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the, the land statement. Well, the landscape. Okay, we don't have the official one, but I'll certainly make my own.

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The entire economy of Australia, that is, paying for everything that I was taken on land was taken away from indigenous people. We owe them a debt far grave than any amount of money could possibly pay. And so think about that while you sit here, that everything you have here came from someone who was not you.

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All right. That's not official, but it should do the trick

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all right, and let's simply go through things in order. And so I believe, Professor Yamada, you're next.

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Thank you.

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You have 15 min, and

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I thank you for your over here to watch around that. So how can I start my slide?

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Excuse me.

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I'm sorry. Babies.

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Sorry

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the Green Arrow about the

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yes.

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right. And I'm trying to find their your presentation.

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Maybe you want to.

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Yeah.

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this one.

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this one.

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this is a

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yeah, I know it's it was here, shut down.

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I'll just have to ask for a

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Thank you.

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So I'm W. Kiyamada Komazar University in Japan. So I appreciate joining this session.

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So this is the outline of my paper, my presentation. The purpose of my paper is to explore the presence of reciprocity and the captors of.

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I think that the art of reciprocity is different, depending on the type of capitalism.

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So, roughly speaking, my presentation consists of 2 part.

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the one is on the case.

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same here.

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So lately speaking, my presentation consists of 2 parts. So one is on the case of Japan, and the other is a hypothesis on the United States in comparison with the case of Japan.

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So I'd like to start my paper in confirming the fashion of Kar Porani.

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So he assad it.

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There are 3 economic forms of integration that is, dispersity. The distribution and market exchange.

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So my basic question

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is, is a disposity possible in capitalism.

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So I think that the reciprocity is basically pre-captist.

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So, for example, the worst, and attempted

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to associate the 3 homes of Brannis with the 3 types of the world system. In this attempt he associated

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reciprocity with the many systems, which is a small and a primitive system in the ancient age.

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So his assessment can mean that the reciprocity is dominant in the pre-captist.

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Yeah

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word system. So how can the the simplicity which is properly pre-captist. persist in captivism?

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I think that the pre-captist relations? I think that the tradition process, the capitalism is not characteristic of the sheer dissolution of pre-captist relations.

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So, but at least to some degree, the persistence of the relations. The this can guarantee the University of capitalism through workers acceptance.

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The captor's transparency was formed through the media mob grass characterist-grass relations.

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So I'd like to examine the case of Japan.

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So in Japan, the social origin of the captors. Grass is back to ran owners or

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merchants in her per capita Stella.

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though they are thought to have had large intimacy or closeness to pre-captist relations. so it is because he they could obtain

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various benefits from these relations are the luring grass.

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So as a result, industrial relations have been depressed with pre-captist relations in the longer time.

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So at this point I would like to clarify the difference between captives, relations, and the pre-captist relations as regards industrial relations, they consist of 3 disappears.

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The for the economics. Here the capital's relations are just Wage relations.

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So for the political Sophia, they should be known.

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has an aristic and a bureaucratic contour raver control.

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and the last 3 to 4 day I'd always go disappear. and they should be materialist, and the meritocratic relations. They, on the other hand, the pre-captist relations are economically non-wage relations.

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Through the work is tired with the means of production before the politic are superior. They should be personalistic raver control

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before the either risk or superior. They should be paternalism. I think that these pre-captist relations

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can be depressed with captives. Once in industrial relations in Japan.

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So. for example, paternalism was transplanted. and he captures the farms through a system

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so paternalism was based on the protection and the reward by employers as a wage of captives. Exploitation from employees.

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I think that's such baternism. A bad rest with some institutions gave lies to captors reciprocity and a moral economy inside captains farms.

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I think that this resulted in the hard work by Japanese workers.

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the for the captives, responsibility to be established. the origin is surely needed. but not sufficient. The some institutions are also required.

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so in particular lifetime, employment and retirement allowance are crucial as an in institution to batless captors, reciprocity.

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These institutions were established as late as in the mid 1960 S. Primarily in large farms.

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So this was high economic growth age in Japan.

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and to this time the dural area is prevented enough to maintain pre-captors, relations, and reciprocity.

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So what about the more on the medium size of the enterprises. I think that the the awareness of reciprocity is basically subjective.

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So therefore, even though the employment conditions are small and medium-sized enterprises.

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and that's so. Good

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workers can recognise captors reciprocity through dense relations with employers which can be patana without institutional badnesses.

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So since the major the historical development of industry and relations is characterized by the pursuit of such captors to disproportionate

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for paternalism to be accomplished. The pre-captist interests should be accorded with between employers and workers.

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So captors diversity and the moral economy needs such anaco.

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So you can see it

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set to pass you the process. In this table.

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the we can set 5 periods on the twice the passionate process. the as a consequence, such an echoed could only be

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constructed from the mid 1960 s. Through the mid 1990 S. In other periods, for example, both employers and workers pursued their captors to interest.

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and the according of their pre-captist to interest was not formed.

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So are such captors reciprocity and the moral economies still present in larger farms in Japan.

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So I think that the globalization and neoliberalism from the mid 1,990 s. On the dissolved with the captor's literacy in Japan.

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So it is because the institutional address, such as lifetime employment, was almost abolished.

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So, according to Porani thesis.

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the capitalism without responsibility will also dissolve itself.

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so that can mean the post captures to alternative in which the responsibility will recover.

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we will be sold.

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So what about the other type of captors? So I will take in the case of the United States and make hypothesis.

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So in the United States the social origin of the captors class is different from that of Japan.

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So it was so to be. The producer originated class. Netcraft originated from Futurism.

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and also the sea below was won by industrial captors and captors in the nose, and the planters were weakened so that the reef

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was averaged.

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But, however, the Jacobia started that there has been welfare captors in the United States that features similar to the Japanese style industrial relations.

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So, however, I think that welfare characterism

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is lack of a partnerism.

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so it is only based on the capital's interests of employers and aims at the exclusion of Union activities.

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So this can mean that the captain's reciprocity in the United States is not pleasant inside the cooperates.

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So for you is the reciprocity in the United States.

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So I think that the persistence assistant inflow of immigrants from the periphery in the war system

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can play an important role in the establishing captor's municipality.

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So it is because such an inflow can read to that of pre-captor's relations in the periphery into the United States.

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Okay.

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I think that the the interdependence, and the migrant

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communities can formalize characters to disperse the disciplinary

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ensure that the type of captors in the United States can construct the captors reciprocity outside corporates.

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So, in conclusion.

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I have tried to explore the 3 things in this paper. The first is to clarify the background of the University of Captors, and from the neo-pranian perspective.

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The second is the compare different types of Captors, and in forming chapters, reciprocity.

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And the third is to indicate the prospect of a poster characterism. Okay, thank you for your attention.

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Okay.

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time. That's the screen back.

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I never would have made those connections with Poland to either immigrant immigrant enterprise or to the Japanese system. So I think there was a fantastic paper. Okay, Peter Newbert will be talking about development sociology under scrutiny. The challenges of Post colonial critique, and we should all be feeling a little bit the heed about that post colonial critique.

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Well,

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When we look the post-colonial critique, it's an old one. It starts in the 1990. S,

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that's fine And it reached sociology quite late. That was after 2,000.

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And of course you know the main points. It's sociology founded as a part of colonialism, the ignorance of non-western societies and non-western thinking. Okay, again.

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in mainstream sociology.

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the critique of Western Dominance and and the global South as colonial heritage and new approaches theories from the South. Global sociology. All these things are well known.

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It links also with her earlier.

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a post-development critic, or the at the same time. But it reached earlier sociology of development policy, imposing western modernization and capitalism, when known.

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Surprising, is now, and it

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is that this was not a top issue in our A. C.

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It. It's an issue. But it was not a top issue.

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But it's core topics of that what we are doing because our fields, social transformation and sociology of development transcend the eurocentrism of sociology. For a long time. So we could have been in the forefront of the whole debate.

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 so we're looking on global south with looking and transitional countries in Eastern Europe and in Central Asia, not forgetting Azerbaijan and all these countries. And there are not so many contributions to that region here.

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So it's a chance to contribute

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to development as a real global sociology, we could really put in forefront.

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And of course it might be a chance to strengthen the position of Rc. 9 in the Isa.

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when we're looking from our knowledge, we had from our studies from on the post. Colonial perspective.

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isn't it old mine in old bottles?

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So for us, it's not very striking to see that colonialism and its consequences is still, and the consequences are still effective. That has been discussed in the 80 s. And the 90 s. Not new at all.

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and the dependency of the global South. Well, we had the dependency theories. So that was even in the 1950 S. Not very new.

