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Frank Sowa: So thank you very much. for being here. welcome to the session. Competing homelessness and welfare state regimes a new paradigm shift in local social policy.

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Frank Sowa: So we were just wondering because they even so many well for State regimes articulate to eliminate and decriminalize homelessness and and exclusion in the housing market. It remains unclear through which concrete measures of local social policy

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Frank Sowa: this can be achieved. So in this session we want to focus on how we see homeless people in society, how we could end homelessness, what obstacles could be identified, and if there could be. a paradigm shift in local social policy

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Frank Sowa: this session is organized by Marco Heinrich and me. I will also be your chair today, and we are from the Nuremberg Institute of Technology in Germany.

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Frank Sowa: And I'm I'm very happy that we have different contributions from Germany, from Taiwan, from the United States, from Turkey and from Italy.

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Frank Sowa: So our first speaker for today is Selena Brushinski from the car for

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Frank Sowa: Oldenburg, and she's from Germany. The floor is yours.

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Thank you.

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Just to your screen. Sorry?

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Frank Sowa: Oh, and and we'll I will. 4 min We have 14 min for each presentation, and after 10 min I will say that there are 4 min left.

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 okay.

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okay, so, I would like to welcome you to my presentation, the discomfort at the edge of the sidewalk, homelessness as a social phenomenon between stigmatization and social invisibility.

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Yes, my name is Elena Kushinski, and I'm very pleased to be here to talk about this theme.

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I'm so maybe

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no.

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I

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At first I would like to say a few words about my background and the background of his work since 2,021. I'm working in the field of social medical research. Currently, I'm employed in the Junior Research group for rehabilitation, science, so a little bit other fields. And but in the 10 years before that I worked in different social fields, but always in an emergency, emergency, shelter and infirmary for homeless, drug addicted people.

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And yes, my interest in sociological, philosophical, and ethical theories, and the experience I gained in practice gave me the idea for my Phd. Topic.

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yes, and the work I present here in excerpts was published as a book in 2,021.

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Okay, so I will tell you something about the at first. I will try to tell you something about the phenomenon of plural visibility. of homelessness. Then the question is how we can read this phenomenon as a proposal, I will present my theory of discomfort.

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This will be followed by a brief import on the non-perception of discomfort as a social pathology.

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So what's the phenomenon? And the first thesis is that homelessness is more than just the leg of a roof. It is a social phenomenon.

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Social norms have a strong influence on the situation of homelessness.

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According to the definition of social phenomena by Balloch, social phenomena are to be understood as an overall construct of certain actions, utterances, and intentional intentional states, and, conversely, can only be identified as such through these factors

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dealing with a social phenomenon is performative, so that social phenomena are extremely changeable in their identity. To uncover the social phenomenon, I prepared a little thought experiment.

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So what does it mean when a person introduces themselves living in an apartment building? And what does it mean when a person introduces themselves as homeless?

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So we can imagine that the first person will be recognized as normal. Maybe people will wonder why this person even mentioned this irrelevant fact.

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But in the case of a second person. Many people would now treat this person differently. Some might be more sympathetic than normal, others might withdraw.

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so homelessness can be reconstructed as a social phenomenon, and is the next thesis characterized by plural visibility.

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Following Schaffer. A plural visibility refers to an understanding that does not see social visibility as positive prey and social invisibility as automatically negative.

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There is no binary opposition. and rather both forms of visibility are to be interpreted contextually.

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So we see homelessness affected by negative visibility through stigmatization. But at the same time homeless people appear socio-politically invisible.

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Stigmatization of homeless people continues

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homelessness represents a stigma that in extreme cases is used as a central anchor of identity.

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The result of the stigma is structural violence through spatial displacement, direct violence up to and including murder, whether frequently social or social, Darwinous justification and symbolic or linguistic violence through hate, speech.

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social invisibility can be described as a state in which a person is physically present, but does not socially, but is not socially perceived.

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Homeless people are characterized by a high degree of social invisibility, and are hardly given a position capable of acting in the social sphere. People in the live situation, homelessness are usually only perceived in society as burden, some recipients of help who are given a subordinate and ultimately little self-determinite position. Sorry.

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So. Next, I would like to give you a proposal on how to read this phenomenon. I will start with a quote that describes the initial situation. Well. these beggars, marked by life and weather, do not fit in the official poverty statistics. They are like uncapped murals. They leave us with the impression that something is wrong.

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So the theory of discomfort refers to the social phenomenon of homelessness, and derives from the encounter with the involuntary, homeless. Other who is affected by stigmatization and social invisibility.

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Discomfort is defined as a reaction to the denied recognition and violation of the other, and acts as a kind of an alarm system of humanity.

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Violation through stigmatization and social invisibility, occurs through the hierarchization of normative evaluation. Criteria, such as lifestyles life attitudes and living conditions.

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The theory of discomfort is defined mainly by 3 components. the obtrusiveness of an attribute by Erwin Goffman, the intersubjective constitution of the subject by Jean-paul Sartre, and the pre-conscious nature of responsibility by Emmanuel Ibnas.

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So, according to government, the obtrusiveness of an attribute occurs when a deviation from the norm becomes not only visible but intrusive, and lose a problem for the normal normal, and because they can't overlook a miss it.

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Government formulates an understanding of discomfort that is an expression of a perceived but not self-presented stereotyping of the other.

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The obstruction of an attribute reinforces the visibility and perceptibility of stigmatization

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as a violation of the other, which in turn reinforces discomfort as a concern for the recognition of the other.

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The inter objective and constitution of a subject is described in such as scenario, the look only by becoming aware of the existence of another who, in its boundless freedom, can see and judge my actions. The evaluation and reflection of my own actions happens.

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the subject is existentially dependent on the entangled and limitless other who, in is the constituting condition of the consciousness of oneself.

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Very short.

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okay. And according to a living Us. Responsibility for the other is the necessary condition for becoming a subject. This, in turn makes the subject existentially dependent on the other, and places it in a depth of responsibility to the other that can never be compensated.

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Levinas describes a kind of conscience bite that occurs before or after a rejection of responsibility.

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reflecting the impossibility of that rejection.

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After this very short presentation of the theory of discomfort, we can ask ourselves.

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what's the problem? Why does homelessness continue to exist as a living situation where people are discriminated against stigmatized and hurt when the sight of denied recognition should cause discomfort.

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At this point we come to the non-perception of discomfort.

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The non-perception of discomfort at least leads to the maintenance of conditions in which people are denied recognition and participation.

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So the question arises which processes and circumstances lead to the non-perception of discomfort

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as social factors of the an endorsement and non-exception of discomfort. Their ideas of achievement and egot-centrism are included.

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based on the our order of discourse by Michel Foucault, and the reflections on the recognizability of the subject by Judith Butler, the homeless person is found as an object of specialized discourse.

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The danger lies in the objectification, normalization, and exclusion of the subject which can lead to the non-perception of discomfort.

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The interpretation of bureaucracy by David Graver is used to analyze the decoupling of the real person from the case effects of the power relationship between help, seeker and service provider are critically highlighted as a mechanism for promoting non-perception of discomfort.

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Frank Sowa: 4 min left.

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Thanks, man. so I will introduce a second thought experiment as seen to show how these processes work in everyday life. Imagine that the sight of a person sleeping on the street is accompanied by a wealth of social information about stigma and invisibility. But then triggers, a series of self-soothing and discomfort inhibiting thoughts

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such as this person is eligible for social services, and doesn't seem to want to claim them, or in every group they are winners and losers.

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A dialogue with one surf begins

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with a goal to relativize the discomfort already triggered. So we are here in living us.

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It's the last slide. As I will close my presentation with a short short conclusion. The non-perception of discomfort is relevant in socio-critical terms.

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as it points to the fact that social normative structures are not only built in the on the inequality of lifestyles and identity forms, but also in of its reflection on the unjust structures, and with those in a white view in of its resistance and emancipation movements.

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The discussion, the discussion about the non-perception of discomfort opens up a new socio-critical review on the given conditions.

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In this case the theory of discomfort opens up not only a recognition-focused interpretation of the interpersonal encounter, but also a new interpretative basis for the social pathologies explained along the social developments and processes that promote the non perception of discomfort.

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Thank you for your attention. Thank you.

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Frank Sowa: Yes. thank you very much. We have the discussion afterwards after each presentation. Not after all, in presentations.

