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Hello. Welcome to the session. We are in almost the last day of the of the Congress. I guess that some of us are really tired because we also have. Yesterday the party of the R. C. 47, I'm 48, so we are going to do our best, and not talking about the most exciting topic from the point of view of progressive movement trying to change the world, but something that we also need to deal with.

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and especially regarding the challenge that we are confronting in our nowadays society. So it's for me a pleasure to open this session. Far right movements outreitarisa, and I'm pandemic that I have the honor to coordinate with my friend and colleague, Emmanuel Tuscano. We also have Daniel Le de Nuncio, as the coordinator of the Dian, so he's going to be the boss where he said, that is done is done no more time. 250.

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Well, Andrea, I think you are the first, the first presenter. It's also a pleasure to see you. I have read a lot of your work. So the floor is yours.

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Okay.

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this topic is strictly related to the main topic of the Isam Congress of this year. Authoritarianism, as well as so it is connected to some challenges of the present age as the rise of far right

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national conservative movements in the recent years at global level.

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At the same time, I want to underline that this session is part of a long third part of analysis, collective discussion, and research, that the session organizer, Manuel and Antonio promoted, then our C. 47 during the last years, by other conferences, courses, articles, and book, and underlying this because it is relevant to have the long-term research parts to strengthen the network.

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to share analysis.

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to go in depth in this phenomenon, and challenges for the subjective action process

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out of any emergency situation and damage a topic with the long-term perspectives.

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So, thanks to all the scholars who participated to this session, we have many presentation. 6 presentations, so please, it is important to start to stay in 15 min, and I will help you to do this. And so now we can start with the first presentation.

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Yes, by the way.

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Andrag Lippo from Valeriano, Marconi University in Italy, with the the paper on Novaks and extreme right, the conspiracy side of the pandemic. So thanks. And you can start.

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Andrea Grippo: okay, Hi, everyone. Thank you, Antonio and the Daniel for giving me the floor. so it's really great pleasure for me to contribute to the discussion of this panel, I'll buy for it to be from afar. So I'll share my presentation.

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Andrea Grippo: Okay? So in my contribution, I intend to mind the the mobilization of and the lateral thinking, the German free box now lock down and the backs and certificate protest, movement, and the in particular. And I will, as in mind, the trust formation of the collective action of the lateral thinkers, and it's interaction and the development of the movements it. Collective identity

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Andrea Grippo: which has been redefined in the action and interaction in the course of the mobilization. So I will pay particular attention to the radicalization process of the collective action current bankers, and it's interaction with the German for right social social movement. So going quickly to the point, Claire anchor and

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Andrea Grippo: erez agmoni means lateral finger lateral thinking, and refers to good things independently and originally, and those ideas are not understood or accepted. So 150

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Andrea Grippo: who thinks outside the box. And so the lateral thing, it's a concept developed within a kind of status. But during the pandemic has become the motivational framework

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Andrea Grippo: for the protest against the COVID-19 containment policies founded in the spring of 20,020 in Stuttgart, the capital city of the Western Federal State of Button

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Andrea Grippo: perd anchor quickly spread through the Federal Republic of Germany. So the lateral thinkers have succeeded in transforming disorderly protest to into a network of organized groups, mostly on a local level, capable of mobilizing thousands other ends, through Germany.

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Andrea Grippo: So initiatives founded in different cities where adopted the the name, the designation fair banker, followed by their respective area code in Suitcar, for example, what? 7? One month? So the spread of the local branches of the lateral thinkers follow a pattern that Toina could protest by invitation.

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Andrea Grippo: So the local covari banking the thinker adopted a similar framework interpretation of reality focus on the day probation of freedom and the similar regret to election namely, Monday night gatherings in the center of German cities

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Andrea Grippo: in a certain way similar to what happened with the extreme right political movement. again, that the European path, we it against this organization of the West in Germany in a 20,01415. So the

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Andrea Grippo: the protest, starting at reports was simply copied in in other places, without prior experience or knowledge. So we can say that in the offline dimension, and we outside telegram, which was the main channel of the information. And this information decision, the construction of bonds of solidarity and the definition of symbolic codes and tag onness to those prevailing in society

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Andrea Grippo: took place mainly within the city base, the organization of protest. And this is the first element of relevance. The second is that the libertarian frame

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Andrea Grippo: became the core of the interpretation of reality negotiated within the book, that the progressive centralization of power, driven by the growing contagion, was seen as evidence of the authoritarian brief shift of the gover. Federal Government engage in yeah, in a systematic systematic violation

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Andrea Grippo: of the fundamental rights of freedoms. And let all thinkers increasingly condemned the so called corona dictatorship a mantra within the moment the movement, so a restriction of full exercise of a fundamental rights and freedoms represented for clear bankers the diagnostic frame of collective action that is the condition or situation

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Andrea Grippo: identified as a social problem in it. of change.

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Andrea Grippo: In the early stages of the movement and self determination, fundamental rights from the mentor of freedom have mainly been elaborated at individual level. So the individual human being was the premise and goal of the collective action of the lateral figures. They they stated, they argued, that fair, dank and stands for personal responsibility, self, determination, love, freedom, peace.

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Andrea Grippo: and through. So in this regard we might say that Verd Ankara rose within this fair spear of reproduction and collective identity, rather than the relations of production and distribution. The distribution of the resources as militia or Toren would say to quad anchors, collective action represented in a certain way

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Andrea Grippo: the new politics which is primarily related to individual self realization and human rights. But it must be stress that during that I like the new sort of moments. And like like new politics, the concept of premium on freedom claimed by credit. Anchor is hyperbolic, absolute ties lacking the relationality

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Andrea Grippo: that counts from recognizing the freedom of order. So the libertarian claims were mostly oriented in by individualist thinking

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Andrea Grippo: in a society in which, putting back Afghanistan individualization has become the social structure of society.

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Andrea Grippo: but in the curse of the mobilization however, research results show that Fred anchors

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Andrea Grippo: partially reshaped this libertarian. phrase. The perspective of individual is the libertarianism was complemented by references to the national community as a collective entity.

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Andrea Grippo: References to the subject were increasingly complemented by references to the the dolter for the German people, in which he had the indistinct amount of ethnic and the cultural traits as this beyond the will of individual. And

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Andrea Grippo: one example is in the current banker manifest to publishing the late summer of 20,02020 alongside the you, the personal freedom human dignity. freedom of opinion, of heart, freedom of science, whereas makes any sense correct. Anchors stand in the fence of marriage, family, and children. So the libertarian claims were linked to the the the defense of traditional gender roles

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Andrea Grippo: also in the program. Of, of course not nobly, and the concept of freedom increasingly framed in the collective national dimension rather than in the individual.