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and the consequences of globalization and the merchants of a multipolar world globalization 90 s. We know it for long, even before mainstream sociology touched these questions.

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So the post-colonial debate presents Dutch points. When you read the books often is something completely new.

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which, isn't

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it it? It is this part of the debate is old wine in in a new bottle, but by that debate which touches more people it it's a wider knowledge. It's good that people learn about that what others knew before.

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So does it mean it doesn't touch us? Is it no more challenges for development sociology? And if I ask this question you already.

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know that my answer is, there is something to do.

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and the main thing is one thing I found very important is questioning the sociology we can on Cornell started that with her first book in 2,007, and repeated that in a paper 2,014, research and teaching of sociology

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follows a standardized and set of theories and concepts all over the world. Max Weber. Everybody knows him.

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 but he is not really coming out of Malaysia, for instance, he has a view of the end of nineteenth and beginning of twentieth century Germany.

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So new concepts, even the one we discuss today

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are usually developed in institutions of the North Atlantic.

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and even for the post-colonial debate. Many of those people who are doing it, and the persons sitting in Europe or Uk or North America. Not all, but many

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the same holds true for post development.

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and I'm telling of North Atlantic, because that's much more precise than eurocentrism.

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Eurocentrism misses North America, which is part of that kind of special perspective.

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or euro America, which is used that includes whole America, not Latin America, and it includes Eastern Europe.

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But both are not part of the heartland where sociological concepts are developed and the theories.

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When you look where the people coming from. We are greeting

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mostly it's North Atlantic, and that is

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that had concept that has consequences.

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because the sociological canon and the concepts reflect the situation on the North Atlantic, Western Europe, North America.

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and they are usually applied without further reflection.

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Also in development sociology. It's not that we are better than the others.

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and this empirical bias leads to a colleague from Germany, said it before the the whole debate to a righteous and originalist bisected rationality

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that understands itself and its social conditions as the goal and climax of a world historical process. North Atlantic shows how the world should be. That's modernization theories. But

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they are still in the heads of mainstream sociology. That idea.

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So what we see is, we know it for a long time. If you read pivac, epistemic violence.

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or better, North Atlantic knowledge as standard sociology, mainstream sociology.

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And it's clear we know, that claim the need for provincialization of sociological theories and concepts.

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And interestingly.

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we social sociology of development could be part of the solution because we have the empirical background to do it.

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We have the empirical field. The interesting point is

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that when we're looking for the debate on decolonization, the provincialization of theories hardly is really tackled. It's it's a claim. But we don't see so many empirical studies doing that when we look for empirical studies.

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the concepts are usually a plowed out of the of the sociological canon, it will give you 2 examples how that works. If you try to conceptualize

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one is the question of class, the concept of class, whether it's applicable in Africa.  marks and and Weberian class concepts which are the background for the whole thing.

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they said, control of a means of production marks or social professional position that makes class.

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When we look to Africa cells of the Sahara.

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we often see that we don't have a clear cut. Professional differentiation.

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We have in a family, or even in a person, a combination of different sources of income, salary.

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a small enterprise, and a piece of agriculture.

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As for many African countries, a routine business mixing these different sources of income. So They

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employers.

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employees, or or farmers, they are both all 3 things at the same time.

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and the other thing is that even for the middle classes, and the better off. We have a very volatile socio-economic position.

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with multiple up and downward mobility during the lifetime.

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That means people are not really secure in their position. many of them.

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That means that institute position is also a risk for high-income banners.

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The job is at work is gone, or they. They have a serious sickness out of the business.

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and we have considerable income. Into inequality. In families siblings are in completely different positions, moving up and down.

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So there is no stable class position. and there is no common-class consciousness. And of course we don't have a kind of standard fight between farmers.

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employees and employers, because people are part of all 3 groups.

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That means a Max Marxian, a Weberian class concept does not really apply. And when we talk about middle class in Africa, it's income, but even that is not stable.

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When we have the individuals of the middle class, they might change after 10 years completely.

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So. Class, in fact, doesn't work. But we apply it. So is that

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so we should really have to see that our concepts we developed in the in the North Atlantic

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might not apply in other parts. We need other categories for social inequality.

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Another example is risk

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risk. Society, you you might know deals with the risk of modernization itself. And that was the concept developed by Beck.

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And the idea was that that is the insecurity of industrial work, environmental hazards and man-made disasters. That's the core of the risk debate and risk is understood following Lumen as calculated hazard. And this is possible

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tells that debate. Because we have science, we are able to calculate risks of different hazards.

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So it's a unique feature that tells us the risk debate of post-industrial modern societies

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is there risk taking outside of modernity? And there is a good book of Elysio Macamo. Then he said, after his field studies in Mozambique, in a village

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translating of unspecific hazards and the calculated risks.

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It's a basic element of coping with everyday life, also part of a rationality of Mozambique and village community without reference to science. They calculate

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differently, but they calculate, and they decide to do something or not to do it. Risk involves, according to Macarmo, knowledge about the external.

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about the external world. a decision how to face it and only risk calculation makes action possible.

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It's a universal element. It's not a part of the modern society

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for that village that was stealing the trout's floods and civil war.

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We should be careful to apply North Atlantic concepts universally.

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and the way around other way around, we should be careful to define post-industrial modernity without testing the concepts in other regions and in other settings. In other contexts

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we cannot really go from our North Atlantic empirical field and just say, Well, this is typical for the North Atlantic, or it's universal. That's too simple.

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So that means more of the same is not enough even for development sociology.

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and there is even a

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more general accusation in

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the both in the and the post-colonial debate.

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Its sociology ignores non-western epistemologies. The critique is

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post-colonial. Critique rejects the claim founded in the European age of enlightenment that scientific knowledge is inherently and necessary, rational, objective, universal. We have local knowledge which is different at pestic. That's a very important part burn of a post-colonial critique.

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So there is a call for African epistemology, based on poetry, for Nakiwa

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of local knowledge.

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the African archive as part of science, and to stop silencing non-specialists and others so widering the range of epistemology beyond strict scientific roots. That was Cornell is telling us

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so it's questions the very understanding of science as such.

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and challengers social sciences in general, including sociology and development and transition.

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At first sight. It's Southern theory against North Atlantic science.

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but that's too simple.

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Epistemological debate are part of the parcel of social science. It starts with Coup's paradigm. We have the positism dispute, or can also Tina. So Epistemonic communities. So

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we, talking about Epstein

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and the radical critique of rational, objective, and universal, and science comes from post-modern thinkers who are from the North.

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from the North Atlantic like Parliament.

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and the interesting thing is that this is debated in the North and in the South.

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even the variances of radical critique and supporters of but the kind of universal science and rationality of sociology we found in the South, like Poland, Hutangi.

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or Naboism, or the quest for rigid methods. That's Neanderthal

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for about Africa. That means we have a lot of African scientists who claim we have in universal science. We have a roots of science, and of course we have the decolonizing debate in the North that know we need a local knowledge instead of science.

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So this critique is a cross-cutting topic beyond post-colonial critique. And it's not a Noslaus divide.

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So my time runs out. and I want to just put 1 point at the end.

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When we move outside the outer ivory tower, we have a second problem. The institutions outside the club, the the North Atlantic are very weak. Mostly

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they are not able to compete

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with the Northern Institute.

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and they have to do on research on the home country they have to do applied research. they have access via consulting to research money they cannot really freely choose, and

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when we have North South a coal operation. Often the colleagues of the South are just a research assistance. They follow our lead ideas. What we are doing that is not equal fooding.

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So what we need is also a decolonization and the structural emancipation in the system of science and the system in the institutions.

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and that requires funds for the institution in the South, which is nicely said, but not made.

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but at least we should work on equal fooding when they cooperate.

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That means so the topics and the way how to do it should be done in a corporate way. Thank you very much. And if you're interested in some of the publications, you might time to make it.

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 thank you, Brunislaw Mellonowski would have loved that paper, and looking at us

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from heaven, thinking about magic, science, religion, and all of the questions that he raised have a long-standing origin from science, both in Berlin and the Pacific Islands, and I think deaters hit it all. I'm a lot less guilty about the guilt, guilt, feeling about the polo's colonial debate. Now it's a more profound question absolutely. Our next speaker, Sir Judy Nahif will be speaking on powers, resources, social ties, and inequality.

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First of all, thank you very much for attending this season. I'm Sergei denari.

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So today I would like to talk about my ongoing.

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It's a project.

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Thank you, Sam. So first of all, thank you very much for attending this session.