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Frank Sowa: so thank you for your very interesting theoretical approach.

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Frank Sowa: to discomfort, and we will move to the next Speaker now

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Frank Sowa: next Speaker will be Caesian, one Shu, Whoa, Jen and Yi Chen, one from the National Thailand University in Taipei.

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Frank Sowa: and

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Frank Sowa: they will. talk about caring for the homeless, caring for oneself innovative practices and reflexivity of new type workers for the homeless in

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type. P.

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Frank Sowa: So

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Frank Sowa: you can begin.

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Okay.

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Hello, everyone. I'm teaching home from National Taiwan University. And here is the presentation from Professor Kochen Han Emi, and we will share the experiment in Taiwan to discuss how the workers in new type, homeless serving organization bring new surfing logic to the local area.

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Okay, the way Taiwan is view and treaty. Homelessness has changed recently a configuration between 2, a severe infection. DC. Can show this difference under that. You can see that it's a photo in 2,003 people want to account 5, the homeless in the hospital, because I think that they will spray the disease. Sorry when there was further disease when they just work around on the street

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and on the right is the photo in 2,021 for the coffee. 19. somehow, this workers just collaborate with the government to spray some supplies to the homeless because they want to progress their human rights and that of public supposed their actions and donate money to this organization. So the contrast, highlight, the influence of this organization, and serve as one example of their impact on the home day serving area.

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Here is our research question.

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sorry?

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Okay. Our search question is, how do the workers in several new focus on the homeless organization provide surface to the homeless in the light of logic, of care.

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Before introducing their work, I would like to first introduce the social welfare for the homeless. In Taiwan. under the authoritarian government, the homeless were treated as criminal. However, after martial law was declared in 1990, the responsibility for the homeless shift from the police to the social welfare sector, the government began focusing on them maintaining the homeless, basic name.

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Then in 2,000, the welfare underwent marketization and pursue effectiveness. The goal during this period was to eliminate homeless the government and to maximize the utility of the welfare, result and increase surface quantity

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by 2,010. Some social workers recognized the limitation of the public welfare sector. So they leave the public sector and established non-profit organization to introduce new surface approach and lease organization and our reserve object.

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The organization had a significant influence on the governments. The Government began to change their serving approach from simply meeting their basic meaning to protecting their basic right. So the exceeding welfare model, just like they emphasize respecting the need of the homeless and also supporting their self-reliance.

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However, this model has 2 severe problems. The first one is that they marginalize some homeless individual and make them their happiness.

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Social workers dedicate their effort into the homeless individual who are well willing to accept the exceeding welfare sector. Other homelessness is regarded as difficult cases and avoid or treated negatively by the social worker.

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then it cause? The second problem, home is individual, are being stigmatized again, due to receiving a system. Social workers think they have already respect the need for the oflock clinics and make their best to help them. So it is a personal responsibility of the homeless to not to receive the service.

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The social workers do not reflect if their surface is suitable for everyone. When the homeless turn down their their surface, they only wait for the clan to change their dictation.

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This kind of tendency emphasized the logic of choice which is combined with the characteristics of neoliberalism, focusing on the planets who are willing to accept the exceeding surface to ensure the effective use of welfare restores. The workers don't want to waste their time to pursue the homeless, to receive their surface.

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As a result, the responsibility for the homeless is often indirectly attribute to the Honda themselves, rather than add some some some fact like the unjust housing policy and economy, assistant arrangement

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in comparation to the logic of choice. The new approach of this new type organization is more closely with the logic of care. We join the concept of the logic of care by Ma to analyze their action. Most concepts explore how medical profession create a shared doctrine, environment.

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medical staff accompanying patient in the decision making process rather than simply providing them with choice.

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Moreover, we argue that workers who are originally caregivers may also be recipients of care during this process, and they may be influenced in their own life due to shared doctrine. So we emphasize the reflexivity of the workers in their practice.

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Our research method come up with participant observation in this organization, and also in deep interview. we divide our research, finding into 2 parts the first price about how the workers care for the homeless. They have 4 charter risky.

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The first one is that the workers go beyond established surface. Go in the general welfare system. Some of social workers give the homeless some choice of surface like John, opportunity and shelter.

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If the homeless do not receive the surface, they are considered lazy. People who do not take their own responsibility to get out of property.

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On the contrary, the workers in this organization will not give up those difficult cases when they turn down those choice. Instead, they will continuously discovered they need.

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They spent time talking to the planet and understood their deep demand, which always take a long time, and may be seen ineffective. But those workers think that the inherent value of care should not be overlooked in the pursuit of external and objective texts like Kpi and established work go.

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As a result they do not follow linear workflow. Generally the social workers are expected to follow the general linear. They need to build a relationship with climate and also do some assessment. However, these workers embrace the uncertainty of external environment, inclining situation. They are comfortable with the workflow being fluid and potentially moving back and forth without significant progress.

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they continuously adjust the go for the planet and do not view the moment of choice as the only critical moment, such as a sapping surface or not renting a house or not. Instead, they accompany the client throughout the decision-making process, which may involve repeatedly interaction. But again, they think that the most important thing is that everyone should be cared.

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Throughout the process. All members are involved in caregiving work.

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The worker creates an environment of mutual coordination among all people, and reverse the position of homeless individual as passive welfare recipients.

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They do not strictly suffer race boundary between professional caregivers and pensive care recipients.

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It shows that caring is not a rigid application of knowledge and technology, but the use of knowledge and technology to conduct inter women in various situations, to add a jazz and repair the best living condition of the care recipients.

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This process is a drawing process of all parties cooperative effort. Furthermore, the worker encouraged homeless individual to share their life experience publicly.

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which per most social dialogue we think society in the past, the experience of the homeless were often considered shameful. However, this organization transformed this experience into a very powerful narrative. They used this story to educate the public about the home they struggle, and also their marginalization.

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This historic checker did renegotiate of public issue and value attribute to the homeless. These actions make surface not only stop at the individual level, but improve the whole group's living condition, making the environment more friendly to their homeless.

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So in the second part, we will discuss how the workers become the care recipients.

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First, the worker rests on their previous work experience and realized that they no longer need to confront the filling rules in the workplace.

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In other workplaces salary employee are seeing as a labor force that's generally valuable commodity in order to pursue profit and maximize the efficiency organization regulate their bodies, minds, and also in motion to ensure the quality of upper surface.

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However, in this new environment the workers recognize that they are members of a shared community, and thus they actively cooperate with the homeless to create a supportive environment. The environment values the worth of each individual. So workers are in power to develop their own work ability, and also set their own goal.

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Furthermore, the workers extend their reflectivity to their own family. For example, one interview is a Shiku finally understood why his father couldn't, why her father could not accompany her when she was later, because her father was a construction worker and he was very tired when he, when after his work, and she finally understood it, after she burst down upon this to do the construction work.

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So these workers, through reflecting on their experience in surviving, in serving the homeless, they have changed their patterns of interaction with their family, and also Figure out their childhood trauma.

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Let's bring about a transformation in the interaction of their family.

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Frank Sowa: So, above.

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okay, above all, they study, illustrate how new type organization provides surface in the light of logic, of care

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compared to the well-fed logic from neoliberalism government. This organization offer a new possibility to cheat on this they do not emphasize Kpi or efficiency, so they can keep more time for their planet and discover their need. Also. I'll let you now state a strict boundary between the professionals, workers and also the planet.

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They create a sheer doctrine environment and empower the homeless to make transformation in the group level which do not achieve under traditional Willfield logic. So we can say that these workers are building the foundations of the homeless surface transformation. Their work, reflect on their limitation of social welfare surface and their neoliberalism, and also explore alternative possibility for social transformation.

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So here is our presentation. Thank you for all that.

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Frank Sowa: Yes, thank you very much.

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Frank Sowa:  for your very interesting presentation.  we will have the discussion later. so we move on to our third Speaker.

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Frank Sowa: it's a Chris Herring from the University of California in Los Angeles from the United States. And

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Frank Sowa:  he's talking about a complaint oriented services, shelter as tools of criminalizing homelessness.

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Frank Sowa: So please.

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okay. thank you.

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Very good. Thanks very much for

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joining us this morning.

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So the talk I'll be presenting today is entitled Complaint Oriented Services, Shelters as tools for criminalizing homelessness. It's based off a recently published article in the analysis of the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences that I'm reworking into a larger book project right now.

