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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): okay, great. So the room is ready.

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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): Okay, okay, so thank Thank you so very much for everyone being there in person but those online as well. that's the thing. Homely and I, I are very excited to have a wonderful set of papers today to share with us

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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): on the issues relating to working and family and the well-being, and to we each paper we have about 15 min of time I will be online monitoring the time. Give each present presenter a 3 and one minutes a reminder. And so I'm not going to take him any more time away from you. I do want to. This is a session. You the Saturday you pretty already much know each session

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we like to acknowledge the country presence.

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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): So And that was on screen in the room before. And so now let me introduce you. You The very first paper. from the Jin honey who's going to present in Matuno announced in the work schedule and children's social emotional development and the information for at Uk. we'll come that that, you know. Day. Thanks way.

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Ok? So there's a high prevalence of a non-standard work schedule in developed economies and

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Mit Ctl, and what we refer to to. N. Understand what schedule is are the time people working evening nights, weekends, or they, you know, work can be irregular shifts, rotating, and so on. Casual, precarious. All the res schedules are out of the daytime. And so that's what our condensed and schedule one.

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And in Europe

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about 20% or 19.7% employee. All of employees usually work in the evenings and the nights

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and much higher percentage of workers working on a weekend

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and When you look at the parents with dependent children, the preference is much higher, the average yeah, for European countries in 2,01513. But then the percentage raised to

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goes up to 40 in Central Europe or Southern European countries.

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Hey? How can my account? I'll pitch that. Okay.

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So there's a pattern, that is, you know.

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workers with the loser's economy status tend to work these schedules.

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So we know there is a solid evidence that working. Such schedule is bad for your health, for workers, physical and mental health. And increasingly, there is also, you know,

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research, showing that the parents now stand a work schedule have negative impact on children's health development.

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And this evidence is not just, you know, within certain countries it's across a developing developed country in North America and Australia, Europe, East Asia. Increasingly we so

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in East Asia, showing evidence.

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So one consistent funding is that when one of both parents work an onst and schedule. Those increase the risk for the emotional and behavioral problems in children and also at adolescents.

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And you might wonder why. So the mechanism that research has shown so far that partially immediate, this impact include parental stress

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parenting, a parental depression and harsh and inconsistent parenting and also reduce the

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parent child interaction, the quality of that not only less time they spent together, but the quality of that interaction.

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So we know, however, far less about other reasons why a nonsense schedule is linked to children's poor outcomes.

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So.

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for example, you know, from a mental health point of view about ecological, theoretical point of view, child apparent engagement in developmentally important activities

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can be potentially important reason why

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and also the stability or the regular patents on children's daily life instead of a lot of stress or chaos.

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It can be another reason why now, when parents will work, now stand schedules, students.

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the outcomes are not so good.

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So we also know, even though you know increasing studies, you know, in this field we still see that the longitudinal studies are

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a relative rare. So our paper, our studies and aims to address these limitations and also to add another

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guess limitations that we haven't seen. You know, any studies on this specific topic in the United Kingdom.

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so that therefore, you know, we want to contribute to bridging this gap. So we look at the maternal non-stand schedules and early child social emotional development in the first 7 years of the child's life. So we look at both between within

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where differences in children's social emotional developments say, how that changes, you know, with parent work schedule.

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So we analyze 3 weeks of the millennium cohort study, which is longitudinal. Yeah.

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So we ask 3 questions, is working on standard schedules associated with with increases in children's social, emotional problems.

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To what extent is this association confounded by

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maternal education, household incomes

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and

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the parent child activities, stability of child daily routines and a maternal mental health

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explain some of the effects of parental nonsense work, schedule and charts.

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social emotional development.

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So I don't want don't have time to explain. You know the theoretical framework motivating us, you know, to address these questions just briefly, in biological ecological theory, this proximal process

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that emphasize person characteristic context time. And that's called the Ppt model. That's important. And the core of this theory is the proximal process that refers to consisting in in a more complex, more increasingly more complex reciprocal interaction between the developing human being and their immediate diva

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kind of environment. That's a family. That's the care care.

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And so, in order for this to be effective developmentals process, it was important that

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those interaction is a regular and on a long time versus, so that that has, you know, relevance for why working nonsense schedules affect children

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so I don't think I've come to. I said it already. Another theoretical framework that in a motive out our research is conceptual resource framework.

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that envy's have 4 types of family sources for optimal charity, my open. There's family time.

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family income, and human capital. particularly, you know, apparent education, and so on, and also psychological capital, referring particularly current and mental health. So these aspects are very important, for

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you know

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our research questions. So, as I said already, our data come from the anemia cohort study follow up over the 18,000 individuals from around year 2,000.

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So our own analytical sample includes Singletons living with at least there are biological machines with one.

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and this children's mother work at least 1 h per week between waves 2 and 4, and the final effective sample is 8,000, about 8,300 children.

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and from with 2 to 4, when their socioeconomic, a social emotional development measure were taken.

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So we use sdq. Strength and difficulty questionnaire to measure social emotional development in early years.

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Anyway, I think most of you probably know I don't need to elaborate on this.

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So yeah, it has 5 domains, emotional problems, can't I? Problem peer problems, a hyperactivity, pro-social behavior

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and

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higher-school emotional peer problem indicates increased risk for internalizing problems, high schooling conduct problems and hyperactivity indicate a higher risk for externalizing problems.

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And often it's also to look at combined domains that is total school.

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similar higher score, indicating more problems.

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And our main predictors or

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independent variables. Mother's non-stand work schedule. So it's a dichotomy, that is, whether or not the main respondents in our data are 99%. Our mother, whether or not they work evenings, nights, or weekends on a regular basis, not just occasionally on a regular weekly basis.

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And we also have alternative measure, that is, whether or not they work such schedules on a monthly basis. Unfortunately, father's work schedule were not available in the data set or

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was not captured. Therefore we can't analyze fathers. However, we do control for fathers work time.

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So, as I mentioned in in the beginning, already we are interested to look at this mechanism, that is, whether or not the children have a regular meal time, bad time this in a reflected degree of their regularity, regularity of their daily life. And also we interest in to test the another mediator, which is how often children, mother and children

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engage in develop mentally important activities. Of course, watching TV can be good cannot be if anyone they watch how long they watch. But reading, drawing, singing, and visiting library definitely are developmental, enriching activities.

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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): You have a less than 5 min.

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Okay, so another one is maternal depression.

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And we, as I said earlier, we do control. For oh, we said in Hong Kong.

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in a pet yard.

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Okay.

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So just before I'm sort of a result, we did a you know. Take into account. The family characteristics, like family income, parent education, number of children, you know, and so on, child gender. But this first table just give you a feeling of

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I feel it. How frequent mother's work now stands schedule when the children are so young. So if you look, it's quite high. So This is a percentage model working nonsense schedules.

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And in Wave 2. That's you know, children were under age 5, about 40%,

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and which wave 3 decreased

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some water, but still quite a high, more than 30%.

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So he's at the Ming, Sdq scores of different groups. So you can see modern loading and label force.

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 is the talks.

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Oh, yeah, it's the prom,

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my, the work standing schedule

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1 s. Okay, yeah, I got it. And so

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yeah. Family in the mayor. Yeah. Okay, 3 min remainder. basically, mother, not in labor for stay, children have tended on average, higher proper level problems. The next comes to mothers who work now onstanding schedule and the mother's standard schedule. Their children have the lowest level, 101,

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and here quickly we look at 3 different models, and if you want to Focus on the last panel, which is a fixed effects model that is taking into account. for within person changes. So that's pretty robust model. So what it shows that, indeed, when you look at the first

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the top blue 3, that's The first one is when household! The characteristics are not in adjusted, and you do see that work working, outstanding schedule is associated with high level of conduct problems and same for emotional. And

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When households

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when household character list characteristics were taking into account, you see that effect decrease, and also when you see, but still significant. But when you also add the mediators in and that effect seems to, you know, significantly disappear. But that's important. That means this is the signal, a first sound that

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the hypothesize the reasons or mediators or mechanism, maybe, indeed, play a rope.