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So the day I would like to talk about some primary finding, about my research ongoing project, title, power, resources, societies, and inequality to our threat and the distributional outcomes of rural development in Indones and Malaysia.

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But after listening to Professor Yu but presentation, I'm afraid that maybe I mis a guide, or I acquired some concept from Western science uncritical.

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So my key question is, how do rural security threats affect the distributional upcomes of rural development?

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These questions? the a of the question somehow is to expand the only bit about rural and urban bias.

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So the the the classical question is. despite the and the the majority of the population are in rural areas.

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so economic development in the developing world are most likely to be

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urban oriented.

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So the other question is, how is it possible to make the the economic development in this areas pro rural population.

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And regarding the the letter question, there are 2 lines of argument. First, some people argue that the the presence of the rich Farmers within the political coalition are necessary to develop pro or rural development.

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and the second argument says that

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the the political threat from rural forces are necessary for the Government to pursue rural economic development. My literary here suggests that actually it is in the second which seems to be, explain better the situation in the, in the developing world.

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That political threat from the rural forces are the condition under which the government in the different countries might pursue rural development. But the question is.

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how is the outcome of development, whether it is equitable or no?

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And actually as we, we might see in the the outcome will be right across countries. So now my question is, under what situation the outcome will be equitable. The outcome will will give benefit from the rural population.

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So I built from 2 theoretical Framework! One is state and society approach to politics.

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So, according to this approach.

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State state action actually result from the mutual actually, there is mutual effect between the State and society.

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So State might affect the society, but in the in, in the same, in the same time, society will also affect In the State accents.

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a conceptualization of state as autonomous accent actually don't place the the effect of the society

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so actually in the State can be on the autonomous in the state result from a certain situation in which state faces strong pressure from the society to act the grid and the pressure, the more likely in the State can be more autonomous.

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and the second theoretical framework is the power. So theory. So this is about the how power will will will affect the decision making some suggests, especially from behavioral perspective

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power is about how actors came to us, the decision making and the time of making the decision.

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But from another perspective, people like Herbie suggests power is about the attributes of the actors in which by which actors might punish, or even other actors, so race no actors, before making the the decision, they will calculate how other people will respond to their decision.

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If the if the other people, responding deeply, people will change their calculation and make a relevant decision. So, based on this consideration, we might, we might suggest that how the power, constellation, the power distribution within the society will affect, how State resources will be allocated. The government might allocate more resources to to the actors in which, according to the Government, may po straight to them

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allocation of the resources. My! A tool for the Government to appease these threatening actors and to bring them into the coalition.

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So in the case of the rural development, if it is true that actually it is the and the threat from the from the mass, from the rural forces that force in the government to implement the proural development. So it is under certain situation, especially when

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and the threat, when the State society conflict actually improve or maintain the power resources of the poor, then the the outcome of the the development can be equitable, otherwise the outcome will be skilled from the rich farmers. Or again to the urban sectors.

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So here is my hypothesis set. Toural Society Company are likely to improve the distributional outcomes of rural development only if the conflict maintains or enhances the resources of the poor of farmers.

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I tried to test this proposition, using 2 cases, one is Indonesia and lazier.

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So in the policy outcome in in the first country that the regime, and the Suhart regime was less accommodative, or even against the the farmers. Well, in Malaysia it is accommodative to the small farmers.

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so The 2 countries

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they witnessed a strong mobilization of the rural forces. But the end of the story was quite different.

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Well, the the the powers of the the the farmers in in the Nunis that was eroded. Often the the the Communist mobilization actually in in Malaysia, up on the the riot in 96. Actually the in the the farmers were in in Galapore, in the nursing, so in other, in other variable, they're similar. So I control the other factors that might affect the outcomes.

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So in Indonesia.

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trauma-politic has affected the national politics since the the early dependent years, and even before the dependent period, so

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rightly, often the independent. They developed different types of harm organization under different types of political parties. so national party religious practice. They develop their own palm organization.

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But the most important stage is when The Communist party redeveloped the organization after the fails of the revolution in the 20 s. And the 40 S.

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So under the new leadership, the police, the Indonesian Communist party, they reorganized themselves, and now they they. They put heavy emphasis on the rural areas rather than in the urban sectors.

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the United on the farmers organ, nearly all the farmers organization, and these brands, and and by that point the in the in the Communist Communist party became the third largest Communist party outside. the the Europe

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and In the early 60 s. The Communist party organized the and and the the and the peasant farmers under his branch and launched many programs, including land redistribution.

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But while the Communist party expanded its it basis among the farmers, at the same time, in the innocent context, actually in the act. Led to this, to the

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intensifying, the conflict between the Communists and the military.

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and in the 65 when and the feller on the and the coup by some some gifted offices, happened. The military used the F to to crust the the Communist party.

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as you see from the industry. It's the among the worst, and the killing of the on the the the poor farmers out in the world.

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in in Malaysia, and the the story somehow is similar in the beginning that the Madison Government also faced the strong mobilization in the end of the beat. This colonial government

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and The story is quite complicated because it is the the complex relationship between the Malay and the Chinese, as well as the rest, and the conflict between the the the, the and the high economic classes.

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But to making the story shot

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despite the and the conflict in the, in the urban areas. So actually, the conflict between the Communists and the British Government also expanded in the rural areas, and because of it.

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the in the melee, all the they established in the the Am. No government somehow to respond to the conflict.

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But so it actually in the conflict is not only between the the Chinese and the Malay, but actually beneath. The conflict is actually in the conflict between the also between the the

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let's say, in the low economic mo as well as the high and the the aristocrat within the the Malay society. So

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In in the early 50 s.

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The

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the Am. No coalition government implemented new policies in order to to address the problem. But the liberal economic policies employment that when the government actually exacerbated the problem, the the problem, the economic problem within the rural areas. So the conflict continued in in the late sixtys the meaning that there is a riot in the 69.

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Some people are trend right, as in the racial conflict between the Malay and and the Chinese. But actually again In the grassroots level there is. There is grievances among the Malay population among among the Eli.

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So the the solution by the the Am. No government is to change the policy. No, they implemented no new economic policy.

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There are 2 elements within the policy. One is the Now the United in the they said, the unity of the the the, the, the my economy in which you know it. No new ethnic group, no ethnic group should be classified in in certain economic acquisition in which the British Colonial Government implemented before on the Independence.

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But and then the Am. No government sorry in the second element is actually in the in the how how to accommodate the the Dumi putara bur zu a class into the national economic system, but an under the amnest government, somehow or to what extent the policy was implemented, as if to include the the the male in the, in the the ruling government

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and the village level. What they did is they Intensify the rural development, increase in the subsidy, and Put more intensifiable development in the rural areas.

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So

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this is one of the the finding from G that, according to to him, after a few years of the new economic policy. He saw that actually, in the concentration of the ownership Parliament in the area probably decreased considerably. So it says that the

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other than the degrees in poverty, the inequality in asset between Malay and the better of Malay decreased during the period, but in Indonesia the story is quite different.

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So

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so under the Suharto government so hard to also implement in the rural development. But the but the goal is quite complex. One of the goal is yes, it is to eradicate the the threat from the Communist, from the the peasants, but to some. But the other goal is actually to eradicate the threat from I mean

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he has to educate the threat from the from the from the colonies. So while the goal is to improve the economy, but the government also eradicate and Cr and ban on the organization that belong in the Communist. So the absence of the the organization

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for the Communist.

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Close the way on the and from the small farmers to articulate their interest, and even the Government, when they try to to include the the the rich. The elite coalition! They they were not hesitant

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to to increase the the accumulation and the excellence of the rural farmers. So they developed the exclusionary level arrangement in the rural areas, which is more difficult under the preference of the the the Communist.

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So within the situation, even though the poverty also decreased in in Indonesia, but actually in the in the The the situation on the 40 bottom population was not improved much. Some scales suggest that actually, the the the consumption intake of the the 40% decrease during the Suharto period which indicated that, despite the reduction in poverty, in inequality improved under this period.

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So the take away from my From my study is

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yes, it might be through that in the the trap from the the

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The lower organization is necessary to pursue rural development, but the extent to which the development can be equitable can be dependent on how the threat, on how the the poor population might enhance the power resources

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and

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for the for the activists.

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maybe in the takeaway is that it is very important not only to maintain the the social mobilization, but also to to to different the ties within the the it up after the conflict. Maybe in the task, we will really help them to maintain the development. Thank you.

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Let me

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get back to our

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here we go Oh.

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we How to get back to that darn schedule. Return to session display.

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returned assertion. Display. Yeah, there we go. The

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Malaysia case

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totally changes most of our thinking about development sociology, and not most of us know very little about it and are not working about it working on it. And you just got a list of why, this is essential.