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Andrea Grippo: In the curse of the the mobilization. Cleveland and trust for is this frame that enables its heather to to locate, perceived, then to final level word around them. quoting government. So research results show that the transformation of the lateral figures, pandemic frames

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Andrea Grippo: is related to the radicalization process of the moment that occurred in summer of 20,020 Natalie, the systematic violation of demonstration band, a physical, distancing, and wearing mask, but also, and especially

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Andrea Grippo: the increasing the use of violence against political antagonists, journalists and against police. So, after initially describing the movements had the rent as extremely aterogenous, but Democratic at their or the Bundes on for the first time shoots the Federal office for the protection of the Constitution

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Andrea Grippo: a knowledge, and I'm quoting that over the course of the year that the protest seen as differentiated ideologically and originally, the most reason trend has been a significant increase in the influence of right we X from his actors. So the radicalization process of the lethal thinkers

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Andrea Grippo: collective action, not only to

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Andrea Grippo: to become increasingly disruptive and violent, but also let them establish an increasing collaboration with the far right social movement, and to take on some of the frames elaborated by far right actors, particularly those who are related to the German people and the claims. For example we are the people we are in does. For

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Andrea Grippo: so the empirical results suggest that increasing intersection interactions with the far right. Such a moment catalyzed the radicalization of credit bankers. Collective action. Speaking about the rally in a Leipzig that's 5 5 in shefa. The 3 German researchers

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Andrea Grippo: a consider it to be an exemplary model of a radicalization and orchestrated interaction with far right led to militant non-compliance with the demonstration band

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Andrea Grippo: and violence against journalists and police

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Andrea Grippo: but violence gained. It's Peak in the August of 2,020, where a demonstration of 40,000 people handed with the stom of the high stuck. There is form on the highest up. Hundreds of protesters

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Andrea Grippo: broke through police barriers, and for the entrance stairs of their high stuck, beating the current seat of the German Parliament. Many protesters carry the flag of the former Imperial Germany used by the extreme right group.

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Andrea Grippo: So the radicalization of protest was further expressing October in cost, And's, where the bankers and the extreme, my right, armed with masks of pyrotechnic material, again broke through police curve, and and the who by city streets and a plenty of similar examples. How? They're not easy to solve back question of relevance. And if you interest to identify the factors that trigger and fuel, the the radicalization of the process movement.

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Andrea Grippo: You shall be your cat. You've argued that violence is all the more difficult to understand as the classical, sociological explanations are not satisfactory. It remains in main respect mysterious.

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Andrea Grippo: why should a particular individual commit to crime? And why do so at a particular moment. So the how to break the Coronavirus

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Andrea Grippo: and and the spread of the related disease. The COVID-19 certainly represented the Macro Level trigger event that polarized public public opinion positions and radicalized social groups, and it works so operating as breach between macron and a level factor. I criticize the correct tankers. Radicalization was fostered by the polarization of them

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Andrea Grippo: pandemic debate. And this is reflected in that how they think about themselves.

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Andrea Grippo: So the it a process of polarization, where there's a sharp psychology, psychological division between as in them. And then where alienation and facilities are growing, the resulting in a political climate where prejudice, hate, speech and even hate crime flourish. It was the the pandemic. So the debate between supporters and the Tractors of mandatory implementation of COVID-19 containment policies has been increasingly conflicting, contentious, and

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Andrea Grippo: ere

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Andrea Grippo: such practices. So we were reinforced by the label in a box in which, in public debate to count the guys of the stigma works which express a negative they are to make. This is an unconditional pejorative connotation, and we perfectly know why. But from the movements perspective

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Andrea Grippo: Such a relationship with her resulted in the relevance, in the victim frame, in the elaboration of the identity claims that express how the group sees itself within the social conflict. It considers a significant and the and the reflexive

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Andrea Grippo: identity attribution. Yeah, I would say, amplified the victimization of group. They presented the people in general, and the lateral speaker specifically has the blameless victim of betrayal, deception of repression of government. So the victim frame on one end, reinforced internal bonds of equation and solidarity through out group or rejection.

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Andrea Grippo: and the hondi of the rant, in accordance with hypotheses of the territory, for example, Kosovo or Ali. Also the big team frame increases the risk of radicalization or related to the perception of marginalization and exclusion. But quickly, as a third point and remit. Yeah, resuming finding

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Andrea Grippo: already mentioned. the the radicalization of the protest movement was further catalyzed by a Meso level factor which concerns the organizational and relational dimension. And it's possible, as a matter of fact, to assume that the increasingly interaction with far right social movement acted as a mezzle level root cause for quick credit, banker radicalization. As sorry I was one slide.

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Andrea Grippo: But yeah, at the end of 20,020, the involvement of the far right has been massive and visible in both in terms of symbols and flags, and in terms of individuals, in both, in all the rallies of theilateral thinkers and the whole in Berlin, but also in Castle Customs, Hamburg, Tresden, and the other German cities, and about 10,000 protesters.

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Andrea Grippo: It's still gathered in the at the end. In December,

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Andrea Grippo: 12 December of 90 and 20,021 According to the local police report, one quarter were alternative to Dutchland supporters, so that it should be emphasized. This is another relevant aspect. that the alliance on the ground between lateral thinkers and alternative for Dutchland

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Andrea Grippo: is the outcome of a radical change of position of the far right party in the public debate.

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Andrea Grippo: and the great influence of the clerk, and protest on the largest party of the far right social moment, the most relevant since the the Second World War, which at that time could count on 12% of good nationally and more than 20 in the eastern region.

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and that really.

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Andrea Grippo: And there are 2 min. So I mean, it's okay. Rapidly. The frame analogies of the ipads pandemic scarcely reveal to distinct and contradictory pandemic approaches of the far right party. It needs how authoritarian approach the party claims stronger protective policies on Spider criticized government for the decision, paralysis, and a lack of prompt than as sorry. All as why there was A is the party leader

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Andrea Grippo: and the action of politicians, she said, are negligent, and the end of the license safety of people in our country. Accordingly, if they campaign the Clerk, get zoom to our self account first.

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Andrea Grippo: and the the that we all.

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Andrea Grippo: however, when the mass mobilization of the protest movement spread across Germany, the pandemic frames of the athlete were radically transport.

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Andrea Grippo: despite the ever-increasing curve of contagious on 6 May 2,020, the at the Parliamentary group to the motion, the 9 resistance of a national wide epidemic situation and calling for an imidiate, a risk end to restriction of fundamental rights and democracy. Sunderland rights. Freedom became the main topic of the, if they

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Andrea Grippo: political and political discourse so

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Andrea Grippo: And concluding really quickly the find it so. The protest deeply influence the pandemic frames of the far right which took on the libertarian frames of the lateral thinkers.

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Andrea Grippo: but, as we already seen this interaction will in part also influence cleared anchors, collective action both in content and in form, so buff in frames, and the form of a collective action and and

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Andrea Grippo: violence. So really concluding the the research findings should lead us on one end to study social movements within a broader

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Andrea Grippo: a broader view which is not relegated to organization operating in social movement, but to study collective action as a special type of social conflict.

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Andrea Grippo: as a 3, would that put it and and on to other. Look at the interactions between those social conflicts, between between social movements which are not separate by influence, each other mutually influence each other in competing for control of social and cultural model of our time. That is the historicity. As so a dear to Alan Toure.

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Andrea Grippo: Okay, thanks. Thank you.

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Reconnation between the cultural and political dimension. The second presentation is from a manual to scano, the session organizer with contestious freedom. How the far right has right in the free box movement between mistrust and moral panic.

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thank you very much, Danielle. And  okay.

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actually, I changed a little bit the title of the presentation

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in between. So my name is Emmanuel Toskano. I work on far right. Since long time I got several books. Articles have done

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a lot of research on this issue, especially on a methodological aspect, on the study of far right movement from a social movement studies perspective. So my presentation

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come to Vancouver in the screen. well.

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my presentation today will focus on

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all right. on 2 main analytical axes. The relation between far right and and free vax movements mainly analyzed from the Italian context and the rising of simplified conceptualization of freedom

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as many other countries in in Europe, but also in general around the world in Italy, far right managed to monopolize free backs, discourses, and mobilizations.

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2 famous examples about these that maybe many of you have heard of the large demonstration that blocked and occupied the Trieste arbor.

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a very important commercial node from Italy for Italy and southeast Europe by the free wax movement against the introduction of a Government major called Green Pass. The Green Pass has been a document needed to attend a public event, public spaces, and, most important, it was mandatory to work.