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and this is a similar pattern. It's just alternative measure of non-standard schedule based on monthly basis.

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And here is a long table. It's hard to you to follow. But if I just highlight the red rows that show that significant significant effect, mediation, effect by, you know, in reaching developmental development, important activities

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mit Ctl, and that's for both evening work and night work, and we can work. Similarly. We also found significant and mediating effect of regular bad times for night work, and I have about 30 s, 250.

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Okay? So what we found that

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in a regularity of the daily life is important and also developmental and enriching activities are important, they to explain some of the effect.

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But what most important is maternal depression that that plays a much bigger role. Okay?

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So our analysis. Really high proportional mothers, you know, working in the Uk work nounced against Nigel when they children still, in their critical early years

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and family support policy must direct its attention to addressing the negative effect of mother work, condition, and mother's mental units and children, and also as provide affordable early child care education outside a home. So mental health care for both mothers and they children, and thank you so much. That's so much to.

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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): I'm so sorry they will only have limited time in this case.

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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): and our next presenter is went to. He also among us and the schedule employees.

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Chhavi Tiwari: Can you confirm if you see this screen.

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Chhavi Tiwari: Okay, thank you. So good morning, or good evening, everyone. Wherever you are joining from.

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Chhavi Tiwari: I'm from you. So it's seeming, I know, for most of you. It's night. So

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Chhavi Tiwari: So today I'm going to present my name is Chubby, and I'm currently a postal at University of Florida. Today I'm going to present joined work with Anne, who is currently based at in France the project is about the paper is about mental health among non-standard schedule employees. And what is the role played by family and job resources? And whether this role is gendered

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Chhavi Tiwari: so the much of the context about non-standard schedule has already been said by the previous speaker. So I'm not going to spend much time on that. So, as previous Speaker also mentioned that non-standard schedule is working beyond typical hours beyond 9 to 5 in evenings or nights or on weekends.

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Chhavi Tiwari: And when we look at the data, about 39 of the people of the employees in European countries work in non-standard schedule. And when we narrow down it to France, it's around 36% of employees work in non standard schedule. At least one of the non standard schedule, and

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Chhavi Tiwari: most most most of the proportion of these non standard schedule comes from low quality for qualified more women who have time constraints.

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Chhavi Tiwari: and the literature which which looks at non standard schedule. it has established that working in non standard working schedule affects employees, health and family family relationship, like work, family conflict or partnership, quality and parental. Well being.

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Chhavi Tiwari: But with this paper. We are trying to look at what affects individual what happens to individual mental health. And if there are any gender differences, and if working in non-standard schedule impacts women more than when.

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Chhavi Tiwari: So that's what we are trying to look at with this paper. So the objective of the paper is to look at, whether working in non-standard schedule is associated with poorer mental health, and whether this effect

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Chhavi Tiwari: varies by type of schedules like early mornings, evenings, nights, or weekends or and by gender. And we also look at the role of contextual resources. So in this paper, we define context contextual resources at job and at family. So we only look at these 2 aspects, and whether, these resources influence mediates the relationship between non standard schedule and poor mental health.

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Chhavi Tiwari: And we also look at whether the role of these resources varies by gender and social class.

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So

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Chhavi Tiwari: for the purple, we for the purpose. We use French working condition survey data of of the way of 2,016 it has multiple ways. But 2,016 wave has data on psychological risks. So the total employees in the way was 24 around 24,000. But we included

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Chhavi Tiwari: employees only in mainland France, and less than of less than age of 64 years, and we also included only employees living with a partner, and at least having one child, because we were interested in looking at family resources as well. So that's So our final sample for this study is around 1,500,

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Chhavi Tiwari: and how poor mental health is defined in the survey it. It is based on 2 questions, followed by a series of questions in terms of situation. So the 2 questions are, 2 indicators of poor mental health are in the last week, in the last 2 weeks.

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Chhavi Tiwari: 2 weeks, or one week in the in the last 2 weeks If the employee has experienced particularly sad blue or depressed, or if the employee has at

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Chhavi Tiwari: lost his interest in, or all the

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Chhavi Tiwari: time feeling depressed. So if any any of the 2 questions was answered, yes. Then a series of situations were asked about change in appetite or change in weight, which was not aimed, which was not desired sleeping problems, etc. There are multiple situations like that. And then, if if one of the situation above is true, and then followed by one of the situation. Then it's defined as poor mental health

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Chhavi Tiwari: in the Soviet.

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Chhavi Tiwari: So for lack of family resources. We we build, we built a binary indicator using if the relatives complain about working hours. So

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Chhavi Tiwari: the assumption is that the employees, not receiving a proper support from the family. And that's why there is a lack of family resource from the family side. And for the job resources. We use relationship with the superior. So if the employee answer, do you experience tension in your relationship with the superior? So it's like a very broad measure. But that's what

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Chhavi Tiwari: we have used. Only one indicator for lack of family job, family and job resources here.

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Chhavi Tiwari: And we also control for age

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Chhavi Tiwari: any health condition, any existing health condition, number of total number of children, presence of young children spouse activity, earnings, etc.

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Chhavi Tiwari: So looking at the descriptive statistics, it is pretty visible that when employees work in non standard schedule, they report poor or mental health, both in men and women. But

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Chhavi Tiwari: and women report more core and mental health than men. So in standard schedule women, almost 21% women report poor and mental health as compared to 12 in men. And this gender gap further increases when they work in non-standard sheeting. So 23% of women reported having poor mental health when they work in non-standard.

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Chhavi Tiwari: And we also find a difference in

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Chhavi Tiwari: difference in percentage of employees reporting lack of family and job resources when they work in non-standard schedule, even though we don't find, like much significant difference, gender difference in lack of family results in standard schedule, but in non-standard sheet.

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Chhavi Tiwari: then we categorize. We show the percentage of non-standard employees across types of schedule and across gender and profession as well. So what we see is that

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Chhavi Tiwari: in general women report poor and mental health. But when they work on weekends the highest percentage of women who work on weekends. They report they report to have the

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Chhavi Tiwari: they are the highest percentage of women who report to mental health.

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Chhavi Tiwari: And we also see that these women who are in low qualified jobs, they are the most impacted. So women in in low, qualified job are the are the people who report

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Chhavi Tiwari: who who have the highest proportion of reporting to her mental health?

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Chhavi Tiwari: we. We can also say that gender gap is higher. So the

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Chhavi Tiwari: difference between men and women reporting for mental health is higher among low-qualified employees.

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Chhavi Tiwari: Then we categorize, then we show the percentage of

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Chhavi Tiwari: men and women reporting lack of family resources and lack of job resources across profession, across profession, in managerial, intermediate, and low qualified profession. So we see that employees in non-standard schedule report

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Chhavi Tiwari: here report higher

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Chhavi Tiwari: higher lack of family resources than standard schedule. and among non-standard she she deal employees women in. That's that I already discussed in the last slide as well. So women in intermediate and low qualified professional report hire.

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Chhavi Tiwari: lack of family resources.

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Chhavi Tiwari: Oh, sorry.

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Chhavi Tiwari: Then we did a linear regression. Logist linear regression model to Look at the gender differences in poor mental health. So what we try to see here is that how that coefficient of women changes when they work in non standard schedule? So we see that we can see that in a standard schedule women women are reporting 8% higher.

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Chhavi Tiwari: women are reporting 8%. Women are 8% more likely to report poor mental health than men. But this percentage increases to 10 to when they work in either kind of non standard schedule, but they, when they walk in weekends like Saturdays. On Sunday it increases to 12.4. That means women when they walk in on weekends. It's they are highly impacted in terms of mental health.

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Chhavi Tiwari: then we include,

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Chhavi Tiwari: lack of family and job resources as variables to see if there is any change in coefficient for women. So if there is a decrease in coefficient for me women. That means some of the effect is coming from lack of family resources or lack of job resources. So we see that when we include is there any question.

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Chhavi Tiwari: this is a 5 min reminder. Okay, okay? So when we when we include lack of family job resources. We see that the coefficient declines from 10 to 9, so that means

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Chhavi Tiwari: lack of family resources itself is important for mental health, but also it mediates some of the impact of some of the gender impact. But we don't see any mediating impact of lack of job resource, even though it is imported on its own, but it does not reduce the coefficient for women. So the lack of job resource does not mediate the gender impact. But it is important for mental health

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Chhavi Tiwari: on its own.