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Indonesia simple. You kill a bunch of people. You have huge on the quality, the end by us the fact that Malaysia has always existed with khaki capitalism, and has progressive social policies

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and has forms of accommodation, is one of the great interesting questions in development sociology, and that paper just came to it. So we all need to be writing his second and third chapter. But he's posed the question beautifully in there, and it's a critical question

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now, from a long distance away. way off on the Internet we have

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malikarn. Sorry I don't know your first name. Mutual learning is possible. Question mark practical evidence of a more equal international development cooperation.

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Silvia Malacarne: Me, too.

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You're ready to go.

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Silvia Malacarne: I try to share my presentation.

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Oh, okay. you have to share your own screen. You do that.

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Silvia Malacarne: Is it the okay?

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You unified it. It's great.

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Silvia Malacarne: Okay, perfect.

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Silvia Malacarne: Hello! Hello to to everyone. Thank you for this opportunity to participate in that conference and to present some aspects of my Phd, research.

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Silvia Malacarne: the research topic is well represented by my presentation title, Mutual Learning is possible. Practical evidence of a more equal international development cooperation. in fact, my work focus was the concept of mutual learning which I try to explore from a theoretical and empirical point of view in the first research phase of my work, and which I attempt to trace in the practice of one

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Silvia Malacarne: of international development cooperation in the second research stage. before starting, I would like to show you the main steps of my presentation. Firstly, I will briefly mention the context of my research, then I will focus on their objectives questions, and methodology.

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Silvia Malacarne: then I will sure to expose the the results emerge from the first stage of my research and then I will focus on the second part of the research dedicated to trace the mutual learning for international development projects. and then I will conclude with the final consideration.

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Silvia Malacarne: this research takes part in the debate on the transformation of international developing cooperation, and which started in a more radical way since the newly avenue.

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Silvia Malacarne: in particular, with the publication of a sustainable Development Goals.

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and at the end of the Post World War. cooperation was a a system to provide financial financial. Add to favor the reconstruction of a conflict term countries or to stimulate the industrialization of the Southern countries. But after the Mdgs. And the the publication cooperation.

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Silvia Malacarne: and tried to take a new form and becoming a fundamental instrument to promote to human development and to protect the human rights, international human rights. 150

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Silvia Malacarne: and developing cooperation is transformed by the definition of New France principle the integration of new actors and new intervention strategies.

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in the context of this transformation, the concept of mutual learning began to to emerge in the development of cooperation literature. But it remains later, explore.

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Silvia Malacarne: And for this reason I would like to focus on that team. During my my research. The research was divided into phases, the first with the end to explore and define mutual learning from a theoretical and empirical point of view. thanks to the administration of 21 same structural interviews with the 21 that you respondents operating in different sectors of cooperation, public

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government, private, no profit private for profit, academic sector, and this phase of research to try to answer the question, what elements make up theoretical, empirical definition of mutual learning in the cooperation context.

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Silvia Malacarne: the second phase, up

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Silvia Malacarne: a as the the the aid to respond to the question. If mutual learning, as we found in a cooperation practice, by which force does it manifest itself and and was conducted by a documentary analysis of for international development projects.

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Silvia Malacarne:  I would like to briefly focus the attention on the May results emerge from the first stage of my research. So the definition of mutual learning that I made that go with the different voices of my interview is so mutual. Learning could be defined like a theoretical concept that emerges from the cooperation of international developer in cooperation in the 20 first century

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Silvia Malacarne: with which it is possible to identify an exchange of resources, the territory of genius in a and value theoretical knowledge, technical skills, experience, practices, cultural system development models within a context of a symmetrical relations such as those between countries of the North and countries of the South.

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Silvia Malacarne: However, mutual learning, as far as to achieve a mutual exchange between partners, so that we can teach at the same time learn from each other according to a logical equal collaboration, and not on well for reason.

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Silvia Malacarne: More specifically. 3 components of the construct have been identified from the first phase of research, defining, defining a split, the conditions of possibility and the implication.

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Silvia Malacarne: I will. Not that on them now. But I would like to on your line. That's it. These 3 points will be very important to Elaborate the document analysis for that. I used to. conduct the the documentary analysis in the second phase of my research.

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Silvia Malacarne: Turning now to the second phase, I would like to emphasize some details concerning the methodological approach. the the meshes logic approach is a documentary analysis. And

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Silvia Malacarne: it was a composed by a different selection processes that to define the analysis units the selection on Geos that they for Ngos the selection of for projects that proposed proposed by these Ngos the 3 types of documents that for each project to select

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Silvia Malacarne: they documented the documentary analysis. There was a conducted by using a document. And I this form divided in 2 sections the first section proposed by arose, your What? As the the game to present in the document and to assess it's quality.

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Silvia Malacarne: So we regard the 2 4 criteria of in DC credibility representatives and understandability. and the second section

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Silvia Malacarne: and was the aim that making the the connection between each document and the meter learning construct. And so between each document and the each of it's a indicator as a

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Silvia Malacarne: in this table you can. see the the taste of the different analysis units So they, for they project titles the for countries of implementation, and the the for sector and the 12, the documents that I analyze the

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Silvia Malacarne:  Therefore in in that slide, you can see the 2 section of the document. And is this form used to trace metal learning components to document on the left. You can see the parameters used to evaluate the documents quality, and on the right, you can see the indicators of mutual learning related to the 3 different components that obtain from the first major research.

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Silvia Malacarne: So indicate that related to the defining aspects to the conditions of possibility and to the implications of mutual learning.

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Silvia Malacarne: In this last section of my presentation I would like to show you the main results from the second research phase, and this table try to bring together different traffic lights. So the green lights mean the presence of mutual learning in each document, instead of the red light, indicate the absence of mutual learning, and and

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finally the yellow light, I mean the incomplete or partial presence of mutual learning in the each documents.

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Silvia Malacarne:  so more specifically, specifically, considering mutual learning in 3 types of documents, and so see the the table columns. Okay? we can say that there is a a large presence of mutual learning in project proposals. the activity reports the cell don't contain any defining elements of the construct. but more often refer to condition of possibility and implication of mental learning.

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Silvia Malacarne: And, lastly, the construct of mutual learning is currently present in the project evaluation criteria.

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Silvia Malacarne: The other consideration are related to the 3 constructor components, and so observing the line

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Silvia Malacarne: of the tables. Hmm, and we can say that the explicitly, the use of the terminal learning and the direct references all the the current transformation of international developing cooperation are unusual in the the project pro documents. And but about the permission of

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Silvia Malacarne: okay, are they a references to project budget and particular crisis condition. And then, finally, about the implication, we can say that the most evident indicator is the one devoted to the possibility that mutual learning in practice can contribute to the democratization of North South relations avoiding the domination of Western ideas.

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Silvia Malacarne: In conclusion.

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Silvia Malacarne: I I can say that studying mutual learning could have a different added values. in a into perspective in a theoretical perspective and in a practical perspective. considering mutual learning in our theoretical perspective could have brought in the reflection on cooperation from a sociological perspective.

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Silvia Malacarne: Tiva encouraging. It's more equal and mean for the view, and then it could foster the the the development of this society of cooperation precisely from the focal point of mutual learning.

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Silvia Malacarne: observing mutual learning as a in a in it's practical venue. Could the help reduce the gap between theory and practicing cooperation because it is a construct creating from the bottom up. So listening, the the voice of different interviews, and that that E, it has an operational structure we do not it.

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Silvia Malacarne: And finally, I think that study, mutual learning could support corporation actors in the planning implementation and evaluation phases of cooperation initiatives.

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Silvia Malacarne: So thank you for listening

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me.

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let's see back to the presentation.

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So loops that back to the main screen here, we ought. I gotta learn how to do this. Okay, okay, Walkie takes care of it. What silly amount of car is trying to do is actually unusual for most sociology of development. People who study Ngos

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the usual approach, and Ngos is complain, complain, complain? Why, line one? And these are people who have given their life to try to get rid of global poverty and human suffering. They're doing a lot of stuff, and they do learn. That's an emphasis of what they're doing that they often start what they pick up on, what to, and they never get any crypt

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now. Granted, if you saw her list of green lights and red lights, there's some red lights, and these are not perfect organizations. But she's showing far more positivities. And we need to be promoting and supporting the positive. This because without these Ngos, a lot of bad stuff happens.

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Okay, the next presentation is towards resilient community development.

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and it's a study of disaster, resilience in rural Cambodian communities by Yun Zhong Yang, and a gigantic cast of people from all over the world.