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It certifies that the good stand of vaccination, or a negative tampon in the previous 48 h.

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The second example is the mean attack and devastation of the biggest trade union, her quarter ch. Gel in Italy, that has been attacked after a demonstration in Rome in October 2,021.

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far right moment. if I write sorry fed, what means bridge and Morris? define as oppositional consciousness built up around a sense of injustice, fear, instability, and social inequalities exacerbated by the pandemic, combined also with medical populism. That I will define later in the following slide

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defining research object is a key question as well as it is important to avoid the simplification.

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That's the reason why I prefer to use free vax instead of no backs, as in this tinting label. Of course not. All the the people who participated to the free vax. Demonstration were far right. Activists. In fact, most of the people can be considered as primomiliton.

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that is, to use a definition very famous in the French context of social movement studies.

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and the concept of medical populism is very useful to understand that to explain the far right discourses about the pandemic

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in particular, I would like to focus on 3 peculiar characteristic link with medical Populism and far right, the finalization of risks to a due to pandemic, as we have seen in the Andreas presentation. That is, I found really interesting because it. It's very close with my findings.

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The the dramatization of crisis and its consequences, and the exacerbation of of the division between the people and the establishment, both political and and scientific.

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The other point on which I would like to focus is related to this simplified, simplified conceptualization of freedom

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that comes from the freak back free backs movement and is widely shared. also, in the far right discourses. This simplified conceptualization of freedom is rooted in 2 characteristic of the historical period we are living through

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that we can define our reflexive late modernity. the radicalization of the individualization processes, and the denial of the impartiality of scientific knowledge.

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the pandemic outbreak, the pandemic outbreak, contributed to an individualistic radicalization of the idea of freedom

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and an intensification of the Germany of the neoliberal paradigm and protest, and on social movement and political, on social and political criticism.

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a freedom that does not have any relation with any other values, such as solidarity or equality concept to like, just from a negative perspective, freedom from

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based on an idea, on the idea that politic must leave the maximum space to the individual choice. decline it. In anti-political libertarianism

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a generalized and simplified adoption of individual sovereignty.

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The 2 main dimension of subjective singularism are immediacy and presentism

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immediacy can be explained as an absence of mediation, a solipsistic declination of the subjective autonomy denying any limitation that can that come from any other collective entity

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immediately.

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It means in this way as the as the aspiration, as the immediate satisfaction of desire.

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So it comes to the second dimension of this objective singularism. The Presentism

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Presentism, as a regime of historicity. The loss of relevancy of the past were just, the present accounts as well as just.

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and unity is recognized without any conceptualization of the collective dimension.

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In this sense it can be considered as the denial of the subject from a uranium perspective.

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So very quickly. What I presented today is just a few first steps of a wider analysis.

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more empidical and close-up researches need to be realized. To deeply understand what I was speaking about

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maybe the first point

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of the as lost its significance as freebox demos are not relevant anymore. But does not. This is not important as this reality moves on other issues, especially in Italy, about the and the far right. Try to monopolize other discourses.

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The declination of freedom in a neoliberal cultural framework! I think this continue to be something very important to analyze, and the far right strategies and positions about freedom of the out, the auto retarianism and the role of the state. So thank you very much for listening to me.

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It is.

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thank you. Manual. As I said before, it is relevant to build long-term path of research. So we will wait for your future findings.

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Now we have the third presentation from Pamela Aaronson

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from University of Michigan, and Urban in the United States. The title is generational humor, identity, and conflict on such and medium during the pandemic.

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Okay. okay. friends.

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yeah.

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Pamela J Aronson: Sorry. It's not letting me share my screen yet. Yes, I I I I I think you might have to stop sharing.

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It's just giving me a message that I can't share while you're sharing.

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Sorry. Okay.

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stop. Share.

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Okay, okay. Now we'll try. We should be working now. You can share your presentation. Can you see it?

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Yes, yes.

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Pamela J Aronson: okay, great. And you can hear me. Okay.

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Pamela J Aronson: yes, it is. Okay. You guys, excellent. okay. Well, thank you so much for having me at this panel, I will say that this particular paper is a little bit different than the other ones.

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Pamela J Aronson: and so, just to to prove to you that I am a social movement. Scholar, I am. I'll I'll show you a copy of my forthcoming book. which is much more focused on politics and gender and and social movements. So this particular piece is going to be focused on young adults in the pandemic.

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Pamela J Aronson: So it really overlaps more with the pandemic themes of the other papers. and in particular, what I want to talk about is how the pandemic has impacted young adults and sort of what we what we can conclude from that.

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Pamela J Aronson: So In general, we have a situation where we have a great deal of economic insecurity, uncertainty. that has had an impact on young adults and will likely continue to do so as it's impacted. educational aspirations, attainments, career trajectories. Well, being

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there's also been an

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Pamela J Aronson: increasing degree of inequalities which are, we're already problematic before the pandemic. But those have deepened

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Pamela J Aronson: and as a result of this the young people are increasingly vulnerable at a very critical life stage.

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Pamela J Aronson: So one thing that I want to mention is that Early in the pandemic we heard a lot in the media about young adults acting in irresponsible ways about covid and spreading it to older adults who are more vulnerable. And There was.

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Pamela J Aronson: I really became interested in this topic at that point, because I felt that there's a lot of scapegoating that was happening with young people. in early on in the pandemic. And so one of the things that I've been arguing through this time is that we need to turn this problem on its head and think about how our nations and society is not doing enough to support young adults during this very difficult time that we've been in.

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Pamela J Aronson: especially in the Us. and other countries where it's expected that young people will find their own individualized solutions to what are obviously social problems. And another point that I want to raise before I sort of get into my data and and my findings is that the effects of the pandemic are generational.

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Pamela J Aronson: And so in particular, young adults were moved quickly from their lives in higher education or education. a large, you know, into their families, homes or out of the school yards, into into their bedrooms

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Pamela J Aronson: and large numbers lost jobs. And so for young adults. During this time, period, and this time of life, identity, friendships, romance are very important developmentally.

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Pamela J Aronson: and young people were forced to abruptly end their lives. As they knew it. Of course we all did so. I'm not saying that it's that you know, we we

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Pamela J Aronson: those other generations, didn't also experience difficulties. But Some things that we've noticed is that in the Us.

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Pamela J Aronson: we have an incredible worsening mental health among young adults. study after study is showing that young adults are worse off than any other age group, and that that mental health, those mental health problems have been worsening throughout the pandemic

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Pamela J Aronson: So a third report, fair or poor, mental health. A third report, depression over half report, anxiety. and these are national us studies. So this these issues are. You know, it's important for us to think about the effect of the pandemic in a generational way.

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Pamela J Aronson:  So in order to shed light on how young adults are thinking about the pandemic, and how their some of their experiences.

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Pamela J Aronson: I can do this a complete, a study of memes which are obviously an important way that this generation communicates with each other over social media. So theoretically we can think of memes as a part of culture that both reflect and transform social meetings.

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Pamela J Aronson: and so with a former student of mine. Gen. Z. Former student, I systematically collected and analyzed posts from the most popular Gen. Z. Facebook group, which is called Zoom, means for self quarantines. I have the photo of that here teen spelled t, E, n, s

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Pamela J Aronson: so this group group currently has almost a million members all over the world.

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Pamela J Aronson: and as you can see on this slide, I've listed

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Pamela J Aronson: the numbers of posts that they had During the time period in which I examined it, we conducted a random sample of the post, which ended up being 2.5 of the images and videos.

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Pamela J Aronson: we conducted a content analysis of the memes and coded for emergent themes.