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Chhavi Tiwari: Then we did across profession wise. So we see that

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Chhavi Tiwari: if we compare only among low qualified employees, then we see that the coefficient of women decreases slightly. So lack of family resources.

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Chhavi Tiwari: What's

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Chhavi Tiwari: more, in among low, qualified women, because maybe they don't have any option, but they are working in non-standard schedule

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Chhavi Tiwari: and they don't have any option but lack of job resources works more in mediates, more in kind, in intermediate profession.

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Chhavi Tiwari: So so that's

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Chhavi Tiwari: all The limitation of this study is that we don't have information on work schedule of the partner that can that can be helpful to explain the mental health mental health better, and we could not do any interaction between class and gender, and we don't have. This is like a cross-section survey. So we don't have a longitudinal

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Chhavi Tiwari: information to see how long employees have been exposed to non-standard schedule. So if they have been working longer. How? Because, how that impacts mental health.

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Chhavi Tiwari: So so that's how we conclude that women in general report poor and mental health. And it further increases when they work in non-standard schedule, and women who work on weekends are at the highest risk of reporting poor mental health.

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Chhavi Tiwari: And on. We can work. They are more sensitive to. We can work.

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Chhavi Tiwari: and gender gap is higher for low-quality than intermediate and managerial profession. Except for night work. We didn't find any increase in effect.

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Chhavi Tiwari: due to if they are working in night work, shift

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Chhavi Tiwari: and family resource is more important for mental health among low qualified profession than other profession. It's maybe because they cannot rely on policies from employers as they are not. They are not in family friendly policies and in non-qualified profession

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Chhavi Tiwari: and job support is found to be important for intermediate employees. That's it, I think I finished in time. Thank you.

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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): Thank you so very much. You got too many to sit there. Thank you so much. No, no, no, it's perfect, it's perfect. And next we have a working from home. Coffee 19 and job satisfaction among parents. The evidence from Australia. We have an Inca last.

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Inga Laß: Hello, everyone. Good morning. Good evening. From Germany. Can you see this slide? Somebody? Yeah, okay, fantastic.

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Inga Laß: And so, I'm working at the Federal Institute for Population Research in this 5 in Germany. But this is joined work with my former colleagues, Esperanza, via Tuscano and Mark Wooden at the University of Melbourne.

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Inga Laß: and we are looking into the link between working from home and job satisfaction. actually based on Australian dayc.

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Inga Laß: So Australia is a pretty interesting case to look at, because workers have long had the right to request for the workplace arrangements. In Australia. At least some groups of workers, like parents and telework or working from home, could have been one of the options that they could choose to

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Inga Laß: erez agmoni for better combination of work and family, for example, But despite this right, which makes Australia especially in some way in Ocd comparison. Despite this, and there were very few workers actually working from home, pre pandemic 250

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Inga Laß: So when you see the chart here on the right, you can see that there are about 25% of workers who did any of their time from home. But then, when you look at the extent of home working. And you focus on the people who did most of that time from home. And then with down to about 5% pre-covid. And this is mostly the self employed. So when you focus on employees that those were about 1.5%,

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Inga Laß: then, during the pandemic, Australia, like many other countries saw a massive increase in working from home. And I actually have to move you guys around to see my numbers. So the share of people who do any work from home went up to 37 by 2,021, and there was even a very significant share of people who work most of the time from home or all of the time. So most of the time about 23%.

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Inga Laß: And that was in part due to government advising people to work from home wherever possible to contain the virus. But then Australia is also pretty famous for having very severe, very prolonged lockdowns in parts of the country, especially in in Melbourne and Victoria, and in Sydney. So people there were were

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Inga Laß: forced to work from home as long as it was possible in their jobs, and when they were actually they they couldn't really leave the house unless they had a very good reason, like going to the doctors or doing an hour of exercise today.

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Inga Laß: So the question is, has this

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Inga Laß: somehow affected the link between working from home and Job says Section, now that a lot more people had access to it. who might have liked to work from home. But then, on the other hand. The Covid pen situation was also one a very extreme situation. So maybe working from home came with extra birds in that period. So this is what we're trying to find out.

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Inga Laß: and because the theoretically it's not that clear how working from home should affect you up satisfaction. So literature has come up with a lot of pros of working from home, and people can save commuting time as long as they work. Entire days from home. people may have more flexible working schedules, because they can more effectively decide when to start, when to end. They can take breaks to pick up their kids from school, for example, or to have meals with them.

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Inga Laß: in times where child care places might be closed due to the pandemic, they at least co- present with the with the other family members, and they can oversee the kids with their housework, for example, and then they also have less interactions from from colleagues. They cannot just run into their offices when people work from home, so they may actually have a more productive work environment.

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Inga Laß: On the other hand, the opponents of working from home point to the whole range of risks that come with this type of work, and that is because theoretically, people can work at any time when they work from home the boundaries between work and leisure, time and family life, they become more blurry. which means that people may also work longer hours, and they start to work at these non-standard

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Inga Laß: working times that we've just heard about evenings, nights, weekends which may interfere with their personal life.

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Inga Laß: and then they may also feel a certain isolation from their colleagues and supervisors. The more they time they spend at home, and the less they go into the office. Also they may feel that they will be. They will have career disadvantages, because the work that is being done at home is not perceived as match by by the supervisors, and people may not seem as motivated when they use flexible work arrangements and and spend more time at home.

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Inga Laß: and then, of course, when when the family is also at home, there might also be more disruption from the family with who thinks, well, someone's working at home. They're also available to spend time with them or available to do more housework, for example. So a priori, it's not entirely clear how how this may play out.

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Inga Laß: So what we think

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Inga Laß: happens is that there might be a nonlinear relationship, so that when you work from home at an increasing extent. There might be a lot of benefits to it from saving commuting time, having sex with schedule, but at some point this isolation from calls and supervisors may kick in, especially if you're working 100% of your time from home.

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Inga Laß: And then there's also yeah things that may benefit women more and other things that may benefit minimal like the flexible schedule that may, and enable women to combine work with their more extensive family demands benefit women. But then men may also benefit from working very focus and and uninterrupted from home. So we expect kind of differences. But we're not really sure what directions they should go a priori

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Inga Laß: erez agmoni. And there might also be differences between parents and my parents like, I said, it's easier to combine work and family. But then, on the other hand, it might also be more difficult to work from home when the family is around 150.

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Inga Laß: So again, we expect differences. But we're not really sure how to how to direct our hypotheses here.

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Inga Laß: So there. There has actually been a lot of research on the link between working from home and job satisfaction even before the pandemic, when this was a working pattern that very few people actually did.

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Inga Laß: but the problem that the all the studies that they were based mainly on small non representative samples. Then, later, studies came. They had bigger samples, more representative samples. But the studies that were done pre Covid, we're still as a set based on very small samples of people who work from home because almost no one did it.

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Inga Laß: And so now we're thinking, maybe the type of people has changed who work from home, because now the bigger group can do it. So it's it will be important, interesting to see how they link Various may vary now post Covid.

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Inga Laß: And then there's also a range of covid studies, of course, but the problem with that with that is that a lot of them only focus on people who work from home. So they have basically no control groups, or they also have small selective samples.

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Inga Laß: So this is where we think we can make a contribution. We have longitudinal data from last day representative survey. And so people were interviewed before the pandemic. And then again, during the pandemic

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Inga Laß: and the data we're using comes from the household income and labor dynamics in Australia service and Hilda survey. And what we're doing is we're using a wave 2,019 and 2,021. And we're looking at everyone who was employed in both ways, minus the full time students because they they have a different setup. They also have to combine work with their studies. So we excluded those.

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Inga Laß: And so we're looking at and and within changes for these people, how they're job satisfaction change when they change the location where they worked

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Inga Laß: in terms of job satisfaction. We may be focusing on overall job satisfaction. And but we also looked at the sub dimensions. But today I will only share with you one of the dimension. And there's the satisfaction with the flexibility to balance work and number commitments.