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Thank you very much for this opportunity to share our research findings from this previous last to 2 years of research. I'm yin-yang, and I'll be speaking on behalf of my research team as well as

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our partner is from Cambodia, and this is a research partner. Well, partnership in a way, and from the previous speakers it might say that it's another colonial approach, or

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very as magic relations. But we will see being aware of that. Actually, I'm not denying that maybe finances being unilaterally coming from South Korea to Cambodia, we cannot deny the unequal relationship in somehow. But still we would like to keep this relationship in a more equal footing and try to have more like local perspectives in our besides as well.

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so hopefully that we have a mutual learning from this empirical research.

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2

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center.

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It's not

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not working.

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And okay.

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any any time now.

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01:03:41.110 --> 01:03:44.609
No, it should be working.

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The system's slow.

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I'll just ask for some technical support. I think this will.

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It's green frozen

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right, and

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I have a judge option or in suction, and

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then we have to go back again

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up here and then.

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No, it's

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no

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I here.

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I see.

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Here we are here. And again. Here.

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we will close the detecting program. That's okay.

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this.

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Now. Okay, so I should be able to.

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01:05:08.890 --> 01:05:27.340
No, okay, here we go. Thank you. So hopefully it, yes, thank you. I'll be yeah there, so hopefully that we will get back to this case. I'll be speaking of

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a summary of what we are doing as a. This is empirical study, but we have to and then share the preliminary research. findings from the to previous years.

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And here is the I'd like to draw your attention to this distinction between the Development Cca or Climate Change Adaptation Project and the research project that we are doing at on top of this development project. So the the Corey has started from the fact that we are living in the climate change.

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changing climate and also increasing risk and disasters. And then we have, and I trust we should have more development, cooperation.

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for Climate change, adaptation in developing context in particular. But then, when we do research projects, how do we monitor and evaluate and assess those effectiveness of the project? That's where this research question has come from. And we are following the research team has. is following this development, or Cca. Project that has been implemented by habitat. Cambodia, which is my partner organization in Cambodia.

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and it has These objectives. Obviously habitat is known for the providing shelters, and as we see from the photo that they also provide some like agricultural fields for the local people to use so much like the climate, smart agricultural techniques, so to speak.

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and as they, their project is on this whole commune consisted of 7 different villages, but due to here on on this

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project site, we added up on our research projects, on following up and measuring kind of community resilience, because we believe that for for for them to be able to claim the project, effectiveness. In fact, we want to see like resilience being enhanced in this local context, but due to the financial constraints, we had to decide only 3 out of 7 villages

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briefly, and and we try to engage as much as possible the local people, and to share what we find as well as what we here. Of course, when we collect the data that comes from there. And when we decide how to grade, for example, later we will be talking about the methodology. But we try to listen to them, of course, because we are external actors, that that's them who knows the best.

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And these are some of the photos that we work.

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and these are the 7 villages. But we chosen 3 out of this. 7.

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Let me quickly move on to this flood. Resilience, measurement for communities. This is the framework that we are applying to this local context.

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This camp developed from the direct flood Resilience alliance. Actually, I've got to mention, I have a wonderful colleague here, sitting there at Gianna coming from this Yasa, one of the alliance members.

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And we take this one, not because this has been developed in Europe, but because we believe that this is a good in fact, measurement and tool that takes the holistic and systemic approach to understand disaster, resilience

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in various area and dimensions of resilience, so to speak. The measurement consists of 44 sources of resilience, as you see here, and classified in 5 different domains of resilience from human, social, financial, physical and natural. And here this figure summarizes how the measurement works in the field. We collect the data

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by the sources and by the dimension of resilience.

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of using different methods, doing the survey as well as Fgi and key interviews. And then we sit together. When we grade, we, we are to grade in each dimension of resilience. We sit together with our researchers from the notes, but as well as the the data collector and project leads from the Cambodia themselves. We try to understand the local context and based on the collected data, we grade in each dimensions.

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And after all, we that's where we present the the findings. These are from the baseline or earlier last year, the very first one T. 0, and, as you can see from 3 different villages, pretty much more or less similar. The the villages are very close to each other.

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next to each other, and so we see not very much differences, certainly, and very. You see the green lines. Green areas refers to very good a in certain dimensions. As you can see the the graphs, it shows the different dimensions, the red and orange line. Colors means that there needs to be more improvement, more support, perhaps.

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and we give the snapshots in a way. Sharing that the resilience changes from the baseline or T. 0 to to T one the year after previous earlier this year. In fact, we just have this scraps very recently, as you can see, T. T. 0 is a blue one.

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and from different 5 dimensions of resilience, and the orange one shows that T. One, or like one year after. So we we try to see what has changed, what, what kind of changes have

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been made while the project is going on for the previous years. So, as you can see, human and and with capital, we say, well, measurement says capital. But I understand, like more capacity in this field, so human capacity has been has improved, as you can see.

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Partly, we would like to believe that, thanks to the training effects and social capital and crazy here

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and partly again, they get community participation in flight. Resilience actions have been improved. Thanks to the the type of like a training we offered, I mean, from their effort and some physical improvement here made.

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and this one is a particular for this particular village. but I don't think I will have hopefully that we will have time to discuss if you're interested. But let me move on like it to show other snapshots of other villages. This one is another village, a backward tag. Again the similar changes

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improvement in a way, and on the third village, so you can see it overall human and social aspects that we can find. Some kind of improvement has been made.

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whereas a financial and natural natural area, we need more kind of support if if you want to say, and and some different diversity in terms of a physical area.

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So, after all, what we're trying to do from this research is that we follow the changes over times, and we try to

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share the learning where more support or more work needs to be done to improve overall disaster, resilience in the in the community that we are looking at, but a few more slides about From additional work, additional qualitative work that have done, they get from rising themes from the field. Observation as one is still the question of sustainability.

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in terms of like that that is certainly related to the second issue of the gaps in the research practice collaboration.

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partly because of the or thanks to the financial support from the Ministry of Education and the National Research Foundation of Republic of Korea. This research has been possible, but then, without which I I'm afraid to say and admit that this kind of like a rigorous research would not be possible in Cambodia. And but obviously through this process we are learning each other. But I can't really speak on behalf of our computing colleagues.

437
01:14:24.400 --> 01:14:31.939
But the left hand, the coat is actually from local stuff in Cambodia.

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and they were saying, and Cambodian colleagues are also kind of external actors to the local communities, and they were finding that local community people would not do anything unless there is a committed to external support because they have been kind of accustomed to receive lots of support. We don't want to create a dependency, and this has been the continuous talk in terms of development cooperation.

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01:15:00.860 --> 01:15:28.390
So we are being, we we' to be sensitive as possible, and that we'd like to reflect and respect the local context. But what about the you know what would be done? The role of the intermediate or doness roles? That's still a lingering question. I'd like to hear from other panels as well about this. And The final one is It's I said. It's an ongoing one. It's gonna continue until

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hopefully next year. But for now, this until end of this year. But, as I said, one question coming from previous slide is that the notion or a concept of community itself could be debatable. What do we mean by community? And here our our Cambodian colleagues took the the concept of community when they started their project at the Commune level, consisting of 7 different villages.

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01:15:56.280 --> 01:16:15.870
But to me, On the ground level, village level would be the more appropriate unit, so to speak, here to examine and the differences or changes. And so I went back to the local context. Obviously, I have a limitation because I don't speak a local language, but I had to rely on the translator.

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01:16:15.870 --> 01:16:26.469
which turns out it's not really perfect, but from this photo is of my visit for the local workshop and asking the local people themselves.

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what do we? how do you understand? Community? How? How, how would you define resilience? That's what I am currently analyzing, and hopefully that will come sooner, and the exercise is 150

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and this is the one part, another part about the the survey Survey data could be further explored to discuss about, say, for example, gender effect in flat-risk perceptions and actions where roles and Different roles and responsibilities. That's what we are going into. Thank you very much for your attention. For those who Who might be interested! I brought some research brief and thank you.

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Okay.

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this is a great research key. They're studying one of the most important things you can think of, whole towns being wiped out from climate change.

447
01:17:21.600 --> 01:17:22.820
important things.

448
01:17:22.860 --> 01:17:27.270
She's very Hello! Let's move on it.

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and modest and her friendly.

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And yet she tells you everything you need to know, including, despite all the good work that her wonderful team is doing and all the progressive, excellent things she's doing. There's a government out there that not only may not support their whose extra responses, but is making all

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changes to the ecology and the environment around them. That clear range for all these people getting flooded and killed, and they're doing everything they can on this, while not having the power, they need to provide absolute security, despite their best of all wonderful efforts. She's evaluated this stuff perfectly and in wonderful ways, talks about what organizations can do. But also the environmental constraints they face with the environment

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isn't nature but the environment.