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So in January 2,018, when I was doing field work, Loloni Ferrar, of the United Nations special rapporteur on adequate housing, visited San Francisco, where I was doing work

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during her visit, she reported, there's a cruelty here that I don't think I've seen sweeping the people off the streets, whether they live in tents or on sidewalks or in their cars, is cruel and inhumane treatment. San Francisco, one of the wealthiest jurisdictions in the world, can certainly do far better than this.

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and she is right. San Francisco has more anti homeless laws on its books than any other California city against things like tents or sitting on the sidewalk. They have 24 different laws in the last 5 years, dispatches by police for home. Excuse me, between 2,015 to 2,020, and it's all before the pandemic. Now. yeah, dispatches by police for homeless complaints increase by 75%.

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And in this last 2 years leading to the pandemic, the Sfp. Doubled the number of officers whose full-time job was to address homeless complaints from 23 to 52 officers

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now, just 5 days before the rapporteur's visit, I was at the Mayor's Martin Luther King Day Address, where the director of the Department of Homelessness celebrated the city as a national leader in homeless services, telling the crowd this year's record funding level recognizes the great work of our city and nonprofit partners that are engaged in and welcome investment in our work on helping our homeless.

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And indeed, San Francisco has more supportive housing units per capita than any other Major, Us. City. It has invested over a billion dollars in homeless services over these 5 years at least 1,500 units of supportive housing and created over 500 new shelter beds during the period of my research.

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So the motivation of this paper comes from trying to better understand this relationship between increased service investment and shelter and increased criminalization and public space and the seemingly competing narratives in the public that they underline

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and to examine this dynamic relationship between street and shelter. I draw on ethnographic observations, carried out between 2015 to 20, spanning the shelter and the street with those experiencing homelessness as well as state officials, community organizers, and the marginalized

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And here are just a few of the positions highlighted. I'm gonna happy to talk more in the Q. A. the the key advantage that I think that comes out of this papers. A lot of scholars have a research shelters exclusively or on the streets exclusively, which creates some very competing visions both among what we hear from homeless individuals, but also the workers. And I think one of the methodological advantages of this is really seeing how they interact, how people move across these spaces, and how police officers and social workers both see their work.

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this also draws on a bunch of emails between city officials and turn. memos! They'll see some administrative data which supports and also challenges some of the ethnographic observations and things, I was told

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so.

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As I mentioned, shelter, development, and the rise of anti-homless laws have all been well documented by social scientists, however, the scholarship is much less clear about the relationship between the growth and policies of services and shelters and the growth and policies of criminalization on the streets.

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So in this paper I elaborate 2 mechanisms. I observed over my field work, and discovered in this administrative data through which shelter expansion supported intensified policing in public space.

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and the means by which shelters were instrumentalized to accomplish goals of law enforcement. So some of you might be familiar with the idea of therapeutic policing by a sociologist for a stort, and also Johnson and Fitzpatrick in England, where, as we'll see the Government clearly says, we are trying to push people into services with police. But the motivations, logics, and outcomes that I clearly see here were a situation where the shelters were being used by police

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to enforce their laws. and I'll explain a little more about what I mean. And so I I think there is clearly a new what might be seen as a new paradigm in the progressive city. First, with this Martin verse, ois decision, which is

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was affirmed by basically our largest court just below the Supreme Court, and in that decision it said that jurisdictions cannot prosecute those experiencing homelessness. For quote involuntarily sitting, lying, and sleeping in public unquote. If adequate shelter isn't available, and that was upheld in 2,018 during my field work.

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and second, is a growing trend in the Us. Of police reform, creating new co- response teams of police officers and social workers and or partnerships of police and shelter resources.

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And third, is the recent shelter, resurgence of low barrier shelters, designed specifically to make shelters more amenable to getting rough sleepers off the street. So really we pushed hard on, housing first between 2,002, and about 2,013. But since 2,013 we've seen a big growth in shelters across the Us. And just for a little more background for the international audience.

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San Francisco's homeless population fluctuates between 6 to 8,000 people on any given night in this first city just under a million, and about 50% are sheltered and 50% are unsheltered, which is pretty common for West Coast cities to have this mixed summer as low as 20% sheltered, and some are as high as 70 on the West coast. It's only a few East Coast cities where you really have full shelter. So the scarcity is very important.

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In San Francisco there was a six-week waiting list typically to get a bed that you could only have for 90 days in a shelter. You could wait in line, often between 3 to even 10 h to get a bed, and you weren't always guaranteed that so that scarcity

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and time limits is key. And during my field work the 6 new shelters opened up, and they're different in a number of important ways. first, they don't have work, fair or rehabilitation requirements, but are rather designed with low barrier entry, with things like no curfew, 24 h operations, the ability to bring in your pets, partners, and property, all aimed at moving in the quote hardest to shelter off the streets.

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and second, when they first opened they had no time limits, and they moved nearly all their clients into supportive housing, and third, which was really interesting rather than being located in poor neighborhoods or social service ghettos. These new shelters were in gentrifying neighborhoods that had homeless camps where residents wanted to. you know, move move people inside.

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Okay? So the first thing I observed when this new policy the new shelters were opening was that areas with new shelters quickly became sites of increased policing. Now the new shelter sites were not initially sites of intensified policing. When the first shelter open. During my field work there was no increase policing. For the first 3 months

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the theory was, homelessness in the area would naturally decrease with the opening of a new shelter. And this was at a community meeting. I went to where the Sfp. Police lieutenant, who was one of the ardent supporters of the Shelter police supporting shelter. you know, answered. One of the audience questions about well, are are we going to see more crime, or I will this you promise this will reduce homelessness? He said, no, we can't promise. There will be 0 crime around the Navigation

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Mitigation Center, the name of the shelter. But compared to the situation on the street now having 24 h security and a place for people inside off the streets and out of your way sounds a lot better. And this, resonated with the community. They supported this in one of the wealthiest neighborhoods in San Francisco. 250

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but this didn't happen, and this was not due to the shelters, failure of meeting the needs of the unhoused, but rather its success in doing so, because the shelters were so popular compared to the existing shelters. People actually started setting up camp in the neighborhood to get in. Police and social workers began sending people into the neighborhood as well, and in the end encampments increased, and so did the 911 calls to address them.

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So this state had to react, and in reaction, during phase 2, the city responded by assigning more police and sanitation crews to respond to these 911 and 311 homeless complaints.

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And then, since 2,018 2 years later, whenever they're opening up these new shelters, it's no longer a reactionary. It's an upfront condition of the community contract. So now each new shelter also comes along with 4 additional officers to patrol the surrounding blocks and a dedicated sanitation team. Hope I just skipped a bunch

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so

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this is the

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there we go. So while the new shelters benefited the minority of those who got in it had negative impacts on the majority who could not, for every person who got a shelter, but at least another 4 would be policed and evicted according to the city's data and officials portrayed the reduction. But officials portrayed the reduction in visible poverty, and the public perceived this as proof of the shelter's success.

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However, my ethnographic and administrative data clearly shows this invisibleization of poverty was primarily the result of policing, and this had a number of negative impacts for the UN House, which I document in other works. it interfered with street outreach. It had devastating physical, mental, and financial effects on the house list, and it also inflamed social conflicts among the unhoused so

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Ben Who, I'd come to know! Months before the first new shelter was announced, had not only been recycling and living outside in the Mission neighborhood the past 2 years, but before becoming homelessness homeless, had been renting in the neighborhood for more than a decade. Frustrated with his inability to get a bed in a new shelter, he complained to me.

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how am I supposed to get into the Nav Center? I know dozens of folks who I'd never seen in this neighborhood. Get inside and get beds, and I've been here for ages. Now we've got all these new people camping out.

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He points to a disheveled camp. That is, 3 bikes in various stages of deconstruction. They just moved there yesterday. Now they're going to get a now. They're going to bring the heat on me police pressure, and I bet they'll get the navigation bed.

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I think I've moved more in the past 2 months than I have in the past 2 years.

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and as been sentiments to reflect, the new shelter was a source of resentment and division between the houseless. There was frustration over the criterion of selection, a frustration compounded by the fact that the new shelters they wanted to enter but couldn't result in increased policing, and this heightened policing converted every new homeless person on the block into a threat of visibility, complaints, and eventually eviction.