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Inga Laß: Yeah. And we're looking at. Well, we're looking at a whole range of independent variables how to model how the best model working from home. But today I brought 2 types of operationalization. That is one binary variable that just measures whether you do any of your hours from home and your main job, and you have to use the hours.

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Inga Laß: And then we've also calculated the share of total hours that people work from home

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Inga Laß: to see whether there is everybody in categorical, variable out of it to see whether the effect is actually nonlinear

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Inga Laß: we're controlling for a whole bunch of. So it's a demographic and job characteristics, even though there's not a lot of things happening between 2,019 and 2,021. But we're just trying to make sure that they capture everything, and we're running fixed-effects, regression models. which takes into account all of the unobserved touch of an 18. That is time constant which is a nice feature.

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Inga Laß: So here's the descriptor statistics and as you can see, overall job satisfaction has increased for both men and women. from 2,019 and 2,021,

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Inga Laß: and at the same time, people have massively increased. the the time that they work from home with the share of time that they work from home. which is what I've basically shown you already in the in the first slide. But what you can see here with most interesting is that the share of people who work 100% of their time from home that really has gone up in the sample from about 5% of market

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Inga Laß: erez agmoni to 21%, and for women from 3% to 16%. So that was a working pattern that was almost non-existing before the pandemic. And now, really a lot of people did it. One

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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): you have about 4 min

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Inga Laß: coming to the regression results. So these are the main models.

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Inga Laß: and here you can see that working any hours from home is associated with an increase in job satisfaction for women, which is point to 2 points on this scale from 0 to 11 But we don't see any significant effects for me.

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Inga Laß: and when we look at the share of time work from home. Then we can see that this effect is indeed non nonlinear for women that working like 3 to 4 days from home, it's associated with the highest increase in job satisfaction. And then it's a tenure. It's a little bit. But even working 100% of time from home is kind of comes with higher jobs inspection than working no time from home.

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Inga Laß: And so we thought, Okay, why is it? linked to it? Why does it do only women benefit. And we thought, Okay, probably maybe it has to do with the higher family commitments 250.

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Inga Laß: And so we separated the sample by whether people have children or don't have children. And what you can see here is that this pattern is really mainly driven by mothers who are benefiting the most in terms of job satisfaction. And so we've on almost a point increase here for the mother to work like a high share of time from whole, but not all of the time. And for fathers we also see a little bit going on

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but the coefficient here is much smaller, even though it's also significant.

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Inga Laß: Yeah. And then what we also look into is the sub dimension flexibility to events working on our commitments. which we thought, okay, might be a more direct measure of these benefits that women and mothers are getting here. And you can see that we have really large effects here or associations here, which kind of substantiate this idea that it is the better combination of working family that's driving our funding.

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Inga Laß: Okay? Just to sum up, we've seen that in Australia we saw a Mark rice, and working from home during the pandemic and then working from home in this time came with higher job satisfaction, in part because it was only there for women, and especially mothers. And this effect was nonlinear. As we've seen that the high satisfaction comes with working from home around 60 to 79 and the improved work family benefits to be the major channel behind this.

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Inga Laß: we have some limitations in the data that is When people ask about their user working pattern and people are in lockdown where we cannot be entirely sure what they're referring to? Is it the pattern that they have before the the pandemic? Or is it after, we? We think, because we took 2021 day time we left out 2,020 data. People may have gone already used to the working pattern in the pandemic, but we're not not sure.

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And also we don't know how people split their working from home time across the week. We just know the share that they do across the entire week.

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Inga Laß: and so how to evaluate the results. So we think this, our results show that working from homes to double as smart for for women's careers, and it may actually help many women to get into the labour market in the first place, and for to work more out than they would usually be able to when they could not work from home. But then, on the other hand, it could also exacerbate gender inequalities in employment tries.

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Inga Laß: If more women work from home and working from home is not regarded as high as working in the office, and and then women may be overlooked in terms of promotions and pay rises.

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Inga Laß: And also we know that women. When they work from home they do more on, take work even more than they usually do, as so it could also exacerbate to the gender, get in unpaid work. So we think that under the right conditions women could benefit from working from home. But we would need a change in workplace culture that gives people homework as the same acknowledgment that. And that's as work as to work in the office, and we need a more equal division of labor in the homes.

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Inga Laß: Thank you so much.

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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): Thank you so very much. We got a few seconds to spare. Thank you. Next we have a Ingla on your work on family. Well, being in term of crisis of data from Britain.

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Ingela Naumann: Yes. Hello!

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Ingela Naumann: thank you for inviting. I'm sharing my screen now. Can you see my screen? Yes, wonderful. Well, first of all, thank you for the invitation to speak here, and the good night from Scotland.

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Ingela Naumann: This is a bit like Eurovision song contest. So Scotland cowling. So I will present a paper on top of work and family. Well, being in times of crisis, I work at the University in Freiburg, in Switzerland, and is still in Edinburgh. In in Scotland. What I'm presenting here is is some very condensed summary findings from a large project

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that I led over the last 2 years on China, and well, being in times of COVID-19, that was based at the University of Edinburgh in collaboration with the Scottish Community Development Centre

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Ingela Naumann: The aims of our project was to explore

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Ingela Naumann: what happened to families during those quite long lockdown periods in the Uk and in Scotland, when when schools and child care settings were closed and we look particularly at work, childcare challenges and at mental well-being. of different types of families, and also whether we could find differences in rural and urban areas. And it's maybe important to to mention that

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Ingela Naumann: in the Uk. There were some quite significant and longer lockdown periods from March to August in 2,020. Although politicians will tell you it was much shorter, but for families it it felt like that because the schools were closed for March, then also over the the Easter holidays up until June, and then, of course, July, August, for summer holidays, so

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Ingela Naumann: only very few settings opened during the holidays, and then there was closure again from January to March, but of course already from from the Christmas holidays in December up until the the end of the the East Holiday. So quite significantly, long periods

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Ingela Naumann: and the aim of our project was to collect a comprehensive evidence and data on what happened to families and their child care arrangements and well-being during the Covid pandemic

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Ingela Naumann: but also at the end to be able to develop some policy recommendations for the Uk Government and the Scottish Government. How to develop crisis, resilient child care infrastructure. for after the pandemic, and that would also be sensitive to local context factors and challenges, 150

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Ingela Naumann: so it was a quite applied project, and we had also a series of of project partners, stakeholders, the Scottish government, civil society organisations like one parent family, Scotland or Child Poverty Action Group, Scotland, or close to gap with the gender equality oriented group.

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Ingela Naumann: now, what's important to mention is the context. So childcare in the Uk. The Uk is is a liberal welfare state, and and there are significant gaps. And I will focus more on Scotland here, due to the data we at the end have to collect

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Ingela Naumann: and due to some data gaps. So there are some significant gaps in in early childhood education and care provision in Scotland, particularly in rural areas, in disadvantaged, in urban areas, and that was already the case before the Covid pandemic there with issues of affordability

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Ingela Naumann: mit

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Ingela Naumann: one of the reasons we looked at this particular issue of childcare and work challenges was that unfortunately, the pandemic was a kind of grim, real life experience of what happens to families when there is no child care for a period of times, and to then be able to point out in any kind of applied policy oriented way the importance of childcare in in In a liberal context.

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Ingela Naumann: Now, our project design only just quickly. We had 3 works teams. It was a large, quite large project. We had a work stream that conducted quantitative analysis, using national representative longitudinal surveys, such as the household panel, Understanding Society, or the next steps cohort, but they also use convenient samples and cross-sectional data.

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Ingela Naumann: unfortunately, we found in that data there was very little data on childcare arrangements. Actually. So we then converted to conducting 50 qualitative interviews with parents. In Scotland we we chose different. We had used purpose of sampling so that we would have key workers who had to work outside the home during the pandemic duel, or in a work or single parents. ethnic minority, parents, and and families with underlying health issues and a role urban divide as well.