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Big man.

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Our final paper is Matthew Sabi, critical arena of the authoritarian public sphere in the hego and induced government governance forums in Rwanda, and it's all done electronically. Hello, Math. You've got 15 min

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Matthew Sabbi: and thank you. Thank you, everybody. and thank you, Ryan, for the opportunity to present on your panel

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Matthew Sabbi: 15 min is really very short for the paper that is almost ready to be signed. So I try to some my arguments by saying that in

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Matthew Sabbi: this be partially react to current debates on so called authoritarian public here. that more or less gives so much power to

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Matthew Sabbi: autocrats as so domineering the space that is left between the state and public.

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Matthew Sabbi: the public sphere, and to local uptes are usually

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Matthew Sabbi: left in such a passive space that as state that they cannot, they can hardly inform policy. So

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Matthew Sabbi: we place

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Matthew Sabbi: this research in the contest of this study in the context of our research that is going on in Ghana and Rwanda. So my other colleagues did not know that is actually seated in the room they presented a while ago.

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Matthew Sabbi: And then we try to understand how local contest of the centralization operates in the 2 countries that we study. So

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Matthew Sabbi: I stopped by saying that ongoing development policies and programs from the national organizations promote the idea of political efficacy when

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Matthew Sabbi: individuals

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Matthew Sabbi: made to feel that they can inform policies at the local level, and decentralization in particular, is a mechanism that is seen to create the possibility for individuals

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Matthew Sabbi: to to ship decisions that really affect them on a daily basis.

468
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Matthew Sabbi: So decentralization means local. Our tests, elected, non-elected come participate in decision making regarding policies on education.

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health, and so on and so forth.

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Matthew Sabbi: and in order to see how.

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Matthew Sabbi: oh, Regime types can ship these processes one can't fall on, not on the way, voice performing decentralizing access, but also.

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Matthew Sabbi: I in particular, those that really perform well.

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Matthew Sabbi: So in our case. we think Rwanda presents really a very important and a unique case to understand not only the debates that is going on on the on the processes of authoritarian bridge in public sphere.

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Matthew Sabbi: but also in the delivery of everyday policies, and why anybody else can have access to influence policies that affect local people.

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Matthew Sabbi: So Ron, that definitely is, as we term in our project as successful, decentralize them, because it's studied decentralization for yet quite late. But in it's fear of operation, it allows some sort of local autonomy. So elected officials can really shit policies that do not affect the national politics system.

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Matthew Sabbi: At the same time, the government commits a lot of the local funds to supporting activities at local level, and

477
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Matthew Sabbi: because it gets a lot of international support. And the government that shows that this I use to to to a particular effect good effect at a local level.

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Matthew Sabbi: and the system is service a very tight one, but local elections, as well as national relations, are frequently out, so the country, the system itself. it gets the acronym of a a democratic facet in a sense that elections are

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Matthew Sabbi: almost held on time.

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Matthew Sabbi: And today's today's day shape. Local policies are debatable, but they never miss election schedules.

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Matthew Sabbi: So.

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Matthew Sabbi: as I said, they would give us very tight every aspect of life, both social and politic are tightly regulated by a dominant party. Since then.

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Matthew Sabbi: unfortunately, genocide that ended in stuck at an end in 1,994,

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Matthew Sabbi: and the social life policy. Every 10 is tightly regulated.

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Matthew Sabbi: So if one reflects on the point that decentralization promises

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Matthew Sabbi: the possibility for people to not only to be, but also to ship local decisions. But in a contest of a world, a delivery

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01:22:57.720 --> 01:22:59.000
Matthew Sabbi: oriented

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Matthew Sabbi: the centralizing system. But that is also very much tightly controlled.

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Matthew Sabbi: How

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Matthew Sabbi: local artists able to shape decisions on local level? Are they able to influence decision at all?

491
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Matthew Sabbi: And is there even a possibility for local responses to image from such a dominant, dominating contest. we try to see that from our research, particularly from Rwanda.

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Matthew Sabbi: and reflecting quickly on the debate that I mentioned before, so authoritarian regimes, particularly the studies from Asia. I've shown how autocrats have adapted in order to seem legitimate of that that

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Matthew Sabbi: Democratic stretches and practices to really dominate the civil sphere that is left for civil society to operate.

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Matthew Sabbi: and in this V. A local act, as seen as more passive than they have nothing to do. And, as I've said before, decentralization actually provides a contest because it's promises local autonomy. At the same time, regimes autocrats can use that fear to dominate, and also local off practices and local policies.

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Matthew Sabbi: that leads us in. Really, in a part of that, the promises of decentralization might not work.

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Matthew Sabbi: we say, and I say in this talk that

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Matthew Sabbi: when we look beyond the from our promises of decentralization, we can see some sort of the room to man over which one might 10 in place of local autonomy.

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01:24:29.860 --> 01:24:43.489
Matthew Sabbi: so decentralization. At the same time, when one looks for the margins, one could understand. Now it is both. but at the same time off as the possibility on the margins for individuals to shape choices that affect them.

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Matthew Sabbi: So what does our research in Rona tell us about this sort of

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01:24:49.170 --> 01:24:54.440
Matthew Sabbi: positive orientation to us? What the margins can do in terms of shipping

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01:24:54.520 --> 01:25:01.149
Matthew Sabbi: priorities even on that the authoritarian regimes. So we have studied

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Matthew Sabbi: for districts in Rwanda and 8 sectors. So of such sections as structures and the districts. and with our team of colleagues from Rwanda.

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01:25:11.740 --> 01:25:20.829
Matthew Sabbi: The long national language is Kiwanda, so they help us really commit really understand and control our research

504
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Matthew Sabbi: from an everyday perspective.

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So we have gone through the way

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01:25:25.980 --> 01:25:37.840
Matthew Sabbi: minimum level of the district to really understand what goes on there. our, it's it's a mis method of approach. We use interviews. We use network. So we quantitative

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01:25:38.290 --> 01:25:43.469
Matthew Sabbi: Soviet survey question A, and then we also do a lot of observation about it.

508
01:25:43.970 --> 01:26:06.280
Matthew Sabbi: And, as I've said before, we have studied 4 districts and 8 sucks we have nest structures on that. The district really, in order to really get to the bottom. Understand? Not only raw urban diversity, but also the differences in understanding and reactions when it comes to people living and doing policy work in an authoritarian system.

509
01:26:06.740 --> 01:26:07.900
Matthew Sabbi: So

510
01:26:07.930 --> 01:26:14.610
Matthew Sabbi: a a brief overview of what? How this switch looks. That's it in a way that there is

511
01:26:14.970 --> 01:26:22.500
Matthew Sabbi: the executive Secretary that is appointed by the regime to oversee everyday activities. But also we have elected officials, councils.

512
01:26:25.310 --> 01:26:37.900
Matthew Sabbi: representative selected from delegate special groups who are mobile telephones from special groups. So the districts really see brought a district policies. and, as I said, coordinated by it, I get it, secretary.

513
01:26:38.210 --> 01:26:41.320
Matthew Sabbi: and when you go down the next step, which is a sector.

514
01:26:41.330 --> 01:26:44.860
Matthew Sabbi: And then again, there is a cell committee in the village.

515
01:26:44.970 --> 01:26:50.179
Matthew Sabbi: There's the strategize mirror and what is what is found at the district level.

516
01:26:50.530 --> 01:26:53.389
Matthew Sabbi: So a very tightly controlled structure.

517
01:26:53.450 --> 01:27:07.120
Matthew Sabbi: or I might assume that nothing really happened when it comes to policy. The States really organize this local policies through so called amigo contracts. And T. Legal comes from the monarchy

518
01:27:07.250 --> 01:27:14.349
Matthew Sabbi: system, where individuals so just, who fought for the monarchy made promises of

519
01:27:14.460 --> 01:27:19.620
Matthew Sabbi: what they might achieve, and I'd later at the end of the combat. They account today the king

520
01:27:20.120 --> 01:27:39.269
Matthew Sabbi: in a after the Juno site. This concept has come back strongly as a policy tool. That district may us promise to deliver a specific target, and this time be signing for that with a king. No sorry for the President who who assumed that position or became, if you go back to pre-colonial times.

521
01:27:39.700 --> 01:27:44.429
Matthew Sabbi: So almost every time about Rwanda, local policy is organized

522
01:27:45.030 --> 01:27:49.899
Matthew Sabbi: through in he go. Otherwise it will not be part of it. I know it doesn't work at all.