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Pamela J Aronson: So I want to talk about some of those results today and and think about their larger implications. so let's just start with what does it mean, anyway? because a lot of, you know, we obviously have heard this word What it actually means is, you know, a little bit more complicated. But the word meme originated in the 19 seventies, when a biolog biologist excuse me, described it as a new replicator and unit of cultural transmission that spread through copying or imitation

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Pamela J Aronson: Even in biology, though some memes are more successful because they fulfill a particular cultural need.

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Pamela J Aronson: So today, Internet memes represent shared cultural understandings that are spread across groups who are connected to each other digitally. Contemporary memes, though, are not just shared, but encourage participation, as people alter commonly understood images to convey meaning.

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Pamela J Aronson: because because memes are a part of culture, they both reflect and also transform social media.

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Pamela J Aronson: So the social impact of memes is significant, because, as they are disseminated, they can in turn shape young adults, mindsets, behaviors, and actions.

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Pamela J Aronson: So

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Pamela J Aronson: In general. Gen. Z. Humor includes symbols from cartoon shows from when they were children in the early 2 thousands.

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Pamela J Aronson: the memes also represent a shared understanding of Internet culture and popular culture drawing on commonly recognized references. So

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Pamela J Aronson: as I define it, generational humor has a particular style in its deployment. It's has a sarcastic tone. And the sarc sarcasm is a tool of self expression. sarcasm is typical even when referencing, otherwise serious topics, including the pandemic.

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Pamela J Aronson: And so the memes that we saw reflect feelings of fear, bitterness, sadness. But they're all executed with an ironic tone.

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Pamela J Aronson: So while other generations also use sarcasm to cope with stressful situations, the combination of references to popular culture during their youth with sarcasm, may make many of the memes incomprehensible to older generations.

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Pamela J Aronson: Older generations might not understand many of the memes, and if they did, they likely would not find them funny. And so in this way, name is represent a shared cultural understanding that reinforces a particular generational identity.

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Pamela J Aronson: So in the zoom means Facebook group,

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Pamela J Aronson: memes about the pandemic included sub themes of a coming apocalypse,

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Pamela J Aronson: and adults, especially politicians, who deny the seriousness of Covid in the beginning as well as a more general expression of negative feelings, particularly anger, fear, etc., through humor. So these types of posts emphasize the existence of a shared generational identity through humor.

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Pamela J Aronson: And these are commonly understood references to issues and problems like online learning, lack of productivity, mental health, etc. the most common sub theme that we found associated with generalite generational identity was education. Specifically, the transition and problems with online learning.

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Pamela J Aronson: So

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Pamela J Aronson: I want to spend some time today on another theme that we uncovered, which is humor, that highlights generational conflict. And I think this particular theme relates to the other 2 papers that we've heard to some extent as well.

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Pamela J Aronson: This humor emphasizes antagonism with older generations, including mistrust of the government

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Pamela J Aronson: and political leaders, professors, universities, and so The professors and universities part might seem a little bit

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Pamela J Aronson: unusual. But I'd suggest that we all keep in mind that you know young people are very much dependent upon the institutions that they're in some situated within for support and development. And so these memes draw on sarcasm and popular culture. References to both reproduce and also to create shared generational experiences and social space in opposition to older generations.

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Pamela J Aronson: so I'm going to show you some on the on the universities and Professor Side. But here is one that was more

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Pamela J Aronson: on the politics side. And so this meme is referencing

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Pamela J Aronson: the former. Us. President's refusal of who covid testing kits In the very beginning of the pandemic. I apologize. My dog is coming upstairs, and he's being a little bit noisy wagging his tail And so that led to a shortage of testing kits in the beginning, and the comedic appearance of the character and the meme and the deliberate misspelling of the word leadership

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Pamela J Aronson: mocks the former President's decisions and policies, and suggests both mistrust and also really powerlessness. in the face of the government.

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Pamela J Aronson: Okay, so now I'm going to turn to universities and generational conflict. That's suggested

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Pamela J Aronson: through the post that had to do with universities.

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Pamela J Aronson: So the memes that we examined also reflect generational conflict towards the institutions that structure young adults, lives. This first image is, if I'm not sure how well you can see it. But it's there's a very deep

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Pamela J Aronson: crack in the concrete, and there is a bandage sort of lazily placed on top. And the caption reads universities emailing their students that they're here to help during the pandemic.

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Pamela J Aronson: So this portrayal emphasizes really feelings of abandonment that the young adults experienced

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Pamela J Aronson: as a result of the assistance that was able to be provided by educational institutions which was often limited. The bandage. The way that it's placed on top of this fractured surface certainly depicts the idea of ineffective assistance at best.

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Pamela J Aronson: another meme that just did depict. Excuse me, mistrust of universities can be seen in this image, which shows a picture of a character. Pikachu, from the pokemon franchise with a surprise look on its face, and the caption contains a fictional conversation between students and schools.

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Pamela J Aronson: Schools. Say, we strive produced to produce the next generation of critical thinkers who know how to question corrupt institutions, and then the students respond. This is a corrupt institution.

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Pamela J Aronson: The schools then respond with the surprise, look, And so this meme suggests the denial on the part of the older generation, who the students perceive as corrupt. And really, this emphasizes the way that

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Pamela J Aronson: you know, the institution did not respond to students concerns.

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Pamela J Aronson: Okay? turning to professors, this meme also expresses generational conflict. The the caption shows me showing Prof. How to toggle Mike slash video on zoom feels like Colin. And then you see this caveman walking by who's being shown around by a young person?

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Pamela J Aronson: in the second meme. Here. A child is swinging on the swing set, oblivious to this massive fire that's burning behind him. While a group of people gather around and watch this destruction. And the text over the fire reads literally the whole world. So the whole world's burning While the caption over, the the child says, professors giving out non-stop assignments.

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Pamela J Aronson: So it's interesting to note here that the professor is depicted as a child emphasizing the obliviousness towards young people's struggles. And so here we see some mistrust and conflict with the institutional authorities

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Pamela J Aronson: who have control over young adults lives

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Pamela J Aronson: so taken together, then the means drawn sarcasm and popular culture references to both reproduce and create a shared generational experiences and digital social space in opposition to older generations. And certainly, you know, previous generations and other age groups have also mistrusted older adults and institutions.

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Pamela J Aronson: But what's interesting here is that this mistrust is applied to the pandemic in unique ways through social media. and it's portrays. The older generation is not only out of touch, but also neglectful.

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Pamela J Aronson: So in some

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Pamela J Aronson: Gen. Z. And young adults, through social media, are depicting the failure of institutions to protect them. During this incredible time of upheaval.

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Pamela J Aronson: Post often had an adversarial tone, a conflictual tone, And illustrated the way that young people felt abandoned by older adults and those in power.

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Pamela J Aronson: and so one of the things that I suggest we think about is.

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Pamela J Aronson: you know, how can policies target this particular age group. I know in the Us. there have been proposals that are very that have not gone, not worked. We have, for example, incredible student loan debt that must be addressed and

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Pamela J Aronson: lots of problems with the the links between school and work which then cause all kinds of difficulties for young people. So I will stop there.

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Pamela J Aronson: thank you very much.

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Thank you. Pamala. to to show us the cultural dimension at Generational level, and the line that again, we have a a cultural analysis of this movement. The next presentation is from Antonio Barr's Manam.

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the other such organizer. And, thanks to my me again, as a child, with the national priority on the welfare and ultimately the spanish cultural association of national health.

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see

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so

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 mom

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thank you for coming, and thank you. Amili Simone.