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Soon after this conversation then relocated this camp to another part of the city. So, rather than contributing to ending Ben's homelessness, the reactionary policing that followed the shelter's opening resulted instead in the eviction from his long time neighborhood.

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So another development was that she shelters shifted from serving the needs of people, experiencing homelessness to the needs of the police, and this was to in large part do ironically to the Martin verse Boise decision which ruled that police cannot enforce these laws unless shelter is available. So this created a legal dilemma for the police. How are we police able to enforce anti-homless laws when there is a month-long wait list for shelters and high demand for referrals into the nav center.

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and then referring to this graph, which shows this increase in 911 called dispatches for police to address homelessness, which is the main mechanism of which police are doing policing in San Francisco. It's not just discretion by officers

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or some other mechanism. And what happened during this time, even though homelessness didn't increase that much which is the red line. The complaints did, and officers had to respond to these calls. Yet overall shelter capacity increased by only 5% even though the calls during the period of new shelter openings increased by about 15 to 20%.

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So

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what are what are they going to do? How's the city going to react so to overcome these challenges of regulating homelessness and public space officials found a fix through regressive policy adjustments to shelters

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first is, that since police officers are required by law to offer the bed before enforcing the law, access to voluntary shelter, beds were cut, and the referrals for these beds increasingly shifted from social workers to police officers.

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So police officers now always have priority to shelter bed placements on hand in order so that they can enforce the anti-homless laws or social workers are dispatched with police to address resident and business compliance rather than doing the targeted case management based on criteria of medical and social vulnerabilities of the unhoused

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and this is only increased since after COVID-19

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 Now, shelters were also made less desirable with shorter stays to increase turnover and increase rates of rejection. So police could more easily enforce these laws, so no longer can you get people into the shelters because they would just stay there, and then you couldn't enforce them. So from a Public Records Act Request, we discovered that while originally 95 of the new shelter. Beds were designated for pathways to housing in 2,015 by 2,018, less than 10% were designated for this per cause.

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The rest were for short-term stays less than a month, many just for a week or less, sometimes only a day, where, and then they also got rid of the ability to bring in a large amount of property in pets. So a lot of folks on the street were being told. You need to give up your property except a backpack. You can move into the shelter for a week

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or

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no. Okay, and then they move them along. Give a citation, and the churn continues.

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I think I should have been warned about my 4 min, because

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I'm running out of time here. I I know. So I want to just say that

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I think I went over all. The the last point was that it resulted in Public street the the outreach workers I was spending time with They really felt their resources have been hijacked by the police and their work subordinated to policing. if I have time in the Q. And A. Can go over this example. But there were many examples where we'd be out doing research doing outreach. There'd be like elderly folks with serials, medical conditions, who had been homeless for

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like multiple years. And then we'd go to a a sweep with police officers, and there were cases in this case, like a young person who'd been on the streets for only a few months that same day as the one who got the shelter bed. And this is just one example of this unintended consequence of policing. So this is what I call complaint oriented services. And so it's a little different than what we often hear of this sort of neoliberal lies, forms of shelter.

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provision based on changing individuals, behavior. or getting them to work. but it's also I I think, important for a number of policy reasons. as well. which I'm happy to discuss in the concluding section. But it's really a push against this new paradigm, which is that? Yes, we need more services. But we also need

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more police to push people into services, and that rather than rolling out services and also rolling out criminalization. We really need to roll back that criminalization as well.

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Thank you very much.

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Frank Sowa: Yes, thank you very much for this impressive ethnographic work. our next speaker is Megabit Ali aured from the is to ample university in turkey

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Frank Sowa: and He will talk about the role of social networks in escaping homelessness. A qualitative study on former homeless man in Istanbul.

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Frank Sowa: The floor is yours.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: thank you very much. in this presentation. I will try to explore the phenomenon of escaping homelessness. A base only search conducted in Istanbul.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: hey Turkey. Firstly, I will provide an overview of the current statistics regarding in Istanbul. Subsequently I will outline our research questions and introduce key concepts related to our analysis.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: Following this, I'll dial into the details of our resource design.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: there to gain a deeper understanding of this issue of escaping consequences. I will briefly explore the

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: significance of relationships between homes, individuals and local social actors, other social workers and other actors.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: in the journey to exit homelessness drawing some examples from the context of Istanbul.

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It's not surely sorry.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: Sorry

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your video is not showing.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: Hmm.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt:  Now, at the presentation, I'm at the second page. And can you see the

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someone is sharing their

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sorry?

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I just have to turn it off someone to share your room.

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So let me try it. Oh, yeah, but we can see everything fine on here. Maybe it's this.

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you

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huh?

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Not even clicking. I was just trying to swipe to see if it was on a different screen.

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Oh, I see it behind it there.

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so

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I think they can.

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The zoom is

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keeps looking out, and you see it for a second.

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There it is. Here you go!

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it! Says

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she. I think he's sharing the video as well

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doesn't show on the survey. You're in that on the screen.

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He's the one who can such as can go other participants.

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I'm going for him

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: and other online users.

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You.

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This is I I don't know. Someone is sharing. Yeah, everyone can see it on the zoom, but we just can't see it in our room.

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And

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yes.

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thank you.

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He

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does. Anyone know how to use a like a PC. I think like it's just. you know, projecting the wrong screen. But I don't. I'm not familiar with Pcs

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right like, is there a way to say.

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Thank you for your help?

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Yeah.

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But I can show it.

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She can. He can start. I'll just put the I. But there.

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okay.

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you can.

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Yeah. sorry you can start. We can see in the small ipad.

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yeah.

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Yeah.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: And I go on.

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Yes, yes.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: actually, There is no a systematic record of homeless people in Turkey, including the data of from A or or a CD.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: There are only untid records

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: that angel local authorities and state institutions in Turkey have one of the most experienced. And you're working on home business issues

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: since 1995 reported an estimated number of 7,000

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: home of people in Istanbul and

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: 70,000 incompete in

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: 2,000 Kelvin.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: We also obtained numbers from

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: the Istanbul Metropolitan municipality based on the winter work program

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: which provides shelter for homeless people during cold weather.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: According to these numbers, during the winter periods.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: approximately 5,000 people benefits from this sheltering service.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: and

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: but we have a more exact numbers, unfortunately, about

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: almost people in Istanbul or in Turkey.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: our research questions about our research questions. Actually,

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: we want to understand, Of social and cultural capital functions function in the recovery process or phones. People

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: how do trust cooperation, hierarchy, and prestige among almost people affect their exits from homelessness?

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: And what is the function of day types, To end your in terms of social re integration? And how do they ties to local actors, influence the process of escaping homelessness?

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: And to begin.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: I will shortly discuss key concepts relevant to our research.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: One of is is

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: social capital.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: actually, it is For example, Putnam defines social capital as features of social organization.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: such as networks, norms, and social trust, that facilitate coordination and cooperation for mutual benefit. A Putnam emphasizes the concept of trust by losing social capital networks and norms that enable us to act together to achieve common goals. form, social capital.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: trust, information, flow and solidarity are characteristics of it. A second concept is in the public characters a conceptualized by Jane Jacobs. in relation to to urban life.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt:  the key characteristic of public characters is

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: they accessibility and engagement with numerous individuals. These individuals hold specific roles within the urban landscape, including sellers, shopkeepers, and even homes. Individuals.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: They are identifiable and acknowledged by others.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt:  And positioned as public Those positions as public characters in urban settings can contribute to street safety, and also serve

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: as sources of information for others.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: The term the torque key concept is coined by snow, and Anderson means homeless individuals who maintain connections with both the homeless community on the streets and the their potential employers.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: This group may also engage with non governmental organizations or others local actors. In addition to employers, threadlers, they have a double life. They have the ability

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: to secure employment at times and sustain themselves

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: while experiencing homelessness. Furthermore, they

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: all to believe that their current situation is temporary and maintain a sense of hope for the features.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: Another concept, informal capability signifies the ability of individuals living in poverty to access feature opportunities. and and enhance their lives. This concept highlights the dynamic nature

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: of poverty, and encompasses strategies such as recognizing and engaging in form, in informal enterprises, as well as establishing networks of solarity through informal relationships.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: The notion emphasizes the proactive agency of the pools.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: or of the disadvantage in utilize utilizing their skills and resource the sport in the present and for stable features.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: and lastly,