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Ingela Naumann: Then we undertook to map the childcare policy and provision landscape on a national level and selected local levels, and then we conducted so-called co-production workshops with local stakeholders on how to develop policy solutions just to quickly show you where we are. So you see here, this is, of course, Europe. Here we have the Uk. And Scotland is here at the tip

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Ingela Naumann: right up here, and this very much here. Remote rural air we looked at, and here an area of Edinburgh of a disadvantaged area. Just to give you the context now. So here, just a summary of some very very key findings, and I will not go into methods because there's just no time for it.

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So what you see here is 2 doughnuts. I call them

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Ingela Naumann: mit Ctl. And on the left hand side you see the very colourful, pre pandemic childcare donor. What it visualises here is the very complex and diverse childcare patterns that families our 50 families put together. So we have 14 types of childcare combination 250,

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Ingela Naumann: and then, I mean, say, tiger combinations is that families would would puzzle together all kinds of forums. They would have their children Nursery School, with private childminders and grandparents and and friends, looking after them after school clubs and supported so quite complex arrangements, since we do not have a universal unitary child care system in Scotland.

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Ingela Naumann: Now, what you see here on the right-hand side is what happened during the pandemic so suddenly, we have a very different pattern of child care arrangements. We only have 3 different types, and the biggest one here is. The children are at home with their parents.

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Ingela Naumann: the very small one. Here they are in so-called emergency childcare hubs, and this one is where actually, grandparents lived with the family, helping out with with the family so very, very different childcare arrangements during the covid pandemic suddenly. But there is a there is a common denominator for for both these these. types of tiger

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Ingela Naumann: that parents said fairly Consistently, that it was a big struggle to get the tiger work puzzle together. And this is a working parents. So I I need to add one.

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Ingela Naumann: Now, what I'm showing you here is some of the findings we had. How parents experience childcare arrangements during the dynamic. What you see here on the left side is we actually mapped

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Ingela Naumann: how many childcare facilities were actually open during the first lockdown in 2,020 in Scotland. You see all these little black dots here 250

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Ingela Naumann: and it might look like a lot. But think about that. This whole of Scotland is a population of over 5 million people, and we didn't even have a hundred child care facilities open. So a proper crisis of target during lockdowns. And what's more, these facilities were only open for so-called key workers, that is, doctors or nurses who who had to go out and work during the pandemic.

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Ingela Naumann: Now, the findings we we connected through some of our our smaller communion sample, the pontiff data, and and our qualitative that this actually didn't work for parents, even though who were really in need of these childcare facilities because they were parting very far away from where families lived. Look at this whole gap here in the middle here, and but also that it wasn't something that children was good for the children, because they wouldn't know the staff and the other children, and so forth.

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Ingela Naumann: Then, during the second lockdown, we had a different form of child care support, and it was so-called household bubbles that families were allowed to form, so they were allowed to form a bubble with another household, so called, extended household, and and this was families experienced as extremely helpful. So they often bubbled up with other families, with small children, or with grandparents or with friends?

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Ingela Naumann: so they could support each other in childcare. But the problem here is, of course, that not everyone has the possibilities mit Ctl, and another point that was mentioned was the importance of the role of employers to to be flexible, but working times it also for those who had to work from home so that they could kind of job share almost, so that one parent could work early in the day. While the other parent looks after children, or later in the day, one

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Ingela Naumann: and we also had this years of stressors and and sources of resilience. But the most important here with the stressor is is really that this conflicting demand between homework and looking after the children, homeschooling and and work was was took a quite heavy toll on most of the parents, but I will not go much into detail, but it has a lot more slides to show.

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Ingela Naumann: the next few slides I'm talking about. Effect of the the complex childcare arrangements they had. So having to look after children at home, working at home, doing homeschooling at home, having extended domestic chores during lockdowns, is it took a toll on parental well-being. And so what we found across the different data we looked at is the parents experience the decline and mental well-being.

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Ingela Naumann: Mit.

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Ingela Naumann: Then, also those who were not able to work because of child care, responsibilities and families where they were family members with underlying health issues. But in particular we found across various types of data. That was the women who shouldered the lion's share of child care, home school and domestic work. And you see here just some descriptive, the data from some time use studies, and that this led to quite some sense of exhaustion and lack of regenerational self time.

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Ingela Naumann: for mothers.

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Ingela Naumann: you have our 4 min. Yeah, yeah. You just. I want to show a bit of some data here that we used here is one model we use. We we looked at the risk for parents. This is quantitative from the Understanding society. Survey the a sharp risk, risk of a sharp increase in mental health issues. And you see, when it goes up, then there's the risk of of of declining well, being obviously using the Gh. Q. index.

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And you see, that kind of corresponds quite well here with the lockdown periods.

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Ingela Naumann: we found similar trends also with children, that the mental well-being of children was also affected during Covid period, slightly different ways for boys and for girls, and also for younger and older children. But what was also quite noticeable is that children's mental well-being was strongly related to mother's well-being during the pandemic, and this has been said earlier today. Now I will not be able to go through all my slides.

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Ingela Naumann: But what we did later on with this. What we saw is that the covid pandemic actually exacerbated and made visible existing challenges as well for families and their well-being and childcare. And so in the second step, what we did here.

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Ingela Naumann: We looked at 2 local areas and looked mapped. The childcare situation in those places. And all I wanted to point out is these little purple dots, because these dots are the only full time daycare in these areas. And you see this is the Isle of Sky

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Ingela Naumann: mit Ctl. And on the north west coast of Scotland, and you only have one single day nursery there, which is, of course, very, very scarce, and this is more, has a disadvantaged air, and you have none in there 150.

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Ingela Naumann: And so what did we look at? What we found is that the existing provision didn't meet the need at all. And this is also linked to the kind of funding model that exists in the Uk, which is a marketized service. So in rural areas. There are not enough children to make services sustainable. So you don't have many. And in disadvantaged areas there is not enough purchasing power from parents. And so you don't have much of these services there, either.

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So we then did local co-production sessions with local stakeholders to find out what could be done in these areas. I'll jump over this. So I can get to my last slide, actually, where we have developed this stakeholders and with civil society groups, and actually also partly with the Civil service of Scottish Government, a series of policy and practice suggestions.

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Ingela Naumann: And so, as I said, we identified a significant gap in the available of childcare, and there is a need for a new funding approach in the Uk that moves away from private marketised child care towards more non-profit social enterprise and parent cooperatives.

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Ingela Naumann: There was a sense that there needed to be stronger local community engagement, and that means also flexible funding for community organisations. There was a sense that there needs to be a better and creative use of public on community resources, for example, of school buildings or common libraries, and so forth.

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Ingela Naumann: but that it also needed a certain relaxation of restrictions and regulations, so that local communities could organize themselves for their scarcity of services.

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Ingela Naumann: and lastly, a very strong sense that China needs to be considered as local infrastructure, not just as as as an additive in order to to support local communities to hold off rural depopulation, for example, because if there's no childcare, no families can live on places like sky but also to support urban social mobility, because people who who can afford it move out of these areas because they don't have these services.

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Ingela Naumann: And so that childcare as local infrastructure needs to systematically integrate it in policy frameworks to make it more sustainable. Also for post covid situations. And I end here, and that was I to the folks through this big project, and if you have any questions and comments, you can, of course, also

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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): always contact me at the later point. Thank you very much. Thank you. And our very last presenter, but not the least is our is going to share with us with a family.