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Yes, Emmanuel, sorry. So yeah. I'm going to talk about some Spanish group but I think it's close to the idea that we have about social movements. But I would like to put this in context. So

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it was after the grievous section when Freddy our Jeffrey, our friend, and started to publish a lot of papers about the past 2,011 movements. I I'm from Spain. I lived in the Ignatos movement in Paris, in Madrid.

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and we were all, I mean, like crazy watching what was happening there, trying to understand, but also really excited about something that I mean what's close to our idea of the world that we would like, etc., etc., etc.

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So I remember this period of time of researching. I love also as an activist. sering with Jeffrey, with some friends at the Cadiz, all the things that we were I mean understanding, and also trying to explain.

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And in this period of time I remember to read an interview about a local group called Ogars of Theial in Madrid, that it was a kind of Ne fastest group

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I'm reading. This. article in the in the El Pas is the main one of the main. Newspaper in Spain, I saw a quote about Emmanuel Toscano. Let's say, Oh, my God! Emmanuel Tuscano, this is my friend! And it was referring a book that he was written with Daniel. About that's upon.

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So I really became really curious about this thing, because he started to use word. That sounds

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mit ctl, and mind the string during the far right. analysis like sojativation, like a spaces of being together, creating a Matthew! young people that were squirting, I mean, it was really really strange. So I started also to reserve that in a Spain. 250

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a

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Sorry. So my research to start trying to understand what was happening. And it was something like limited, something small or something that it was becoming huge.

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And we see I started to do my research with a Joan historian, historician that he was an expert in

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fastest in classic fastest in in Spain, Francis Frankenstein, etc. And we realized that in a period of time there were like 40 different national associations, that they became a cultural association. So they were listed in the ministry and start to give what they call a national Anthal.

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So

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even if we think that it was an exception in Spain, because we didn't have a far right. During more than 10 years this association became To a spread all over Spain.

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Trying also to gr some federation. For example, El Prietoricon, quista reconquist project, and different at the different levels

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we have forgars of Chali- Madrid, Faragosa, Toledo Granada Elda, Lornestro, Imorthia, Alicante, Elsie, and finally, during the health crisis of the Corona crisis, the creation of Athernathium. So making nation.

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So

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I want to talk here about 2 men develops made by these groups during the pandemic. The first one is the transition for the idea of national preference to the national priority, and the second one will be

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there. Sorry we'll come back.

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They changed from the Welfare to Venezuelan, to the ultra-anali's charity. This kind of radicalization. Sorry I would like to come back.

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Well, excuse me

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where it's not gone.

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Sorry. So was. come, go back. Or.

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yeah, yeah. Yeah.

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So basically, the idea of this radicalization of this of this process is connected with the invented assem. But the main idea is that we are leaving a global crisis. So they not fog with us in the crisis that happened firstly, through the great conversation. Them we call it 19 on the Waterukrania, but they think that we are leaving a multi level crisis and are going to quote one of their main leaders.

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They explained that the cadence caused by the late modernity in 5 fastest. The first one is the individualization has led to the dissolution of family and whole lot.

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Second, a standardization has meant a global homogeneitation through construction that had eliminate difference.

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Third, the sacrilegation has brought with a moral relativism which has contributed to a loss of ideas and a fighting spirit among the younger generation

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for rationalization has established money as the merchantmen of everything in the, in the will of power and self-improvement.

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5. True neighbor sanitation has imposed a global model, a global citizen in the terminate of a national identity. So the return from the national preference to the national priority means that

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it's something different. What happened, for example, in the late 20 s. When the immigration process a test affect, for example, France or later in Spain, and they said that the welfare should, took care first to the nationals and them to the other people. In this case no other people have been affected in this national priority idea.

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So even the definition of being a spin is really sort. They don't affect gypsy bibble, for example, in these kind of ads they don't affect. Let the people they don't the theft, feminine, etc., etc. But at the same time it's a way to create links in between them and the idea of nation.

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So the alternative and the integrate approach means that doing these campaigns of giving food, nursery, also legal assistant, etc. They are going to create all over these processes. The idea of the and alternate in a listen that they are trying to impose. At the same time they want to became

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institutional and legacy, legislative actors becoming a party. So to understand also this turn to more radicalized ways of ultra-naturalism, charity, charity. We also talk about the return from the welfare, toveness, and to the ultra-analist charity.

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So

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when they are a giving food, her nursery legal assistant, or Sicily Ecological assistance

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mit Ctl. And they are constructing the idea of nation. And I want to say also to quote how they understand nationalism in the everyday life practices. They say for us the whole lot is not something a static bike, dynamic. It must be built day by day without rest. 250

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nostalgia has little value to us, and we consider it all. all lightweight in our project. The nation is not given. It's always a working process built in multiple rates prior to sitting at bottom top flux.

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So they work in the neighborhoods, in their poor neighborhoods is the way that they understand that they are constraining the nation from the button to the top

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in this process that they call a nation-building a third nation. They say that nation building is a positive concept which includes a novelty. It's a future or interest proposal about on a proposal, and it is made on that. So

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to continue with this idea of overlap the world for 2 innis, and that it was also adopted in the late century by even conservative parties, especially related with the migration process. They think that this global crisis that is affecting. The nation need to rebuild from the top, from the bottom the idea of how we create nation

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in this end. They they have

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a lot of ads to create the political affiliation, for example, doing parties going to field trips. I mean with different talk, etc. But also through the subsiditation process express, for example, in the clothes in Logos and in merchandising that they are selling to through through their

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and websites.

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So to conclude, I would like to say that since 2,008 numerous new, far right. Formation have emerged through how the Spain in this presentation we have, like 2 of the main political pillars and plot of configurate cultural association of national Aids framework that are national priority and ultra-naturalist charity.

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They have involved reclaiming their place in the civil society, presenting themselves a real political, social, and cultural alternative becoming more and more sophisticated and active with the most recent economic crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic.

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This association make up a social movement that attribute this extent an action to the decline of the Spanish national identity, especially during the first decades of the twentieth century. Democracy has only aggravate this process following the loss of sovereignty. While globalization has accelerated through massive migration, multiculturalism and supranational interference

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in relation to the so-term, rhythm, political economical humanitarian alcoholic crisis and reinforces the strengths infant in different social problems, such as procureity, independentism, or the loss of rights and freedom.

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Only when Spaniards and their needs are given preference will this, the current period come to an end.

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These factors, as well as their multiple links to historical fascism. No fascin and new, international, far right groups allow us to bless them. Despite the Romanian activity, humanitarian activities within the far right spectrum, both from an ideological and a practical perspective.

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we will argue that for the study of the revolution and impact on a civil society is necessary as they continue to condition the far right agenda.

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I'll have the potential debilitate democratic legitimacy.

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I I would like to say that this research is going to be published in a few months in the in the Rebu nation and naturalism, and it's also done by Francisco humanit! Who is the the go out of the of the research on the article? Thank you very much.

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and also to remember us how much is relevant to share our experiences. Analysis researches at the international level at global level, to cope with the nationalism and the research committees are a space

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fundamental basic to do this as well as the International Sociological Succession. We are here also Jeffrey player, the new president. So we need to take care to to press out this space and to improve the this kind of opportunities.

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The next presentation is

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what

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here. Okay, the next presentation.

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It's a line.

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Okay?

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Okay. Lucas. Garments from razing with the presentation on Alexandra Brazil. The proximity and a difference.

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Entrepreneurism at the lava khatism. Sorry for this front session, but.

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please, you can start.

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Lucas Gomes: I'm okay

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Lucas Gomes:  to.

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Lucas Gomes: It is the vote of it in a develop more.

