country and of political ideology based, there could be a force there. There are uprising, economic, ideological, based reunions, especially in the platform work, where they're just trying to improve their working conditions, which like, if you interact with them, their wages, their incentives.

464
01:50:27.370 --> 01:50:39.640
the relatively easy out there work the working Us. Which is now going up to like 1,568 to 8 to 10 or a day. That's about it. I don't think so. They are into any ideological

465
01:50:40.180 --> 01:50:49.750
leanings, as far as which is, I think, have his own pros and cons in jams of law. If you see the long term, what will happen to trade union movements globally.

466
01:50:50.040 --> 01:50:50.860
Yeah.

467
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Isil Erdinc: And if I if I let's say a last works of the last conclusion, yes, maybe for the case of Turkey, I I. Of course I gave it up, but I think we also have to this. If to maybe define what is poor label policy, because, like pro-able policy, I think the Akp's. The difference is that I think the policy, the labor policies.

468
01:51:16.070 --> 01:51:44.550
Isil Erdinc: our poor labor. But in the sense of controlling the labor and then creating a a labor force that's dependent to the kp, or that is more, that relies on the atp that creates this dependence relationship with the with the government. So I ask for something. And then the government gives me something. Maybe this relationship just before the elections it's going to be. It's really interesting to see that there the rights given just before the elections.

469
01:51:44.550 --> 01:52:09.850
Isil Erdinc: because maybe the the the pro labor policies or pro labor the demands that maybe it of off left me political parties of more progressively left in political parties that that that are never a running the government government in Turkey since 2,000, since maybe they back. Yeah. And maybe they are more in favor of the emancipation of today before. So

470
01:52:09.850 --> 01:52:39.759
Isil Erdinc: and I'm not giving this relationship with the with this cat, analytical client to his calculations with the with labor force. So I think that I don't think neither that I don't. I don't need to think that we should create a third classification for turkey. I think it's more like a softer software targeterism. I think I I I shall say just like with the with this different governments and with if it really maybe we can left wing political parties for now.

471
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Isil Erdinc: So I think it's it's not. It's it's not easy to say the Gp. Is a lifting political party pro labor. It's just a poor labor this in order to to see what is the labor.

472
01:52:50.260 --> 01:52:54.619
This is a nice conclusion. Thank you very much.

473
01:52:54.690 --> 01:53:11.149
He's Eve. Thank you. Really. You did it. Well, I know, during the night, and Leonardo and everyone. And here the room, I think we can cap out of. Yeah. And perhaps it's our last session.

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So we did it. It's Our President, we are waiting for you. Maria Kenya Longgo, our, our, our our responsibility responsible for the management communication.