523
01:27:50.130 --> 01:28:01.020
Matthew Sabbi: and in here goes really publicly bulleted on district and sector offices for everybody to know what the commitments they may or made with the President, so that people can't really

524
01:28:01.120 --> 01:28:02.260
Matthew Sabbi: control

525
01:28:02.270 --> 01:28:08.900
Matthew Sabbi: over time throughout the year our progress is made, and a limitations could be criticized.

526
01:28:09.260 --> 01:28:15.920
Matthew Sabbi: So in a way, in the he goes as an instrument of central control may also have to sign a contract for there.

527
01:28:16.260 --> 01:28:27.399
Matthew Sabbi: but the President at the end there are incentives resident kind of what top 3 platforms I thought, they, taking this fits, and the local people can also control, because publicly and you go is bullet.

528
01:28:27.910 --> 01:28:30.219
Matthew Sabbi: and the world of council is here is

529
01:28:30.530 --> 01:28:42.099
Matthew Sabbi: it's much more strategic. They can site with it may, or when they are performing all or side with the local population when they may. Or and as a get, this committee isn't delivering what they promised.

530
01:28:42.590 --> 01:28:44.139
Matthew Sabbi: So

531
01:28:44.230 --> 01:28:53.000
Matthew Sabbi: oh, okay, I try to always. as I said publicly, this visual shows how in one.

532
01:28:53.430 --> 01:29:02.229
Matthew Sabbi: So it's in the national language and the promises about health care, school facilities, and so on and percentage

533
01:29:02.470 --> 01:29:08.559
Matthew Sabbi: completing Britain. What is supposed to be expected, at what percentage will be seen as Sussex.

534
01:29:08.710 --> 01:29:20.709
Matthew Sabbi: So it's very much visible these are and he will contract to provide a forum. But I say, I understand that from the margins.

535
01:29:21.120 --> 01:29:22.660
Matthew Sabbi: So on the margins

536
01:29:22.680 --> 01:29:33.750
Matthew Sabbi: you see, stick design. For, for example, I can the video accountability forums that I design into the new targets that may us promise to openly invite the public to participate

537
01:29:34.210 --> 01:29:40.099
Matthew Sabbi: A in a discussion of progress and public question. This is coming from the State.

538
01:29:40.130 --> 01:29:55.340
Matthew Sabbi: Then there are governance months and governance clinics web, which really targets local participation, that individuals really shift. What is there? And yeah, they. They can't criticize officials for the activities. And yeah in in in.

539
01:29:55.790 --> 01:30:01.910
Matthew Sabbi: So it means on this margins, even from steps, design stretches, individuals can ship policy

540
01:30:02.210 --> 01:30:06.889
Matthew Sabbi: and and discussions of public policy. And I in Rwanda.

541
01:30:08.040 --> 01:30:28.269
Matthew Sabbi: Muganda is a community more or less voluntary work. it's a for for common. Our support. you saw me and my team members forward in the shovel, really participating in some of the activities in the district. We have done a research. But it's also a A for for political control. After that you've upstairs and police officials. This is the officials really giving talks.

542
01:30:28.380 --> 01:30:43.189
Matthew Sabbi: So it's supposed to participate for you, but usually on the ground. You see that it's one siding. It's but it's a forum that people to save all day participate, and I think they support not the political up forget so much, but also community programs in a way.

543
01:30:43.770 --> 01:30:47.020
Matthew Sabbi: then the other forums that I must stick to.

544
01:30:47.250 --> 01:30:54.739
Matthew Sabbi: But sometimes the distance between the States and the is also very much a question. The graphic display of amigo

545
01:30:55.260 --> 01:31:05.200
Matthew Sabbi: on site and in the media also allows the local population to follow the commitments made, as I said, in a progress and assess achievement, and they kept criticize.

546
01:31:05.600 --> 01:31:06.719
Matthew Sabbi: Any good was

547
01:31:06.820 --> 01:31:17.340
Matthew Sabbi: that are in power. Then the online editorial is not of a critique of how local policy to in hego is really articulated, and people come to credit card

548
01:31:17.600 --> 01:31:45.869
Matthew Sabbi: over here. There's a covet when you follow all these processes, and then they, these forums. One might be tempted to think that it's a possibly a democratic process. But these regime suddenly use this one to create a simmate because development of systems comes, and for us are actually often attributed to the mayor, but not to the executive ticket, for who actually runs the show in reality, and the President does not receive any criticism. Anyone who criticize the President goes to jail

549
01:31:46.060 --> 01:31:53.069
Matthew Sabbi: so one could think of the concept of a democratic facet as a way to understand this tightly organized regime.

550
01:31:53.440 --> 01:32:08.959
Matthew Sabbi: But I also say that, listening to our counselors who try to really shape the processes on the ground. They try to create room for themselves. They can side with the local population, but also side with the mayor's when they exercise for.

551
01:32:09.290 --> 01:32:25.129
Matthew Sabbi: but most importantly, they try to ship the nationally set guidelines on the on the grounds. For so you, representative, for example, will tell you what the policies are designed from Kigali, the capital, and sent to them on the hills. But they try to find ways

552
01:32:25.130 --> 01:32:44.980
Matthew Sabbi: like find funding cooperatives. We need to ship targets that time place. You have concerns disability. People will try to tell you what we need to generate concepts that are based. Local needs, for example, know the number of people with specific disabilities, so that we can target interventions here. So we also show some sort of

553
01:32:45.090 --> 01:32:49.710
Matthew Sabbi: agency in shipping, in legal targets that come from a national.

554
01:32:50.400 --> 01:33:04.730
Matthew Sabbi: So And I said, they can also side with that may. Or if it's very successful, or join the population to criticize the mayor, so this they try to create room to manoeuvre. It's shipping policies and criticisms that associate policies here.

555
01:33:05.170 --> 01:33:06.550
Matthew Sabbi: So to conclude.

556
01:33:06.780 --> 01:33:11.150
Matthew Sabbi:  I see that when we look at the daily lives of

557
01:33:11.510 --> 01:33:26.890
Matthew Sabbi: elected officials in particular. in tightly regulated regimes, autocratic regimes. Then they have fewer options, and they have to always negotiate with as a a official that represents the national interest.

558
01:33:27.640 --> 01:33:39.819
Matthew Sabbi: But they try, as I've said, create room to maneuver by definitely participating official decisions, but also in that group interest which is done in a more creative way.

559
01:33:40.600 --> 01:33:51.510
Matthew Sabbi: in order not to inquire of of the national officials local Asia officials in place These things happen on their margins.

560
01:33:51.800 --> 01:34:00.049
Matthew Sabbi: So, as I said in Hugo, forums create the possibilities for any of those the pre-size authority without calendar of of

561
01:34:00.910 --> 01:34:11.859
Matthew Sabbi: 11 officials from that the top. And but this forums are really very important, because when we look at it listening to the debate on authoritarian public sphere, and

562
01:34:12.050 --> 01:34:17.230
Matthew Sabbi: even these spaces do not contribute to anything at all. But when we have a scan, I and this

563
01:34:17.370 --> 01:34:19.610
Matthew Sabbi: see it from the margins

564
01:34:19.680 --> 01:34:34.109
Matthew Sabbi: that we can see that such forums, what are created by the regime or set up by individuals at the local level? They offer something so sort of hope that authoritarian activists do not control almost everything in the lives of the people they go in.

565
01:34:34.450 --> 01:34:36.770
Matthew Sabbi: So, for example, some of the

566
01:34:37.070 --> 01:34:43.379
Matthew Sabbi: forums, as I've said, I initiated and facilitated by the State and the State, and trying to encourage people

567
01:34:43.950 --> 01:34:54.299
Matthew Sabbi: This creates some sort of products. And what I'm trying to conclude in the paper that I that the at this presentation is built on

568
01:34:54.620 --> 01:35:00.640
Matthew Sabbi: is that normally we might think that the authoritarian guys might have their way in whatever they want to do.

569
01:35:00.830 --> 01:35:05.680
Matthew Sabbi: but with the concept of crafted

570
01:35:05.860 --> 01:35:16.310
Matthew Sabbi: a point where we in this paradox, where, and not so authoritarian as such, or they will cause use that influence from the margins to ship.

571
01:35:16.400 --> 01:35:21.230
Matthew Sabbi: and really puts authoritarian regions in check. But I'll be happy to listen to

572
01:35:21.300 --> 01:35:23.390
Matthew Sabbi: the comments and yeah.