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Lucas Gomes: the media

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Lucas Gomes:  sit on the context on to the milk at all. It doing it, says John Purple. The first the group

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Lucas Gomes: I'm Kluz.

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Lucas Gomes: Don't say context.

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Lucas Gomes: I did.

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Lucas Gomes:  you don't

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Lucas Gomes: the

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Lucas Gomes: don't you probably catch on to Facebook?

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Lucas Gomes: Well.

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Lucas Gomes: the

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Lucas Gomes: we' to zoom to

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Lucas Gomes: No.

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Lucas Gomes: the principal symbol, the manifest as shown in the

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Lucas Gomes: on this.

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Lucas Gomes: Hmm may

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Lucas Gomes: the the gosh,

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Lucas Gomes: it

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Lucas Gomes:  And proves the sedge's anti-system

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Lucas Gomes:  the

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Lucas Gomes: the minute Nikka

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2 min.

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Lucas Gomes: That's

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Lucas Gomes: he

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Lucas Gomes: I see antibiotics.

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Lucas Gomes: if you

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thank you, Lucas, to share with us the complexity the interpretation on the far right movement and the external extreme right. Next present passion is Aliya kes ogloo

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from Malaysia, with the paper on Islam and the Ethanol religious identities for social movement mobilization. Aki. Study of an Islamic movement in Malaysia.

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Thank you so much for coming on behalf of my co-authors, Dr. Kuing Hoy. And just one thing I would like to thank all of you.

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Today. We visited so many places from the world. We visited Spain, Italy, Germany, and the U.S.A. And I think, Brazil, because I cannot speak French. And now I take you to Malaysia

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and Today's topic is actually, it's close, maybe in some way close to the Andres, because he showed us that how far right moments can intersect with other moments and change and affect their mobilization and their discourse and framings.

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So Closer to that, I will show you how far right moments. Also impact Islamic moments as well. So in Malaysia.

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Hmm.

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on this screen. Okay.

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like this.

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Okay, all right.

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So a little bit of a background from my study is, normally Islamic moments are not very into the nationalism, ethnic identities, and these kind of things. But This particular moments in Malaysia, even though labeled as extremist or ultranationalist is the growing importance. And it it is very effective to mobilize people. Actually.

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So now we are talking an intersection between a far right moment and Islamic movement in the context of Malaysia. So what we see in this particular case is that they use similar similar motives and frames to the far right moments

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with intertwining race and religion.

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and most of the time they use far right moments frames and justify that with religious ideas or religious concepts. I think it can be quite effective and also be dangerous at the same time.

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So as I said normally, Islamic moments have more translational ideologies because ethnic ideologies or nationalist ideologies is the big boundaries for them.

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but now we what we see with this moment is that from Uma solidarity. It focus on more to the, to the local turns, to the local context, and promote the ethnic solidarity.

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even though there are many other. The other ethnic communities in Malaysia they promote the ethnic solidarity of Malay Muslims. but in okay, I'll tell you about the context a little bit. But first my aim was for this. Research was.

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how do Islamic women integrate religious and ethnic identities to influence their audience and gain political power? And when we were doing that, and we were examining that, we found that it is quite close to the far right moment's motives.

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So a little bit of a background from Malaysia. We are talking about quite a plural society. Malays as an ethnic group is only 55% of the population and the total Muslim popularity in Malaysia is around 60%.

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So the rest. And there is a 25% of Chinese. They are mostly Buddhist or Christian, and 7% of Indian. Some of them are Christian and Hindu, and there are many indigenous communities. They have their own religions, or they also Christian.

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So. But in Malaysia, Malay are the the dominant ethnic group, and the Constitution actually

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legis, and the they created constitution around the Malay Malay population and the in the Constitution. Malay means Muslim, and Muslim means Malay. They are this kind of a intertwinment between Islam and Malay

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and the Malaysia is a former British colony. So the Malay nationalism has quite deep roots in the psyche of Malaysia

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race is a very significant category in social, economic, and political life, and all political, economic, and the social life is actually segregated along ethnic lines.

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For example, the the the politic arena is mostly dominated by Malays, whereas economic sector is mostly dominated by Chinese. Chinese, are very powerful in the economic sector.

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and Islamization in Malaysia is a critical phenomenon, because over the last 40 years Islam political Islam became the hegemonic. political ideology in Malaysia. So the field is open for competition. So Isma. Is my case study founded in 1,997 as a student union. Firstly.

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but currently they have over 100,000 members and several branches across Malaysia, and it is, I think, what makes them special is they they they might be one of the

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few. Islamic women supporting Malay domination in the in the country. So for them. Malay should be in the rule. They rule the country without any interrogation from the minority groups

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and the the power of Chinese in the economics sector also should be decreased. So Malay also can be a little bit more powerful in the economic sector as well, and to say it a little bit more simple. They say that this is our country, and we should want we. We want to rule it how as we wish.

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So Another point is that even though it's not one of the strongest in terms of membership. Islamic moments in Malaysia they are so vocal, so they easily mobilize people, and they they they just call for mobilization. And tens of hundreds of people are outside for demonstrating. So they are very vocal. And they just out there you can easily see them.

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The biggest rally Isma organized is 8 12, gathered 55,000 Malays. It was happened in 2,018, and after 20 months the government collapsed

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the theoretical framework. I'm using a 2 framing analysis tool. I'm using. The first one is identity files fields and the other one is framing tasks due to time limitation. I'm not going to go into details, but if there is any question I can elaborate a little bit more. The methodology I reuse. We ask 2 questions. First, one is how they differentiate between in group and outgroup.

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and the second one is the core framing task. What kind of core framing tasks they are using.

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So? In total, we analyze 20 texts selected from the they publish the the, their media publishing, or their their official account.

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and with the coding process and everything I, as I can said, if there's any question I can elaborate.

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So the first one is identity fields. How they introduce themselves, how they see the in-group, how they see the out group, and what is the audience.

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So first one is the protagonist. Isma represents itself as the protectors of all Muslims in Malaysia.

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But These Muslims have to support their cause the the, the Malay supremacy.

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so the ones who are supporting the Malay supremacy, they call them as Malay fighters.

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as the antagonist. They The antagonists are primarily from the local context, and we described 3 main antagonists. The first one is Liberals and seculars non Malays and the politicians quite similar to far right moments, I guess, in that sense.

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Liberalism and Liberals are embedding Western values and imperialism, and they consider it as a new form of colonialism.

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non-malay and Malay Liberals are undermined the Malays position in the country. So they are. That's why they are antagonist

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and non-malays who oppose hoodout law. I'll describe it a little bit later, labeled as Kalford Harvey. who are the non-muslims with whom war can be waged. So there is this division between non-muslims.

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First one is Kathleen Harvey, and the second one is Kafirsimi. Kaffiri means that the ones who are asking the equal rights or basically the ones who are in fight with the rule.

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so with them you have to fight the the for their understanding. But Where is for Kafirs? In me? It means that the non-muslims who are accepting the authority of Muslims. So they are good to go. I mean, they can live freely. They can do like Under the rule. They? They? They are fine. But

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the nun Malays, especially Chinese in Malaysia. They're asking for their rights, or they are more asking for the equal citizenship in Malaysia They are considered or labeled as Kafir, Harvey, and for Malay. For Isma. It is the main one of the main antagonists, and one other issue. As I said, Malaysia is a former British colony, and the Chinese and Indians came to Malaysia during these colonial times 250.

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So for Isma. Chinese is

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I think, is a puppets. Are they considered as a puppets of colonials? So is there? Or maybe it's a residue of colonialism. So they reflect. They rage towards the Chinese or the other minority groups.