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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): you'll find your current perspective.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: Hello! From Romania. it

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: to search at night here. So we are working on non-standard schedule.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: let me show my screen screen and just go ahead with the

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: a presentation as you can see in the title we are speaking about Ukraine and Moldovan transnational families.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: the the logo. In the lower left corner is the logo of our project. and also

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: 30. Yes.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri:  And

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: you can see the data on the project here it is ending at the end of this year, and the field work has been done before, the more in the pain. with the exception of 20 interviews that we're after. But there is no relevant data for today.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: the from those. So basically, this is reflecting this from the war. The 2 countries in the title are the beneficiaries, but the project is, according to from Romania.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: so our university is the coordinator, and we have. we are having 2 academic participants, we Ngo partners.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: And we said

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: I meant it directly also, as you should see in the methodology where I would jump directly.  is

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: researcher based

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: project. So we have been consulting with respondents on on interview guides, and

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: also at the back some of the results, and and

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: for a second

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: research, and it involves children respondents as well as respondents child, meaning older than 10, and mostly adolescent, but but some of them work

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: 3, 11 and they got us really great back. So that was a

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: much of the methodology was online. And there was even focus.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: I think, in 3 countries. I'm sorry.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: and and languages.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: Okay, to go back to the structure of the presentation. I I will try to focus on what is in the pipeline. There are just. There's a full presence at the distance among the family members to parents and children. but before that we shall have a context on how

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: it it work and migration

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: effectively work, and like

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: that

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: also. since we were preparing to this this conference we have included this perspective

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: family work in the phrase in a publication. And most of the data can be found there. It is open access, asserting generous rights, digital practices of price, national families. So just in the family relations, just Google.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri:  as I said, a theoretical background what we are speaking about as a registers of presence. Sort of Co presence. It has been going by. fresh care.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: Yeah, respecting Russia, and the

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: in the sense that registers of presence are formed established at the beginning of the migration period, and tend to remain unchanged.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: What we have applied in this case to work.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: So if we we you were migration work, related migration as

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri:  as

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: hold

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: we can. also. Then, view it

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: break it down into a daily relations with go under these registers that have been going back.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: Yeah.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: that is one perspective. And the other perspective obviously is the the relationality with the we then

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: patient which, as a as national

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: doesn't mean Abandonland doesn't mean

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: prop total between family members and and even may include here from a distance.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri:  on the whole, on externalized work related

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: full presence

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri:  in mind that the primary focus of my of of

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: migration?

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: Is it? What so

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: higher? migration phenomenon would be? seen as a instance, the

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: the

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: quotation from a respondents, we all work, but the salaries are small, and that's the biggest problem to talk with. One thing that we live. It is different.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: And your child asks for things. And and you don't have things to give

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: thankful.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: basically. this is very important to understand in the context of the stigma where

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: children

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: migration phenomenon happens in.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: So the children themselves, and very well, and it must be

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: what the must put the families material in

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: in most being. So.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: this is the ground up on state.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: the fact that our parents were doing the growth work. It's sure that's finite. If something happened, we had where to take money.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: Many parents, why not to secure it is often

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: that's in the on it.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: Also, child, a general aware that other countries, such as those with the parents migrate, managed to take better care of this.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: people's lives are completely different here. People just live for themselves. They don't have to make money

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: have enough at months. They just do it for themselves. They know that they're on.

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Okay.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: Another step in the context is,

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri:  Our life strategies are balanced around

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: and all the obvious sacrifices that have been mentioned, or

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: can be also from

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: those day, and the other that for example.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: there's stay behind cameras take many households from

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: parent

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri:  they can. And the lessons

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri:  there's a case that we can only present briefly, the story of a mondul, I mean with the

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: possibly for Greece. Find the father migrated is, the child is born

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: combining countries where the Russian Federation, then Weania and the

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: the U States.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: combining citizenship

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: in a citizenship with which no one people were in iphones have been entitled to 2 for a while. and combining also legal and illegal work.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: And it's very, very operated here. No families

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: that the mother is mostly with the child. Only the past last few years has she started working well. She also started

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: by the father.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: Important to understand that, you know, in a functional

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: I don't understand. I have a a repetition here.

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Wen-Jui Han (Wen):  you have about 5 min.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: Okay.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: And now to go into the the core the the Co. Presence and this is that can be found in the article.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: sometimes connectivity can be hampered. We the only speak once a day, every a few days, depending on the schedule. If it's

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri:  so

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: permanent communication.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: The task challenge. We generally speak every day or the after. Necessarily you'll be working 3 shapes and

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: away from one evening.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: It's the role

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: Sometimes the parents is to iron and go deep simply

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: also the

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: it will access them. And then the devices

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: and the kids are effort and made that that gets active.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: Also, children perceive and accept the limitations that work in this.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: Hey? My father's a road far away, and it's well, and then spend time together every day. He has only one day. All on that day we speak. My mother works in Germany. She goes to work in the morning and comes back in the evening, and

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: they speak now.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri:  but they they limit themselves to emergency situations.  Sometimes they become

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: me.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: and not

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: also the most secular is the side I go. If they didn't call one night, I would be like, what happened is everything okay? Should they call them? Did something happen? No, I begin to understand them, but they work, they're tired, and maybe in break.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: Oh, 16.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: To conclude, we have had the serious recommendations, and and we should in the second round this summer. and

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: on them all, first little communication facilitated

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: in various ways.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: Work regime could be they formulated so as to all of these. So

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: it makes a Oh.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: times at the table. First national communication

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: also mutual with it, either the migrant.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: I mean target. Come, see?

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: Very important.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: I understand. and

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: need to be available.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: And for those parents who take many tasks from themselves. I'm in red

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: should be created where they can.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: take the chin

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: when our arrow down there.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: Thank you.

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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): Thank you so very much, Aaron. Thank you for sharing this important perspective. before we open the flow for Q. A. We would like to. mentioned. There's a few distribution paper in the room for the audience to take with you. If you are interested

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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): and team home, I may need you to moderate the Q. A. Because I couldn't see the audience. If there are any questions here. We do have a one questions from the Zoom. but maybe we can that the audience in the room to have ask some questions first.

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and let's see which question is for me from

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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): no, no, no, no, I think that that's not for you. I think that was for the second paper for in the

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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): working from home? Yeah. But is there any question from the audience in the room?

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Yeah. Any questions for a morning.

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and I don't see the distributed paper authors here, either. Could you please? You have a copy of your paper

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information

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this only one distributed so we'll allow her a couple of minutes to say, What if I can? We have a no. Can we have a Q. A. Yeah, okay. We will let you say, you know briefly about your paper first. Any questions for you guys?

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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): No, no one raised the hand. So we have a 2 questions on the zoom. The first question is by hey, Cham? She's asked. in Guy. You're working from home paper about if there's state differences between the working from home and the the lockdown.

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Inga Laß: That's a really good question, and I have prepared a backup slide that has it. But I didn't have any time to present it. So what we did is we separated the States by whether they spend a lot of the time in Lockdown in 2,021. And they didn't. So basically separated and New South Wales and Victoria versus the rest. And what we can see is that this

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Inga Laß: is mainly found in the lock down state. So that's where we see that job. Satisfaction for women is actually decreasing. Again, when they work 100% from home. And that's kind of we. We thought that makes total sense, because

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Inga Laß: well, you you're isolated from your colleagues, but you're also isolated from everyone else. If you're in lockdown. So we're spending all day at home, working and doing nothing else but working and looking after the kids is probably

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Inga Laß: not a great arrangement. Well, for the other States, we see that we have more of a of a plateau effect. So when you work most of your from home that's associated with high job satisfaction for women and mothers. But it doesn't decline anymore with a high share of working from home. So it stays very high.

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Inga Laß: Thank you.

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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): Thank you. And then we have Anna.

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Anna Kurowska: Thank you very much. I also have a question to Inga. So first of all, I really like your presentation. Yeah, it's really inspiring. And it really, your findings are really in line with what we find in our project, the pandemic one. So we also find a positive effect. for parents. on like work like balance section. I think we have a that measure, not

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Anna Kurowska: jobs of the section, but hopefully UN satisfaction as well as the perception of change in what they balance. And I will. I'm wondering whether this, because

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Anna Kurowska: it's a little bit surprising that you find positive impact for for for parents, and especially for mothers during pandemic on job satisfaction. Yeah. So I was wondering if you could analyze having

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Anna Kurowska: they dot hand the the Hilda data.

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Anna Kurowska: the mediation effect of

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Anna Kurowska: change in work like balance on job satisfaction, because that I

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Anna Kurowska: I would expect that this, this, this, this, this, this increase in job satisfaction has to do something with work like balance rather than job itself, right? Because it

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Anna Kurowska: it's related to mothers and and and yeah, so thank you.