573
01:35:23.600 --> 01:35:32.819
Matthew Sabbi: critique from how we try to resume phone this tightly regulated environment. Thank you so much. And yeah, you're welcome.

574
01:35:35.720 --> 01:35:38.349
That was a fiercely original

575
01:35:38.480 --> 01:35:48.810
argument and political sociology, whereas, you all know, centralization and autocracy are usually linked and not decentralization and autocracy.

576
01:35:49.220 --> 01:35:57.549
Ironically, the closest literature to his and development. Sociologists ought to look at. This is the arguments about worker to

577
01:35:57.959 --> 01:35:58.860
thank you.

578
01:35:59.010 --> 01:36:10.589
The arguments about worker democracy under Tito which ironically used that form of industrial worker self governance to achieve very similar centralizing roles.

579
01:36:10.780 --> 01:36:24.320
Now we only have about 10 min for questions and to be effective. No one can hear you unless you use this mic, instead of raising your hands and waiting for me to call. I say, anyone who want the raised question, just stand up.

580
01:36:24.320 --> 01:36:42.939
Come to the microphone. Ask your question. If you want to be second in line to sort of stand near here, ready to go, and I'll manage track of you. Come up and ask your question. Now, don't be shy. Don't wait so well. It has to be the only one that works. Ask me that microphone

581
01:36:44.670 --> 01:36:46.120
which I said.

582
01:36:49.090 --> 01:36:59.819
just go to the mind. My question is to the first presenter

583
01:36:59.910 --> 01:37:07.789
the classic case, like the American exceptionalism, has been noted from Tokoville onwards, especially

584
01:37:07.920 --> 01:37:11.379
in this argument that there was no feudalism in America

585
01:37:11.440 --> 01:37:25.640
by Sombert. Right? So the comparison between America and Japan is misplaced. If you follow a Marxist line of argument, there is a very clear similarity between Japanese transition from Federalism

586
01:37:25.670 --> 01:37:32.570
to capitalism with European feudalism to capitalism. But the argument that you expect

587
01:37:32.590 --> 01:37:51.129
the reciprocity to to retain to be retained in the capitalist mode, then what's the point of shifting from one mode to the other? So what you suggest? If you, if you look at the Japanese critical literature, and there is a fantastic essay in

588
01:37:51.430 --> 01:38:14.650
new left Review, or in her Thesis 11, I forget. But you can find it, or tilos, probably, that there's a much meat about lifelong employment. There's a myth, and the Japanese author documented that majority of the corporations do not have that even before the time period that you mentioned this is, there's a very classic article in that.

589
01:38:14.700 --> 01:38:37.159
So to argue that there is a reciprocity reciprocity expected, and and the Japanese system has a reciprocity doesn't actually jive with the fact of seasonal employment and casual employment which dominates, especially if you look at the woman's employment in Japan. So

590
01:38:37.389 --> 01:38:52.989
I mean, that's an argument. But the other argument that I have that if you start by saying that class is the concept was created in the West doesn't apply to Rwanda doesn't apply to India. Wonderful. Then I'm an autocrat.

591
01:38:53.420 --> 01:39:07.979
And I would say, Look, you're talking about mobilization of the working class. That's the western concept of our working class. They look at me as their paternalistic mentor, and I am their father. We have a different gain.

592
01:39:07.980 --> 01:39:33.420
so do not evaluate us to not judge us. Let me exploit my people to rule by people because we are indigenous. We are completely different from you, and you have no right to use your categories to evaluate us. Wonderful. Thank you very much.

593
01:39:33.470 --> 01:39:55.150
Like, it's on. Okay, yeah. But let's move on to 10 to the essence the the cases. When I'm asked you to question number 2. Come, ask your question when it gets to 2 people a chance to come up to the microphones to ask, so you'll be coming. A burst of whoever he talks about will give up sentence, and I'm going to ask question is to keep your questions short. The time is will be us. Okay, ask your question with some efficiency.

594
01:39:55.660 --> 01:40:05.400
Okay, thank you very much. I would like to explore more about the resilience that paper that has been presented. It has been very much inspiring.

595
01:40:05.820 --> 01:40:17.200
because there are some lesson. Learn from this kind of participatory action research that has been done in some areas in Cambodia. My first question is.

596
01:40:17.210 --> 01:40:26.550
how did you breach the gap between the presence of the outsiders and the response of the community

597
01:40:26.590 --> 01:40:41.350
from being it's going to be afflicted. Their knowledge! How to get more resilience in terms of financial, natural, physical, social, and etc., because this so very tough thing to do.

598
01:40:41.430 --> 01:41:00.320
because we need to, you know, building rapport and then explaining to them without dictating something new that should be inserted to their knowledge base that has been there for a long, long time. So this is a big problem that faced by many countries, especially in the South.

599
01:41:00.380 --> 01:41:05.190
to share their knowledge and inter-exchange knowledge

600
01:41:05.200 --> 01:41:10.380
that has been very much needed in times of disaster.

601
01:41:10.450 --> 01:41:20.630
You know, in claim. I change a disaster. Thank you very much from this microphone.

602
01:41:30.930 --> 01:41:35.340
So thank you for your questions and comments.

603
01:41:35.450 --> 01:41:43.310
I think it's difficult to answer for many.

604
01:41:43.360 --> 01:41:51.120
many comments. And the questions. yeah. I think that the

605
01:41:51.310 --> 01:41:59.140
 the case of the United States is not the exceptionalism. It's not

606
01:41:59.510 --> 01:42:01.870
a kind of a type of captors, and

607
01:42:02.000 --> 01:42:05.520
I think

608
01:42:06.350 --> 01:42:13.330
the same time of type of characterism is applied to

609
01:42:13.540 --> 01:42:16.689
other countries.

610
01:42:18.250 --> 01:42:19.920
So that's it.

611
01:42:27.240 --> 01:42:35.679
The the absence of class doesn't mean the absence of inequality. The question is how to conceptualize inequality

612
01:42:36.170 --> 01:42:51.150
in the context and to understand inequality. So when you're looking to India, you will find situations where you have workers and a classical working class working class. You won't find it in Kenya.

613
01:42:51.460 --> 01:42:55.550
So we have really to look in the context, but there is

614
01:42:55.860 --> 01:43:17.569
inequality, and there are power differences. But I have to understand it, and when I don't see a revolution of the working class, then probably there is no working class. There is an other type of inequality, and that's the point. We simplify our understanding of inequality when we just take a

615
01:43:17.730 --> 01:43:27.339
North Atlantic as the model. We have much more different types of inequality, and we have to understand them and to understand the real power differences.

616
01:43:27.680 --> 01:43:28.920
That's the point.

617
01:43:35.770 --> 01:43:41.400
thank you for your question regarding the the disaster. Resilience work we've been doing.

618
01:43:41.610 --> 01:44:02.859
If I understood the question correctly, it was in relation to how these kind of lofty and largely inaccessible concepts of resilience and social capital and that kind of thing are engaged with at the community level. and if I if I understood that correctly, the answer to that is that we don't

619
01:44:02.860 --> 01:44:22.130
not at first. Anyway, the process that we've used to do this, a resilience assessment is to simply ask the community members about their lives. So the indicators in the framework have a set of data collection questions that are accessible that are answerable by any person

620
01:44:22.750 --> 01:44:39.959
living anywhere as well. That's that's the goal. That's how that we sort of try to design them, and then that those that that voice, and those the answers to those questions are then synthesized by the local staff, and I should also say that it's not

621
01:44:40.740 --> 01:44:59.420
the only outsiders who are coming in to facilitate these quest for these discussions and ask these questions are the habitat for humanity, Cambodia Staff. So we're always using local staff members. and my colleague, my colleague, mentions that they are sort of

622
01:44:59.980 --> 01:45:12.679
Yes, they are outsiders. They're living in butambong, which is the main town, near near where these villages are, but they are, you know. They're Cambodians. They're from the region. They're not

623
01:45:12.800 --> 01:45:17.239
South Koreans or Australians coming to us ask the questions.

624
01:45:17.460 --> 01:45:18.370
Yeah.

625
01:45:18.720 --> 01:45:29.079
I hope that kind of clears it up. We have time for one more fast question and one more fast answer. Let's do this. So if you want to ask a question, just come on up.

626
01:45:30.910 --> 01:45:32.779
Otherwise we shut on down.

627
01:45:34.340 --> 01:45:41.180
going once, going twice, I hereby declared the session closed of 6 outstanding papers.

628
01:45:46.060 --> 01:46:02.000
Can I just add to the chairs comments about what a wonderful session this has been absolutely wonderful! Thank you so much for your accommodation and tolerance with the various presentations. Good night.