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and the politicians, regardless of ethnicity, are portrayed as self-interested and morally corrupted individuals. I think this is directly borrowed from far right movements.

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And the audience there are a different kind of audience for Isma. One of them is the people when they are complaining about the politicians. They mostly speak the audience as the people, and they don't divide. The Muslims or non-muslims, Malays or non-malays. When it comes to politicians, the audiences, the people!

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The people from Isma! They are fair, who may humane and align with their with their values, beliefs, and interest. I think this is also quite close to the far right moments. discourse!

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The people also refers to the general Public affected by politicians's actions. Muslims is both both used both to refer to the global Muslim community in in the case, this is Uma and also Malays in the Malaysian context.

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So sometimes we see Muslims as referring to the Malay Muslims, but sometimes it referred as the Muslims as a whole, like as a religious community in Malaysia as well.

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and Malays are portrayed as the rightful leaders of the community. So when they refer to Malays, it's all they also use that the rightful leaders of the community

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so, and the core framing tasks. what kind of frames they are using as the diagnosis frame? this is the common and the most used one is Malay rice, and the position of Islam is under threat in Malaysia. Who are the ones who are imposing? This threat is non-malaise, and Liberals and secular and Jewish and LGBT be. This spectrum is quite wide.

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Malays are losing political power, and strategic position is considered the Malay issue.

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Extremists, liberal and secular Malays, politicians, and the media are seen as the threats to Islam and its symbols. As I said, the Liberalism, Secularism and Western style. Democracy they are considered as the

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form of new colonialism, so they are quite opposed to that, and it is also obstacle to Malaysia's independence and Malay Muslim identity.

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It is interesting. They are against quite a lot of things, but what they offer instead.

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They say that Malay unity and Islam sovereignty is this solution of national unity? problem! I don't know how it's going to happen, but this is their solution.

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And Malay agenda promoting Malay language, culture values, and clothing is seen as crucial for national unity. When we see that we this is something I need to add. Chinese in Malaysia and Indians. To some extent they still continue their culture quite strongly, and then

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they are very segregated from the Malay community. Most of the Chinese and Indian population cannot even speak the official language, Bahasa, Malaysia.

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and partly because of that, the Malay people are offended, and they think that they are humiliated by Chinese, and to some extent Indians, not that much, because Indian community is much more

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integrated with the Malaysian and Malay community. So this Malay agenda and the language and the culture and values. This is connected with the Chinese segregation within the Malay community. Malaysian country. Actually.

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the Western style liberates a liberal democratic system and proposes adjustments favouring Malaysian leadership and positions. And the Malaysian leaders. They should have a Islam Agenda. They should uphold Malay rights, and of course improve the economic system and the motivational frame. As I said, it's a very vocal and very active moment.

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Me, you

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and They prepared like, they organize a lot of rallies and awareness programs, petitions. it's a. It's a just a couple of their activities. Actually, it's a it's a quite wide. So in like as a discussion and conclusion, I would like to say, they mobilize through identity fields, and the particular one is here, I think the antagonists.

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because they created an an enemy for themselves, and they easily mobilized people when showing the enemy

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and I. They are quite honest what they believe. They say that they are in politically incorrect in Malaysia. So maybe with that can be one of the reasons that they found a sympathetic from the popular Malay community, especially because sometimes they say what people think, but like they cannot speak. So this is another part.

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Their ideology er apart from the Islam, because there is so many conflicted parts. But As a ideology, it's a quite cohesive ideology, and they use mobilizing strategies quite effective.

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And but unfortunately, at the end of this process we can see that the Isma's progress is towards more to the far right. Nationalism, instead of Islamic transnational, Islamic moments.

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Thank you so much for listening to me. I'm here for any questions.

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Thank you. The presentation we listening is a session about the far right during the pandemic show some common features in particular, that the space of action of this movement is not only the national or the political dimension, but also the individual daily life.

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We talk about communication, freedom, humor in the idea of national crisis and corruption.

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They really just the sphere of life. So they act on subjective action. The subjective action process is not only as a citizen, but as person. And so the the presentation show clearly the cultural, dimensional, or of the action of this of this nationalism

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moment. We have 10 min for the discussion. So

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okay.

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stop show.

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I suggest we have a few minutes because we had many presentation, so I suggest to collect the questions and to done to

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so.

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Andrea Grippo: So if there's no question I would like to ask

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Andrea Grippo: something to highly.

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 okay. good morning, everyone. My name is Anna Margarita Steve. I'm from the Lisbon University Institute. My question is

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mainly directed to the first 2 speakers, but it it it can. It can be answered by everyone on on this panel.

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To what extent are these

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so-called reactionary movements influenced by

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critiques of modernity and critics of of rationalism, based in holistic philosophies and worldviews which have always been present

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I know quite a few people who have been part of the so-called how do you? How do you call them in German? The

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the parallel thinkers, the what sorry lateral thinkers, the what sorry lateral thinkers, natural thinkers, and I know that. And I know that many of them are influenced by anthroposophy, by even by even by even the thinking of A, of of of Goethe.

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and by other holistic approaches to reality.

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And also when we look at the at the reaction of youth during the pandemic.

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I wonder if underlying their reaction isn't is isn't a a rage, that is That that deep down is directed not only towards schools as institutions and towards teachers and professors, but also towards

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a pedagogy which seems to deeply divide the human being between reason and duty and impulses and feelings.

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and which, in order to, in order to turn them into adults.

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forces them to go through a process of repression, and through a form of discipline which can be which can be very you know, which which can be very detrimental towards joy, towards a certain freedom of the body towards a certain, towards an integration between minds.

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emotions, and impulses. Thank you.

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I suggest to collect 2 or 3 questions, because I am not one to time.

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Good morning, everyone, and thank you for the the presentation. There was every presentation was suggesting, you know, and lots of questions, and try to resume my questions. so one for is for a Manuela. Do you think the overwhelming public communication in Italy during the the pandemic he create a kind of saturation in the public Rhyon, and then he push people on this kind of

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feeling in a in a state of sage. And then, you know this this reaction. It was also a matter of being affected by fear and the use of political fear. I mean everywhere, as I see all the case. If there there was presented here. This is a political use of fear. It's not only a motion, but is the instrumental as it was used after 9 11, even

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when there was this rise of radicalization and anti-muslim sentiment in American society. And

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So the third question is regarding the anti-scientific discourse.

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which was, you know Not only from the right, but also also from some parts of the left. So there is kind of, you know, a basic communication between negationist of the the the situation, and in this create a kind of denier of scientific to. And and the last question is for Antonio. About solidarity.

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I want to know if how the idea of charity is far from the let's say Catholic or religious charity approach, or is more close to the idea of solidarity in terms of. I just wrote an article for social science movements about the reconciliation of care.

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And solidarity is more in the direction of the idea of caring democracy that John Toronto wrote about so writing about Carrying off a carrying wheat, a carrying 4, so which frames a new different idea of solidarity. I want to know if of the right wing in in Spain is the same.

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Thank you for all the presentation. I have very simple, but I think it's a very important issue. One is about some kind of a

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a distinction between far right and right.

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And when you talk about libertarian ideology, usually in economics, economic theory.

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So we used to Inside many a economic theorist.

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they emphasized a real robotarian value

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in the market economy, and in also

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some perspective on human behavior. So you we used to. You call them right just instead of far right?

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So it seems to be a little bit different from the traditional usage of the conser of

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far right? So that's my first question. And the second question is about some kind of many European, far right political parties

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emphasize the collectivity. This one mission or ethnicity.

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So for far right libertarian. Far right is quite different from those particular parties and particular orientation.

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It seems to be a quite close to a new Liberal

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right

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instead of far right.