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: examines the social networks and co-created norms and behaviors among the homeless referred and referred

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: to the cultural phones as a concept. The research also investigates the process of exiting homelessness.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: in some cases the difficulties of enduring nights or winters

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: compile individuals to take the initial step towards escaping homelessness.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: A prolonged streets living makes, on the other hand, the decision or playscape more difficult.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: Raven Hill points out for catalysts trigger the transition out of homelessness. One is reaching rack bottom

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: another. Inability to cope experiencing sudden sudden shock or trauma. and the fourth one is receiving attention.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: X. One's individuals face economic challenges based on their previous spending cabbage, for example, another point which reven help points out middle class. Homeless individuals who had a relatively comfortable lifestyle

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: face greater challenges compared to lower class. Homeless individuals.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: Socialization and loneliness are other significant concerns. Some excellence. Individuals fulfill their socialization needs a through religious institutions

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: which, for a sense of belonging and social interaction. ex homeless individuals who fail to meet.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: These need of socialization

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: re engaged with the homeless community, thus returning to the homeless cultures.  and I can go on with our research design.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: Our studies based on the initial findings of A. A 24 month research project on escaping homelessness. It is funded by it by the

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: Scientific and Technology Research Council of Turkey.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: and this study utilizes a qualitative method and thermological design to examine the narratives, biographies of. or homeless individuals, and their experiences.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: The off leaving homelessness.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: The research call sample consists of formal, male, homeless individuals. It excludes women, children, and family homelessness.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: There are 40 in depth in tariffs. We have a

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: conduct this with actors from public, civil and private sectors. Additionally, we have 120 h of observation.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt:  and the field study with a former homeless people is going is going on

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt:  so we.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: our aim was to

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: provide a comprehensive understanding of the experience of escaping from from various perspectives. And we analyze the data

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: using the soft phase, Max.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: about the results.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: the social and cultural capital is

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: an important factor, but

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: it's provides, it can be seen both as an disadvantage or and advantage.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: starting with relationships established before homelessness, which is referred as social capital. There are both advantages and disadvantages, for example.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: having a supportive family background, can pulsively impact a woman's person's journey towards overcoming homelessness. On the other end we also observed some negative effects, such as feelings of shines.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: This is a common scenario of the encountered during our search, for instance, an individual migrates to it stumbled with hopes of finding a good job, but in the process they may face opposition from the family they left behind in their hometown.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: Eventually this person fails to find what they

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: and

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: had hoped for.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: but they also like the courage to return

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: today. Family all sh the route with them.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: This is In this case the social capital becomes a disadvantage. The cultural capital process before

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: 4 min. Okay? And

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: the cultural capital possess before, on such as educational professional Edwards. That expertise

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: in a particular field can have also negative effects One of the crucial aspects of escaping homelessness is

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: being able to secure regular employment. Many homeless individuals may start with informal jobs to become a custom to work to work with team. However, if a homeless person is well educated

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: and as a high qualifications, then they may be more selective about jobs, and

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: and

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: they are not willing to participate in informant work opportunities.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: Maybe I can,

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: On the other examples I have actually there. There are 3 examples

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: 3 institutions and your or informal, and your and

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: I can shortly discuss the functions of those those institutions in helping escape.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: for the homeless people who try to escape homelessness.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: and

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: the oldest one in Turkey is this, found it in 1995.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: it takes

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: cave of the most most vulnerable parts of society, such as a homeless people. The first sheltering service

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: was initiated in a 2,011 in Istanbul. Now they have totally 4 shelters.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: each with a couple of

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: these services every day of the years all. Although drug addicts and alcohol addicts are not allowed to stay in the shelters, they can benefit from others. services.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: according to the information gathering during together it during the research, individuals who are inclined to escape homelessness are given priority for shouting in these places

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: and

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: the home of homelessness. Homeless they call this place these those shelters

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: with this expression first, is a transitional pattern for those willing or capable of escaping homelessness in individuals can stay dash for approximately 6 months. There is a designated homeless individual in charge of maintaining orders, while others are responsible for daily household routines. This gradual integration

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: allows them to adapt to to a regular life and take responsibility for themselves step by step, additionally living together in this environment, helps them regain social abilities, and build bonding social capital by shading similar difficulties faced during the street life.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: Another noteworthy point is that the location of these shelters enables homeless people to engage in in informal employment, such as day labors as they are created in the central parts of the city.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: Now you have to come to an end, please. Okay, then I will discuss shortly the second institution. And

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: I finish. Another example is

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: The the literal translation is have solved in this group. It is the only members in Turkey, Which is an only institution in Turkey which is a

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: and actually

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: Dave.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt:  They

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: The volunteers wearing to Pink West, representing children, provide they services on the streets. Mainly they distribute food, creating a natural environment for socialization among homes, people, and between a homes, individuals, and volunteers. It is observed that almost people develop discipline by arriving on time and forming quiz

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: to receive food during this time, and after receiving food, they do not live immediately, engage in conversations among themselves share their experiences with volunteers at discuss their problems

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: with and your employees. This public space temporarily transforms into a place into a place for the application, and is highly suitable for threadlers candidates who are more or less willing to establish connections with regular people.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt:  then I can stop you, maybe, or Actually, there is also a third example

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: This is a similar to

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: the difference is the these are

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: These imams most please

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: and provide more informal services, and they provide a close relationship.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: and to

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: almost people and homes people, especially the young homeless people, see them as their fathers. And this.

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: And

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: it's a

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Mehmet Ali Akyurt: a process for a better environment for escaping conference.

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Frank Sowa: Okay, so I think we have to come to an end. Sorry.

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Frank Sowa: thank you very much.

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Frank Sowa: Okay. last, but not least. Our final speaker is Teresa Consoli and Antonella Neil from the University of Catania and the University of Torino in Italy.

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Frank Sowa: and they are talking about homelessness in Italy. Housing led policies between rhetoric and welfare reformation.

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Yes, I'm Teresa Consoli and Antonella Mayo. She is a colleague from the University of Torin. She's not here, but I'll try to represent also herself.

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That's my best.

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sure.

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So thank you very much. And just to start. I would like to say that I am not going to present any research on homelessness, as the idea was to reconstruct the scenario in which homelessness in Italy is actually faced, and trying to have some ideas about, I think, was also the title of the session, that is to say, combating homelessness in welfare, state regimes.

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and I think that there are changes occurring in the welfare state regimes that maybe also have been due to the pandemic. But some of them occurred before the pandemic that can help us to focus what

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is changing and how homelessness is being focused. And the idea basically is that there is a conflict between a big rhetoric on homelessness, actually. And what is the welfare transformation behind that? So I'll try to focus on some of these points

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So

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at the homelessness in Italy has been focused since a long time, and that's been studied. And it was basically linked to analysis of extreme poverty and severe marginalization, especially during the eighties and and nineties and the the first studies on homelessness are on that period of time, and what happened started at that time that many of the services were provided

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at the local level. So and this has been increased by time passing. So what happened is that it can be showed and lack this way, which is the way in which you can see the the, the per capita. Social expenses in Italy are spread. So Italy is exactly the the the way and the amount of money spent

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is basically on the north. It's the per capita social services, and, as you can see, this is where I come from is Sicily, and it's the the lowest amount of money has been spent in the last years on social services by local governments. So this is the situation in which their welfare system arrived when the pandemic exploded, and

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what it's clear, and I think it's clear all over the world is that homelessness is increasing all over, unless in Finland it is the only place where it seems that it has been completely stopped. But everywhere it seems that we have more people in the streets, and the homelessness is increasing. So

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the analysis showed in the last years that it is not only concerning the specific groups, but there were groups, homeless people that were not included in the previous analysis. Of course we are talking about women. We are talking about young people. We are talking about migrants, especially in Italy, migrants and Southern Italy migrants

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and and I would think. And I would suggest to look also at this process is much more linked to what Saskatchewan calls expulsions. So it's not only the the fact that there are people in the streets, but the expulsion process is behind that. How they get there. So, and as we know what we see in the street. It's only the the smallest parts of the phenomenon.

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So, and on the other side, what happened in the the same period of time in the last 20 years is that there's been in Italy, and I think in many other countries, a strong retrenchment of public policy. So the State has been, you know, giving much more power, and 150

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delegating the provision of local services to voluntary services, and this has also an effect on the kind of service, provided this should also be discussed because the role of the third voluntary, and especially in Italy, Catholic service, has an effect on the kind of service that you can find 150.