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Inga Laß: Well, thank you, Anna. that's very good comment. I just brought this separate analysis today where I had flexibility to Ben's work and and on work as as another outcome. But you're totally right that if you wanted to re investigate this you would need a mediation model. And and look into this

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Inga Laß: absolutely. I mean, we have this other paper I'm working for, and in society, Mark and I, where we show that working from home comes with high up work with lower work, family conflict, particularly for women. But that is pre covid. And so it would be nice to see if some something has changed about this. during. Yeah, I love that paper. I love it.

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Inga Laß: I I would like to hear more about your paper, and you say that it measures your results. We should talk about this. Yeah, sure.

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Thank you. earlier, I didn't think about my own question, so I don't have a question also for Inga or comment, because, yes, I found your results very interesting, because we did a similar studies in Germany. We collected our own panel datas during a covid from one.

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2,020 until 2,021 for ways to

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we found actually we didn't look at job satisfaction. But the literature studies in Germany on job satisfaction or life studies actually declined among mothers, and our our own study was on apparent parenting, stress and psychological distress. We found actually a working home

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did not really really improve that. In fact, mothers with young children like below age 12.

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They have a particularly high level of psychological distress and parenting stress.

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and that's regardless of their education or income. And of course, when you compare mother with young children between high income or income security, or with our income security.

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And of course it's the mother with young children, with less income, and with income, insecurity, and their level of stress much higher. So I found, if they are not happy, if their mental health

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declined so much, how can they be certified with this job? But I found but this in Germany. So I found your interest in. So I'm you know, wondering what did the mother do about home schooling if they have, or you know, child, care was there close or open? And what about schools? If they mothers have to coach in a way home schooling, or

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maybe Australian schools are organized. Better that the mothers did not have spent time dealing with home schooling.

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Yeah, that's the question for Inga. Sorry

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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): in got Did you hear the question?

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Oh, no, I actually thought it was for Ingl. I was just noting down my comments. Can you please repeat the question. I'm sorry. j home. Maybe you can. facing the other way. We can hear you more this way. Yeah, thank you. So, Inga, my question is, you know I found it. Your fun results interesting that you found a high level of a job satisfaction among mothers, particularly with the

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children.

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Did you separate the age? And and also What's this home schooling situation? Because we found almost like opposite in a mother with young children below age

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12 have particularly high level of parenting, stress and psychological distress. Part of that or big part of that was that I had to, you know, deal with child care and home schooling.

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Inga Laß: Yeah, it's a very good question. And we were also expecting mothers to come out and worse in terms of job satisfaction. We did look into all sorts of modeling, where we separated out different ages of the kids, but then we ended up not finding much, which is why. Now, we basically have this broad model and and just differentiating between women who live with children and women

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Inga Laß: and don't take with children, but we all also thought that must be something going on in terms of well, when you have small children, and you have to look after them, and you have to help them with homework and everything they should be

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Inga Laß: more burdened with with all of that. But We didn't find that actually interesting.

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The mothers during lockdown. Do they have to handle, you know, assist children with on on learning. So that's quite a big burden for a mother, they have to work when they have to work. And then.

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Inga Laß: yeah, yeah, I would have to go back to my Australian co-authors for the details here. But I would think that in the non lockdown States at least, what what they told me is that life pretty much continued quite normally in terms of childcare and schools. But I'm pretty sure in the lockdown states that

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Inga Laß: that's what happened. But I would like, I have to go back and check actually, maybe Australians in Australia. The schools organize better, you know. yeah, anyway. Thanks. Thank you. And we have the India.

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Ingela Naumann: Yes, thank you very much. I thought that was very interesting how our different papers actually show different sides of different sides of the same coin, so to speak. I I first wondered as well, but I don't think it's so surprising that we can find in some sets of data that there is an increase in in job satisfaction, while at the other side we find an increase also in

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Ingela Naumann: maybe in life, dissatisfaction and stress and mental illness. I think people can be quite clear about what part of their lives is life is is having a problem, and and to have more flexibility in your work and be able to work from home is is maybe not what people find bad, but

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Ingela Naumann: but the fact that they had to be a lot of home schooling and and and no support by, by, you know social infrastructure. I think it's the problem. And so this is something I didn't. I didn't have time to present, but people were quite aware that the falling away of of social services was a big issue, or not being able to get to support of of networks and family members. So I think 1 one should be careful not to con

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Ingela Naumann: conflate the different elements. Yeah, that that people might very well think it is. It is helpful to be able to work from home, but are also aware, and and notice and experience, but it's not possible to do everything at the same time all the time. So I think this. I thought it was just interesting to see that these are just different aspects of this conundrum of of work and and childcare and homeschooling, and so forth.

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it was just more common. Thank you very much. I I I agree with you a different domains of satisfaction. But you know, when you the boundary between work and family so blurred and it it, it interferes with another one another. But again, yeah, I think the country context is important. It depends on how

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you know the access to online. How well the home schooling organized, if it's well organized, may not affect much of

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mothers, you know, increase her burden. But anyway, I yeah, agree. But I think you know, the mutual inference of life satisfaction or job services is important. Thank you. we have a one question online. Let me read the question is for Aaron. so can you elaborate a little bit more on the residual

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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): from children? The caregivers who had to accept the parents who work in absence, or the absence impact on their mental health more negatively.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: Yeah, thank you. for the question this involves very much, including methodologies. So

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: we don't have a quantitative study. So we don't have numbers on on on how this impacts family. Well being and in charge. Well, being.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: on the other hand, even if we did it, we it should have been. It should be, comparative with non-migrant families.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: and in the background there is this constant statement that the accusation that I have mentioned so it would be very interesting to have such a a continuous study some day from somebody. This has been rather ethnographic and qualitative. So

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: what I can tell you is the story in a very short way. basically, these families are very proud that they strive and that they manage in extreme cases. They do absolutely acrobatic

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: things to to to manage and to feel all the get that the State and the

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: he, even civil society, doesn't feel for them, and they are somehow viewed as a separate from the rest. So as is as well off

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: basically. So that is, that is a telling of how they function internally as well, and also children, and spectacularly earlier to grow up.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: So you can have a 1516 year old doing adults things widely. Also it to cope with with their own educational and and career

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: to us.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri:  in that on the negative side. of course, all children report. and all parents are aware of that. This, as

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: I think, on the one parental. Okay, so around

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: that. And that, that's what the trans national family research is about is compensated by other efforts.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: A digital interaction, virtual visits as in such a distance, and delegation of care chains.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: I think a very few cases. Yes, there is.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri:  Illness.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: Yeah, we have very few.

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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): Thank you. Inga.

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Inga Laß: I have a question for Jack Home for the first paper. I found it really interesting that not all types of non-standard schedules are equally bad. And I note down, night work is actually has the most impact on children.

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Inga Laß: And I was just wondering why why this might be the case, because you imagine the parents going to work when the kids are already asleep, and they don't really realize it. And then the kids, then the parents are back when the kids get up. And so what do you think is happening here? Why is it work? The worst of all?

466
01:30:38.890 --> 01:30:43.619
Yeah. Good question. Yes. And you know.

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as I showed, that maternal depression, mental health is one of the

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the biggest mediator.

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one of a most important reason in our data that why non-standard work schedule or particularly night working time, is related to higher level of social emotional problems in children. So, even though mother might, you know, arrange everything. Children will be asleep. But if she's work as a night next day her she'll be, you know, fatigue

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and attired, exhausted, and even though

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she may be, you know, still present when children are around. I don't think the interaction will be that good also. She may be, you know, have a poor mental health that's will really affect how she deal with children. We did not look at the parenting style, because other study shows. You know, when parents work nast and schedule, they tend to use harsh and inconsistent parenting

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behavior. You have that kind of behavior. We didn't look at that because not data. But

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it's not just, you know. I think there are other things, you know, like, if mothers are fatigue. If they are depressed, they, you know how they interact with children will not be good that will affect children's social, emotional behavior.

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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): Thank you. That makes sense. Thank you. I I have a question for Chaffee on paper. you look at like a family resources and like a job a support.

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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): And I didn't see your model your control for both of them as a sent Tom or you, or if you did, the interaction analysis to see if P. For people who have a different level of family like a family sources, maybe it also works differently in this case on their mental health.