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So how can you answer 2 questions?

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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There is a question from them online.

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Yes, ma.

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we have to to close. We. So we have not time for other questions. there are also some shared question. I suggest to go we share charts with H elsewhere. Starting from Andrea. That. Gripo. Okay, so thank you. Thank you for the interesting question.

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Andrea Grippo: Questions, Ted. he had the impression on that. We'll like to discuss the this with you that these brilliant are the fruit of the late modernity? and that from up

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Andrea Grippo: purely theoretical point of view, it's they are based on the centrality of the of the subject, and they they

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Andrea Grippo: they. They had some connection and interactions with the with the new politics of the 60 and seventies. They are rooted in that kind of the general framework. I would not say the culture of subjectivation referring to to train, but when we think, and

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Andrea Grippo: I, at least in in in Germany they spoke really a lot about self consciousness. reflecting on our so this pre it. It's it's written for me from my point of view, in in that kind, in, in that kind of general

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Andrea Grippo: social and development of collective collective action

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Andrea Grippo: about the pedagogy, and that's I. I think it's really white. what? question issue. But it's related with the trust with the the principal about authority. that's a matter of that concerns the the world society and

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Andrea Grippo: at all. And not only during the the pandemic

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Andrea Grippo: and about far right on the world to to short. But yeah, the the the

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Andrea Grippo: the first. The main difference pertains the the exclusion of others that differentiate from my point of view, right and and far right, the extreme right and the the exclusion

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Andrea Grippo: design provided, and the ethnic and cultural traits.

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And we follow the direct questions. So I'm on an Antonio. Okay, so about What? I there?

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 answering to meals. But I am completely agree with you. I think that there's been a situation in Italy which see a syndemic over a communication about vaccine, and the way in which the Government communicate about the vaccine campaign, etc. react, I mean, engage the reaction of the people in the.

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as we have seen in Italy and about far right. I. I use this term as an umbrella term in which I compare all the groups political party, but also movements

439
01:50:12.320 --> 01:50:23.080
that whose discourses cannot be considered acceptable in the.

440
01:50:23.250 --> 01:50:45.049
as you say, par parliamentary, or the arena, let's say, but they also these is very needs, and a very articulated answer that I I mean I would like to to to give the the micro to my colleagues to answer to the the questions.

441
01:50:48.030 --> 01:51:12.439
Thank you. So I'm I'm gonna pick your word. I try to have a lot of the 2 questions that I have. Far right. I'm on right. I I mean the first thing that I would like to say is that I think it's not. we don't, we shouldn't. treat this movement or this political part is just a tractionary movement. I think they are creative.

442
01:51:12.610 --> 01:51:37.810
one of the proof is that, for example, the common right is normalizing some of their frameworks, practices, etc., using also the example of my 2 colleagues. I remember that, for example, in the campaign for the regional elections in Spain, in Madrid, the the person who was at the spoken party use the Logo? 2,

443
01:51:37.810 --> 01:51:51.120
Communism or Freedom? It was the Conservative party and all the program. It was some now program. It's just a letter that all the people from Magrid reside as a asoropr that just said 250

444
01:51:51.310 --> 01:52:15.230
Communism. I'm freedom. And it was the Conservative party, not the far right party. So yeah, I mean the limits. We have also invented this idea of illegal democracy. So I think that some of this practices that are more creative, that just reaction are being assumed for other parties because they know, I mean also the Populist perspective that they are going to receive both.

445
01:52:15.230 --> 01:52:27.100
you see that things, and it's the same example that you have presented about the Islam, etc. I don't know. It is something that is really a thought and intention, but it's something that is dumb.

446
01:52:27.640 --> 01:52:51.710
And regarding the other question about solidarity from their perspective. They say that they are. They are exploring the mutual aid. So it's something that they want to be from them a lefty movements, and especially in moments of emergency. But at the end is charity. I mean, it's more close to that religious idea, the idea, because

447
01:52:51.710 --> 01:53:16.810
they don't concede that the others, even if they are Spanish, the same, I mean they are a A beyond them, and they are giving that because they are constrained. The idea of nations. So even if they defend themselves or the process as moved to a late at the end. It's a sort of we're trying to analyze charity just because I can give you. because you are my co-

448
01:53:19.080 --> 01:53:23.740
the questions.

449
01:53:23.950 --> 01:53:28.430
yeah, we follow the direct questions. So to Pamela.

450
01:53:32.030 --> 01:53:35.479
Pamela J Aronson: yeah, I I appreciate the question. And it's interesting.

451
01:53:35.520 --> 01:53:43.410
Pamela J Aronson: I think I I I like the way you put it in terms of thinking about youth expressing rage.

452
01:53:43.520 --> 01:53:55.449
Pamela J Aronson: And one of the things that I think we can see here is a sense of powerlessness in the face of

453
01:53:56.800 --> 01:54:02.660
Pamela J Aronson: institutions and the government, and

454
01:54:02.710 --> 01:54:08.610
Pamela J Aronson: just all you know the whole confluence of events that occurred in the pandemic

455
01:54:08.870 --> 01:54:09.920
Pamela J Aronson: and

456
01:54:09.950 --> 01:54:21.800
Pamela J Aronson: I have to think a little bit more on the the reason versus duty. and impulses line of thinking. but I I guess I think of it in terms of powerlessness.

457
01:54:21.980 --> 01:54:24.360
Pamela J Aronson: so that's my initial thought.

458
01:54:24.690 --> 01:54:25.750
Pamela J Aronson: Thank you.

459
01:54:32.300 --> 01:54:35.520
Thank you. We have a little bit of time. So

460
01:54:38.750 --> 01:54:39.800
that's not

461
01:54:40.060 --> 01:54:45.000
okay. The there was that question to me. But

462
01:54:45.160 --> 01:55:01.069
about the far right. This is just general question. I seen that there is not another session after this, and outside there is no body but we. We can go on too much. But with short questions.

463
01:55:01.920 --> 01:55:03.070
but honestly.

464
01:55:03.250 --> 01:55:07.830
okay, well, in terms of far right and right division.

465
01:55:18.780 --> 01:55:38.369
The other movements are maybe we can considered as right movement or conservative movements, because they are also. They have their own agenda in terms of their political ideology. But why? I specifically put this moment in the far right moment category is that it is more

466
01:55:38.600 --> 01:55:44.549
actually, there is a pattern of this course, and the

467
01:55:45.050 --> 01:56:11.209
the the frames, like accusing of politicians or inclining to the the people, or, come finding a common enemy and putting all the pressure to that enemy, or accusing that enemy for for everything this is a pattern of this course, I think. And this is not something we can find in right moments.

468
01:56:11.320 --> 01:56:31.950
They are more diverse, and then they have an idea. They they have a they may be like a political or economy program, but in this movements it is they are. They are saying something. But when you look at, when you go deep diaper, the dye, you cannot find the

469
01:56:32.230 --> 01:56:41.909
a very structured program. Actually. So it's more like a discursive level their activities.

470
01:56:42.500 --> 01:56:50.390
Thanks with the sharp transfer. You said something before about this mistake. Distinction. If you want to add something more.

471
01:56:52.020 --> 01:56:53.290
Yes, Lucas.

472
01:57:02.070 --> 01:57:09.899
I let the the Me call for for the others. You are the last one. So

473
01:57:09.920 --> 01:57:11.160
bye

474
01:57:12.470 --> 01:57:26.060
me again. yeah, it's okay. So the session is finished very much. Thank you.

475
01:57:26.820 --> 01:57:34.000
You can exchange my email and to keep in touch. Thank you. Thank you.