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And and in this scenario there is also the Federation of Services for homeless people that in Italy has, I think, a very important role, because it's a. It's a network of people working on homelessness. And they are trying to experiment, as I'll show you also, of course, housing first and other services. But this is the situation. So there was a change that occurred in the last.

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in which basically, the welfare system was really completely changed. And now the homelessness appear more and more

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Concerning that data collection on homelessness in Italy

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we had the national counting that was made on a point in time. collection that was made in 2,011 and 2,014. Then we have the Carditas reports that always usually have collective records, but they give us an idea of the increase or decrease, or the categories that are falling into

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poverty and homelessness. And then recently East, at the National Statistic Institute, published this new report on public records.

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So this is the situation of the data. But just as you know. You all know very well the kind of collection of data that can be done for homelessness. So the point in time that was done in Italy

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estimated in 2,014 that there were 50,000 150,724 homeless persons that use at least one soup, kitchen or night shelter in 158 Italian municipalities, and it was carried in that specific period of time, and it never again. So we are waiting for an update of that, but it has not been done again.

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and in 2,019 the Caritas reports registered a high increase of people seeking support, and the Covid has, of course, worsened the situation for a lot of poor people, 250

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and So the the as you can see, the majority of people that the 2 reports the is that reports the first in 2,011 and 2,014, the follow up. So that was an increase. And the increase was basically in some area of the the of Italy, and especially in, in, of course, in in Milan and Rome, the biggest area in which you can see homelessness. So

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vividly.

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The other interesting collection is the one that has been published twice last year, that is to say, that they have started a collection

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erez agmoni from the public records, and they have published it. It's it's strange enough because they called difficult populations. And so that there's 3 group of difficult populations that we have now 150

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visible on the, on the records, that is to say, that they are people living in registered computations. And here you have also people in prison. And so there are 351,000 people. Then we have people living in authorized camp. Usually we are calling.

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There are some Roma people, but not all, but usually authorized, camped, or it's been done in a settlement, and 16,000, and then homeless and ruthless people. 19,000.

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And

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that's the the the way in which, of course homelessness has been depicted in Italy. So the the kind of data that we have. But of course they are referring to different populations. We are talking about completely different groups of people. And that's problem. Because whatever politic you are thinking about, you can refer to one counting or another, and you can use the that counting in that numbers in the way you want. So it's like we are talking, of course.

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in in the first group, in the point, in time, population and the point in time analysis. We are talking about people who go to the service, and we know that a lot of people do not so. They go there, and usually are male usually are in a certain age. So we are. The service paradox is, of course, the the result of that

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on the other side, when we look at the public records, we have a lot of people who are not into that records, because the so-called hidden homelessness. As I was saying before women, young people, and so on, and so forth. But they are completely not recognizing the role, the advocacy role of service in the streets

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because they are. They are not counting all the people in the streets effectively. They are only counting the people who are publicly registered in the register of that municipality. So And of course this does not correspond to the classification that we now we try all to use, or to at least to compare to, that is to say, yet as classification, so there is no correspondence at all.

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And so we are talking about different groups. So when we refer to homeless population in Italy, it depends on where you

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you refer, and to which population you are referring. But the fact that there are so many people in the streets, and there is also this idea of the supporting policy for homeless people. There has been a great result in approving the ministry, approving the guidelines for tackling severe adult marinality in Italy

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in 2,015, and this has brought to experiment housing first, and the words and the you know, the service linked to housing first is now part of the debate we are talking more and more about. Of course, this kind of provision, and now I would say that it's part of the Italian policies, or at least the Italian debate. Of course we are talking. We all know of a very, very small part of the services.

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and there are more funding for policies, that is to say, the National Fund for Social policy, European funds, and also, as you know, next generation au has given to Italy a lot of money, and a part of this money is also for temporary housing and past session. So we have a little bit of money. We have this kind of collection, but

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we have not a national system. So the one I showed before the Italy, and the way in which the amount of money has been spent during the time, and we also have a very, a public debate on what we call differentiated autonomy, so

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each region, at least some of the richest region in Italy are trying to be more and more autonomous in a situation in which the welfare is really highly fragmented already.

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So the the situation is that we've seen a a really a peak of of of absolute poverty, and there's an increasing number of people living in absolute poverty and an increasing proportion of people living in urban areas and overcrowded conditions. So what it's cleared is that it's starting to be a really big housing problem.

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and I try to to show you to what is linked. But it's not. I mean, it's not possible to talk about homelessness now in the Welfare system nowadays, without talking about housing and social housing.

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So I was talking with October League yesterday, and she told me. Yes, now it's it's an housing issue. Yes, it they have to be treated together. Otherwise we will just look at. You know the the smallest part of it.

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so that he, the Nominalists, I already told about you, and still the debate about homelessness. Look at homeless people as sick and and sin still.

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so that we are talking about that in a different way. We are trying to define homelessness as not concerning only people with severe health problem or chronicle ones, but still there is. The the representation is still there. We are still talking about that kind of almost one.

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and so the the image of rough sleeping as the main representation of the phenomenon.

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and it's still unfortunately perceived as a private issue.

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so how can is it possible to to change it into a public issue and and not perceive it only a problem as a, as a problem of the core of the cities. Because what we've seen I was I I really appreciated that. The the the presentation before me and you've seen that the the the of course, that that way of also the the defense architecture, or the way in which we are trying to define the public spaces.

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So it's it's really linked to that. So it it is perceived as a problem of decorum. So we don't want to see them there. We just want to move somewhere else.

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And I have to say that homelessness. Research. We all know, because we we all work on that field is rich with qualitative accounts of individuals.

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So and this is a, I think, a problem of the evaluation and monitoring of the welfare. Because we are still talking about heads, we're still talking about the single person. And so it's easy also to represent the the problem as a problem of of the individual and not as a social problem. And of course, social problem does not mean that it's linked to the context and the territory in which it it emerges.

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So it's a challenge. It's a challenging concept in Europe because it has increased, except Finland. Some population remain invisible, and the kind and level of social protection system influences the nature and extent of homelessness. We have to discuss it deeply, because this is something that we, we make comparison. We have been used to make comparison.

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But now we need to focus a little bit more on what kind of homelessness is specific of that area. And why

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so an explicit connection with housing and health policies? Of course they should be stronger and much more clear. So in Italy, as elsewhere, we have new forms of housing we call we call social housing, but it's not the same as social housing elsewhere, because social housing is not.

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public housing, it's a we we give some public Houses to cooperatives that will buy at the end. So, and then we have form of cohousing with Antonella. We've published a book titled Homelessness in Italy, trying to have a sort of a you know, a representation of experiences all over Italy at present 150,

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and there are new services, the rapid view re rehousing in Turin. They are experimenting that, and housing first, as I told you, but it's not still a social right. We are not talking about giving a people a house. We are not talking about that one.

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and so.

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Housing.

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Yes, 2 more points.

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What has happened in Italy is that the the housing has been as turned to be an issue of privatisation. So in the. In the last 10 years the increasing number of people owning a house. They have been supported by bank loans to get to buy a house, and this is

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provoked a lot of problems in, of course, the different cities. So also, social housing is an issue of property management at the moment. It's not a social

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01:23:12.910 --> 01:23:34.879
definition of of who is in right and who is in need. So between the rhetoric and welfare reformation, all welfare systems have changed towards a decrease in public social housing and an increase in housing privatisation. This is what, at least in Italy, all the welfare systems, and I don't know but I would like to know if this is the same elsewhere.

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housing property, and of course, the changing urban geographies. We've seen that cities have been completely changed the the skyline of the cities. Change has changed because of this process, and it's of course we call it gentrification. But it's not only that it's the issue that we are not able to make the Territories be represented

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so, and of course, as I was saying, voluntary services are not enough, and we should invest on

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on the skills and competences of people working with homeless. So 3 points. And that's the end. My final.

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01:24:16.120 --> 01:24:17.130
That's right.

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Debate on homelessness. We have to try and open the debate, the public debate on the definition of homelessness. It's still there. It still stick to people with health problem drunk. And and now homelessness is such a big problem that we have to define it differently, and we have to find a way

439
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to link to the the the Territories and the expulsion processes there

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the role of the State. Of course, I already told. I I mean, there is a connection, a strong connection between housing and homelessness that has to be treated. And this is the object of the changes of the welfare

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and evidence and service. I agree with what you said before about emergency services. I think that it's not the way. I mean, we have to understand that there is only a small part that can be emergency services. But the rest is housing led strategies, and of course.