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Chhavi Tiwari: So we checked in different models with different resources. and the question about

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Chhavi Tiwari: how much are you asking about how much lack of I I didn't see the model. You can't you, for both in the same time, in different models.

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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): Yeah. I I wonder why you didn't control them for the same time, because these 2 represent 2 different aspects of our life. A. So when you country that for both, and that you may be able to get much more net effects of how working. doing those hours already. have effects on mental health. Or if you did the interaction analysis, interacting

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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): the hours with the lack of resources to get that different level of a moderating effect.

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Chhavi Tiwari: Okay, so why, we didn't include in the same model we were trying earlier. But then we were interested in how much women's coefficient is changing. So

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Chhavi Tiwari: to separate the lack of family and job resources. So that's why we didn't include to separate the

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Chhavi Tiwari: the change in coefficient in a moment, due to family and lack of job resource. That's why we didn't do. But we can do an interaction.

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Chhavi Tiwari: My agenda, maybe. Thank you.

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Thank you. I I assuming there's no question from the audience in the room. I'll ask one more time any questions from the audience in person.

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No, no, no question.

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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): So should we end the session early. I know a lot of our presenters. They are the main night hours, and they are a stay off of this. Should we let them go early?

487
01:34:37.500 --> 01:34:40.770
What about distributed papers? The one here? Right?

488
01:34:41.490 --> 01:34:56.300
Yeah. And then she will allow her to come up to. She will have a time. Allow her a couple of minutes to talk about her paper. like 3 min. Yeah, yeah, okay, please come up

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right? Right?

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When I think we have the 2 distributed papers right

491
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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): on the agenda is a on the program is a 3, but I I don't know how many is there?

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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): Let's see.

493
01:35:21.840 --> 01:35:43.469
Thank you very much for giving me an opportunity to present my research, finding So, taking a 3 min, I would like to specifically highlight the keep finding it, because, like my findings, are quite similar to all the researchers findings. Today, I? listened. so when it comes to my research, my research is about

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01:35:43.469 --> 01:36:08.540
this is part of my study. The the I conduct a large study about emotional regulation of the it managers. And this paper is about about family conflict during this covid period. so these it managers started to work from home during this period that it was not kind of a volunteer decision. It's because of the forced

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implementation happened during this pandemic, and I found, even though I was examined about the emotional regulation and family environment and work environment influence. But I

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I At the same time I was able to find out that how this work family conflict experienced by these it managers during this pandemic. So, of course, as you already found out. I also found out these. Employees experienced a work family conflict during this pandemic period. Specifically.

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these women, I found out extremely experience these work family conflict due to these boundless book arrangement. And it's because of, I found some data related to cultural aspect. I would like to highlight that my research context is the Sri Lankan, it industry when it comes to the cultural aspect.

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I found that it's because of the masculine cultural characteristics that the Sri Lankan context has that these are women. employees, we my! It managers had to

499
01:37:23.430 --> 01:37:48.259
take care of the family responsibilities at the same time work responsibilities. They had, experience, a lot of work, family conflict compared to men. It managers. So it's because of the that my findings is by the cultural aspect as well. That is the main thing. I wanted to highlight here. It's because of the time limitation. When it comes to my recommendations. I would like to

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emphasize about one of the recommendations when it comes to this family arrangement. And how we can interact with family because these it managers Claim that they had to work a lot of time there. There was no a start time, and also in time. So, and also family members did not identify, sometimes did not understand that their

501
01:38:15.850 --> 01:38:37.839
spouses are working, and they all at the same time they expect that. So these working. it managers should like Do some kind of family responsibilities during these working hours as well. That is no boundary between the this work, environment and family way environment is because this hormone environment created as both work and home. So then

502
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I would suggest, based on my findings. make kind of family. Engagement! And like online programs organized by the companies to encourage family members also to be participated in. And also sometimes we can encourage

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companies to provide kind of awareness program for employees to make kind of a individualized work plan, including breaks and they can also. the I mean, the companies also can provide the awareness program not only for employees but also for family members, because that because this home environment became both work and home

504
01:39:23.770 --> 01:39:39.769
and then family members did not have any kind of experience about how it works. So then, those are my recommendations to the that kind of context. So thank you very much. Thank you so very much for sharing, really appreciate.

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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): And so should we give a a very big around the prow to all of our presenters. Thank you so very much

506
01:39:47.610 --> 01:40:03.980
for your important work, and we wish it will finish early. Let you go go to city to have a sound as we sleep for tonight. Thank you so very much.

507
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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): We have one more.

508
01:40:06.520 --> 01:40:11.309
Yeah, there's one more. We have to 3, but 2 were here today.

509
01:40:14.160 --> 01:40:15.770
Sorry. One more.

510
01:40:16.250 --> 01:40:28.249
So it's okay. I'm Mariko Tasami from Japan and thank you for organizers and all. I'm granted. Be here and introduce my paper.

511
01:40:28.300 --> 01:40:45.960
My my paper is carrying mass current is achieved to the gender equality. Enter caring of the Japanese fathers and muscularities of Ekman. I uploaded this paper on Isa website so you can read it online.

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This paper describes the issues of carrying the most guarantees in Japan can carry the muscularities to the gender. Equality in Japan. Japan is the country where gendered gap is very big and the bottom of the and G 7 in the Global Gender Gap Index.

513
01:41:06.130 --> 01:41:16.809
I analyzed the masculinity of ecommerce. It is the figure of child-careing fathers recommended in Japanese media and policies.

514
01:41:17.840 --> 01:41:41.109
Japanese fathers tends to work for long hours with a strong inference from Sarima Masquerini. Salima Masculini is the he hehemonic masculinity in Japan after World War Ii. Sally, my is the image of man who is white color and breadwinner, live housework and charge, caring to his full-time housewife.

515
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On the other hand.

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I define parents, child caring from the perspective of feminism, care theories. that the activities and the relations between parents and the children involved in meeting the physical and emotional requirements of

517
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and the dependent children.

518
01:42:04.430 --> 01:42:17.249
both mothers and the fathers can take this parents, child caring because the requirements of children children do not change by gender or parent, who is taking care of them.

519
01:42:17.470 --> 01:42:35.729
and the time length of parents, child carrying in mystery and restorated degree. Therefore to and father cannot take appearance, child carrying at home and work for long hours at the office. At the same time

520
01:42:35.780 --> 01:42:48.920
I examine an equivalent figures shown in the refres and posters used by the Japanese policy equipment project from 2,010 to 2,018 in summary.

521
01:42:48.920 --> 01:43:09.180
Ingman is a father figure who not only takes child carrying well as a mother, but also works hard as a breadwinner. Egman takes almost the same contents of child carrying as mothers at home. However, they have a shorter time for child careing than mothers.

522
01:43:09.730 --> 01:43:15.150
Therefore equipment cannot achieve. To the gender equality of child caring

523
01:43:15.770 --> 01:43:24.940
and carrying Ms. Guarantee is the strategy to include care and considered femininity in also masculinities.

524
01:43:25.310 --> 01:43:38.509
So in Japan equipment, paying new costs for selling my masculinity, because eggheads should take care of their child as mothers, and the work heart as breadwinner. At the same time.

525
01:43:38.740 --> 01:43:40.549
the strategy of

526
01:43:40.570 --> 01:43:54.080
carrying muscularity can make it easy for both masculine men and companies to accept carrying men, however, especially in the society where Gender Gap is very big, like Japan.

527
01:43:54.510 --> 01:44:04.830
And this strategy also have a program that it is difficult to exclude the domination of hegemonic masculinity from carrying the masculinity

528
01:44:04.960 --> 01:44:15.480
for the gender equality of care. It is important to exclude any gender from care, as argued by feminist to care theories. Thank you.

529
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Wen-Jui Han (Wen): Thank you so very much. My apology, I thought, there's only one person in there. so thank you very much again. I hope I will have a chance to see if you want me in person in the future. Very, very nice to have a chance to hear your important work. Thank you so very much. Have a wonderful night. Thank you.

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Áron Telegdi-Csetri: Thank you.