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integrated policies for homelessness. And thank you very much.

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Frank Sowa: Yes, thanks a lot for this wonderful presentation.

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Frank Sowa: And we have heard 5 interesting presentations starting with the protein scheme who developed a theory of discomfort and was asking, what is the problem we had the second presentation of one

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Frank Sowa: where? they develop a supportive environment for workers shared doctoring environment. we had the third presentation of herring who detects a shift from homeless needs to the needs to the police. So it's about a complaint oriented services

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Frank Sowa: we had the presentation of accurate and the role of social cultural capital for the recovering process.

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01:26:34.500 --> 01:26:46.799
Frank Sowa: That's it's a advantage in the disadvantage. And last, but not least, we had the presentation from consoli about the reconstructing

448
01:26:47.000 --> 01:26:51.570
Frank Sowa: or about the the discrepancy between the rhetoric

449
01:26:51.610 --> 01:26:55.870
Frank Sowa: about homelessness in Italy and the welfare State policies.

450
01:26:56.470 --> 01:27:22.669
Frank Sowa: and I think, in in all presentations in common. That was this perception of homelessness by society. And this perception, has an influence. how we define the problem, what is the problem? It's a very good question. And what kind of social services we develop.

451
01:27:23.330 --> 01:27:41.870
Frank Sowa: So it's the open for discussion now. I can't see you. So maybe I think. Chris, maybe you can help me to identify people who wants to to talk?

452
01:27:44.100 --> 01:27:45.860
Yeah. yeah.

453
01:27:50.990 --> 01:27:51.730
it's

454
01:27:53.250 --> 01:27:57.360
great. Yeah. Can you hear Frank through this microphone that I've got.

455
01:27:59.250 --> 01:28:01.930
Can people on the screen here? Me.

456
01:28:03.900 --> 01:28:06.150
okay, great. You can hear it. All right.

457
01:28:06.350 --> 01:28:09.309
I'll move the mic around for questions. Or.

458
01:28:09.800 --> 01:28:10.610
yeah.

459
01:28:16.650 --> 01:28:25.949
okay, I was struck by all the presentations. Thank you so much. I'm Joanna Mustafa from Brazil.

460
01:28:26.240 --> 01:28:32.799
I wanted to. The Turkey presentation just infused me with

461
01:28:32.870 --> 01:28:45.190
some questions. So these stories that when we go, I think in my experience to the homeless to ask for their stories of.

462
01:28:45.240 --> 01:28:48.490
as the Italian person was saying, they of explosion.

463
01:28:48.820 --> 01:29:09.160
and they they tend to to. And this is Simoni Fraser is also fighting in Sao Paulo. They tend to say stories of ruin. I was living like this. And then suddenly, so it's it's kind of break in their history.

464
01:29:09.300 --> 01:29:37.459
But as you get closer and you work with them. You see a more incremental kind of story and relationship to the street of circulation, circulation, migration, circulation between jobs between neighborhoods, between houses, between families, circulation of children, circulation of poverty out of poverty, this kind of circulation that tends to bring people and city circulation, space circulation

465
01:29:37.500 --> 01:29:45.359
that brings, let's say, lower classes more close to the street, and what the street has to offer.

466
01:29:46.580 --> 01:29:57.309
and I want to underline that, too. So there's also a lot of tales of failed masculinities.

467
01:29:57.450 --> 01:30:16.489
as the house represents, let's say, a hegemonic masculinity of being the the care keeper and the the breadwinner, etc. So I'm thinking also about the Italian case, how we can't naturalize the house as

468
01:30:16.500 --> 01:30:28.100
this experience as the house as a closed, fixed entity. and what is the promise of the house.

469
01:30:28.110 --> 01:30:33.660
slash, family slash, gender roles compound

470
01:30:33.760 --> 01:30:46.850
that is not being kept by neoliberal living ways of living. So what is that compound, not protecting people and not affirming life.

471
01:30:46.980 --> 01:30:58.470
and that people tend to go to the street more in a continuum seeing of the house and the street, and not a clear opposition.

472
01:30:58.930 --> 01:31:02.500
And this comes, of course, from Brazil, because

473
01:31:02.570 --> 01:31:24.320
Brazil, thinking in the sense that you know, after slavery, most of the population which is black and mixed race, lives in a situation that the house is completely porous to the outside criminalisation, or it's not protection at all having a house in the slums in favela, etc.

474
01:31:24.400 --> 01:31:31.440
So that is the background that I would like to put forward

475
01:31:41.670 --> 01:31:42.440
you.

476
01:31:45.830 --> 01:31:49.760
It's not

477
01:31:50.880 --> 01:32:15.299
because what you said was so interesting, and the the issue is also what I said, referring to territories, you you you mentioned this continuum between the house and the street, and I think what is missing now is, how can we? Because that was the base of the welfare? You know that the base of the welfare was the fact that we can recognize people living there and giving them rights.

478
01:32:15.340 --> 01:32:36.620
So living there. What does it mean now? And this is linked to what you were saying. So I think that this is the the big issue to redefine this concept, which is in some ways the the citizenship, you know. But it's there. So thank you very much. I think that was very interesting also, this this idea of the house being so

479
01:32:36.630 --> 01:32:47.260
forest to what the street is giving to you, and that the street is asking you something that you might be interested in. So that was very interesting. Thank you very much

480
01:32:56.850 --> 01:33:00.329
for answering me, though I'd like with I a

481
01:33:00.410 --> 01:33:25.249
thank you. Daniel Kudla Memorial University in Canada. it's nice to have a session exclusively on homelessness, because I've been finding myself going to various sessions of housing our C. 21 finding work on homelessness. So thanks for the session. I'm hoping to ask 2 questions to 2 presenters the first one. We're doing interesting work in Taiwan. So I'm curious to hear more about the workers.

482
01:33:25.370 --> 01:33:45.100
I think you mentioned that some of them are transferring some of these stories to the media I think you mentioned, so I'm hoping to hear more about that. As I find this is very fascinating. I'm curious to hear more about the narratives that are presented in the media, is it, you know? Are they highlighting, you know, structural causes of why they're homeless? Are they just simply talking about their

483
01:33:45.290 --> 01:34:05.399
and you know, particularly their particular individual issues. I can just curiously hear about that sort of structural versus individual level portrayals and just overall interesting work, you know, rethinking the alternatives to you know the neoliberal rationales. I've been working on this as well. So thanks for your presentation. And then second question

484
01:34:05.440 --> 01:34:12.070
to Chris. Perhaps you won't be surprised. But the nature of my question, which I'm curious to hear more about the bids, the

485
01:34:12.250 --> 01:34:24.590
business improvement districts and their role, and maybe producing some of these narratives around, you know? Or, yeah, what side do they kind of take? Is it that kind of criminalization supportive of services.

486
01:34:24.600 --> 01:34:31.930
and even just the power that they yield locally. Whether it's, you know, backing the police.

487
01:34:32.130 --> 01:34:39.549
going to some of these meetings that you that you attended as well, and having a voice in there just curious to hear more about both businesses. Thank you.

488
01:34:50.000 --> 01:35:16.589
Okay. Your question makes me think about the question from Italian case. You ask that which are the public increase concerning homelessness in Taiwan case. It's a specialist organization in Taiwan. They will connect the life experience from the public to the homelessness. For example, they will talk about their life experience and say that people are shared about loneliness, Chalmar, and also some hurt and love.

489
01:35:16.590 --> 01:35:40.839
so they will sure they use this personal experience to make people understanding their struggle. They are not others from the society. They are also people's English society through these, and then they will introduce some, maybe some structural effect, to tell them how homeless becomes homeless. For example, some

490
01:35:41.390 --> 01:35:45.500
economic change, and also some have some preference.

491
01:35:45.530 --> 01:35:51.609
So they use this story in the media to call public attention.

492
01:35:55.750 --> 01:36:21.500
I think one important. Since the this Ngo emphasizes these people are not lazy, they are industrial. They just like us. They're working hard. But they failed because of some kind of capitalist cycle and the the the big firms just moving to China. So we lost a lot of job here in Taiwan. Yeah, they try to connect the structural factors with the individual value. Yeah.

493
01:36:27.210 --> 01:36:37.199
yeah, thanks for the question. So there are a number of business improvement districts. in San Francisco for those who might not be familiar. These are

494
01:36:37.230 --> 01:37:00.789
the legal form where businesses. And now we can also have residents do this pay into a fund which? basically an additional tax and if more than 50% of the folks agree to do it in that area, they can establish a business improvement district which provides primarily extra security and

495
01:37:00.790 --> 01:37:37.030
a sanitation that is reserved for that district. And the Security Guards don't have guns. They're called ambassadors. They were real best little best, anyway. In San Francisco there was only one in 2,000 by the time, and my research there were 15 in the whole downtown area of San Francisco now is covered with business improvement districts, and so their private security do a lot of this third party policing, even if there's not a a call. But what we also found was that this private staff and security also do call the police a lot when they're

496
01:37:37.030 --> 01:37:47.180
our own efforts fail. So one argument would be that this is going to reduce the costs on the public state. It's going to reduce the need for public

497
01:37:47.190 --> 01:38:05.359
police and public sanitation. But we found with our data analysis for these calls, we're coming from that. They actually increased in my ethnography. We saw them part of this. So that's in the day to day like enforcement of it in terms of the shelters. they were not resistant to

498
01:38:05.690 --> 01:38:11.879
the setting up of these navigation centers.

499
01:38:12.080 --> 01:38:31.719
They they were definitely on the side of. We need the policing and security attached to it. They are also not resistant to like housing first like ticket to get people in inside, but that they continue to play this role in in in the Enforcement mechanism. So it's a bit of a

500
01:38:31.970 --> 01:38:34.389
mixed bag. It's a little more complicated.

501
01:38:35.530 --> 01:38:36.350
Yeah.

502
01:38:41.890 --> 01:39:09.799
although I don't get the little perfume spray, which is a Thank you. Everyone. I'm Andrew Clark from the University of New South Wales. I'm like to really enjoy having a session. I'm focused on homelessness because this is my work as well. I had a couple of questions Maybe the first one I'll make is a kind of comment. for this first speaker, and you can comment back, if you like, which is

503
01:39:09.800 --> 01:39:34.690
your your idea of discomfort. And I did come in a little light transitioning from the convention center, so I may have missed the key point here. Whether you were talking about discomfort, of those experiencing homelessness or the discomfort felt by the public since they moved around that space. But there was a really interesting paper written by a couple of Australian colleagues, Jessica Jarrett and David Frugier called the lamentable site of homelessness

504
01:39:34.690 --> 01:39:53.499
with, I'm argued. That's just kind of visual discourse around homelessness and the kind of lamentability of I of saying people and of the people that are saying on the street that fades into this kind of idea, that that homelessness is kind of discreet problem, that it is kind of what our our Teresa was saying.

505
01:39:54.030 --> 01:40:22.809
that sort of, but is a characteristic of a certain cohort of people. And it actually the the visibility of their discomfort. enables us to sort of see it as they, as a problem specific to them, and and to take attention away from the sort of structural characteristics of housing markets, frying welfare systems. and precariatized labor markets. So perhaps you would like that. Was that was one of my comment.

506
01:40:22.810 --> 01:40:38.599
and then I had a question that was primarily for Huang. But I think maybe applies to Chris as well. And I was a lot of what you were talking about is similar to stuff that I have thought about and written about in relation to Australia.

507
01:40:38.600 --> 01:40:44.629
and it was really like your idea of reflexive practice, and the way people try and break away from

508
01:40:44.630 --> 01:41:11.060
the kind of neoliberalized logic of service provision to engage in more caring interventions. And I've always sort of been. I've been sort of going down that route as well, but I've always kind of get stuck on this provocation from some colleagues from the Us. Brian Higgins and Jesse Spear, who talk about the way in which often, despite the these kind of intentions of service providers to kind of break away from those logics. There is kind of

509
01:41:11.100 --> 01:41:30.339
basically material structures, right and in terms of available resources. And the way in which housing markets and welfare resources are distributed that push people back towards post service providers back towards the kind of stuff that Chris is talking about. Right. So I mean, yours is a really good example of this.

510
01:41:30.340 --> 01:41:44.020
So I wonder if in homelessness research, we all need to get a bit more Marxist and think about the way in which these sort of governing practices are conditioned by available resources and various material structures.

511
01:41:54.459 --> 01:42:12.579
yeah, thanks for your comment. It's very interesting and very, very good, of course. And yes, it's a really a big ash issue in my book. This I'm I'm concentrating on this social phenomenon that is visible. So

512
01:42:12.780 --> 01:42:29.539
of course I have. I have other sides of homelessness there where I look to, and maybe in in context of the last presentation. I think. Yes, it's very important to to see that this.

513
01:42:29.650 --> 01:42:45.079
this, the group of homeless people. It's a form of stigmatization to say they are homogene, so to say, what you said to say. They they look like this, and they have this

514
01:42:45.260 --> 01:42:57.210
context. I have very, very many thoughts on this, and also the problem of so-called what you said to this kind of

515
01:42:57.639 --> 01:43:08.280
sick talk. And SIM talk. It's a really, really big thing when you talk about home, about about the the the

516
01:43:08.360 --> 01:43:15.060
the background of homelessness. And of course, invisibility is

517
01:43:15.219 --> 01:43:18.670
you can't see invisibility as something positive.

518
01:43:18.780 --> 01:43:29.070
So maybe ahive and not really positive, because it can be a kind of stigma management. So

519
01:43:29.139 --> 01:43:43.050
this was a really big issue in my working field. So the people I worked with were at Rock addicted, and it was really important for them

520
01:43:43.170 --> 01:43:54.929
to don't look like a homeless peer person, because  they had to. Yes, from palace, and so on. And

521
01:43:55.059 --> 01:44:07.519
we could talk really, really long. But yes, thanks. I think it's, of course, a structural systematic problem. And housing first is a.

522
01:44:07.530 --> 01:44:11.280
It's a It's a map of, too. So it's really

523
01:44:11.459 --> 01:44:22.099
important. And yes, it's it focused on the real problem, because, although homelessness is a social phenomenon. That isn't just the lack of of a roof.

524
01:44:22.440 --> 01:44:25.560
 Homelessness is

525
01:44:26.310 --> 01:44:28.899
is. Yes, it's in.

526
01:44:29.210 --> 01:44:35.519
And it's basic. It's only the leg of a roof. So it's really interesting. Yes, thanks.

527
01:44:42.250 --> 01:44:56.729
I think from the viewpoint of political economy or Marxist perspectives, we we we we will think of the cost and benefit. If we apply that kind of stuff, we waste a lot of time and resources.

528
01:44:56.790 --> 01:45:24.689
That's this kind of organization with this, then, yeah. Yeah. But in fact in Taiwan, this very visionary young people. They just construct this kind of new organization. They they they will not receive from from a government they just received from from the donators, from the Taiwanese. Ordinary people. A lot of young people suffered from the inequality right now in Taiwan. So they they have some

529
01:45:25.280 --> 01:45:46.399
They. They feel sympathetic with the situation of this homeless people, so they will rather donate small amount of money to this organization to sustain this kind of logic of care. So I'm kind of optimistic about how this kind of service will assist in.

530
01:45:46.400 --> 01:45:57.780
Yeah. And I also want to echo the last presentation from Italy. In Taiwan we also have the same kind of struggle to argue against the Government. I'll be showed.

531
01:45:57.780 --> 01:46:10.139
Homelessness is not a problem of social service or a charity. It's a problem of the housing. It's a housing problem. But I found that in East Asia

532
01:46:10.140 --> 01:46:24.520
we we all believe in the midst of the economy grows. So we believe if you get a job you will get a housing that that will be no problem. So it's very hard to argue that against the government. Yeah.

533
01:46:37.730 --> 01:47:02.169
Frank Sowa: So I think, the the time is almost over. So I apologize for not being in my own in person. It's a really it's a it's a pity that I couldn't come it would be great to keep in touch. thank you very much for your contributions, and also for the discussion.

534
01:47:02.230 --> 01:47:06.880
Frank Sowa: And so one day I hope to see you in person again.

535
01:47:06.890 --> 01:47:11.239
Frank Sowa: and thank you for being in this session. Thank you very much.