Natalia Martini: Yes, I will. I will. I will say all of the technical information. If that's okay. Okay. Thank you so much so.
Natalia Martini: welcome welcome to to the session on returning to urban new normality.
Natalia Martini: My name is Natalia Martini. I'm from Megalonia University in Krakow. Although I'm joining you today from Budapest. and I'll be co-chairing this session with my Karen Ii Barra, who is present on site and thank you so much, Macarena, for agreeing to perform a double role as you're going to be also presenting a paper during the session.
Natalia Martini: this session has been co-organized with my colleagues, Martha Smuggage, Posemska and Marta Clakotko. Unfortunately for a mix of professional and personal reasons, they are not able to join us today. Apologies on on their behalf.
Natalia Martini: and the session will be organized as follows, we will hear 5 presentations 2 in person, 2 on zoom, and one which has been pre recorded each presenter will have 15Â min to present their papers.
Natalia Martini: And after each presentation I will take one or 2 very short questions Assuming that there will be more time for a longer discussion at the end of the session.
Natalia Martini: and before I invite our first presenters. I'd like to acknowledge the traditional owners and custodians of the land on which we meet today. the peoples of the cooling nation. I also pay my respects to their elders, past and present.
Natalia Martini: and without further ado, if we are all ready to begin, I would like to invite our
Natalia Martini: first presenters. that is Sibil Frank and
I hear them coming. Okay. Hello. Hi, Hi, hi! Good. Nice to see you. Yes. And yeah, hello to everyone.
I think I will just start right away. And
yeah, thank you very much for the invitation. And I'm really glad to present our paper here. on this panel and discuss our thoughts with you today. My name is Gil Kayevsky. I'm a post-doctoral researcher at the Institute of Sociology in
Hamstadt, at the Technical University of Downstad, in Germany.
And before I continue, I think I need to
share my screen or make the presentation visible.
So I hope the
the ones who are watching online could can see the presentation now.
Natalia Martini: Yes, we do.
Okay, great.
So yes, I've set our paper and the introduction mentioned Simple of Hank as well. I'm here alone, obviously. But again, I need to mention the bill of Franc and Johan Schwenk, who sent their greetings, and with whom I wrote a chapter on the
for an Ontology on the Unsettling of Heritage during the Covid Pandemic back in 2,021,
and this chapter to a slightly different topic is the basis of my talk today on urban normality and the heritage of a vanity.
And by writing this chapter. We were in the late face of the pandemic, with a new wave of strict measures to cope with the health crisis in Europe underway
to me, and I guess for most of you this experience seems quite distant and blurry now, and the pandemic is drifting away like Ddf. Hassan stated it in the Presidential session some minutes ago.
But after reviewing the chapter and preparation for this conference, I'm confident that our sinking can inspire the debate of urban normality that it's at stake here in today's panel
by addressing the notion of urbanity and its heritage in the light of the three-year-long global pandemic.
I and my co-authors hopes to clarify some basic terminology of urban studies and raise questions about
power, or, better, the common understanding of urban normality. And these insights are not necessarily new, I must state, but I hope they could somehow resonate with the other more empirical contributions to this panel later in the debate.
okay, so that's the outline of my presentation. In the first step I will briefly summarize how the heritage of urbanity was, in our view, unsettled by the pandemic. I will do this.
my citing and hands on debate in German urban studies in 2,020 and 2,021.
Then I will continue to distinguish 2 discourses of urbanity or urbanism that came to light during the pandemic, first, the discourse
about urbanity as a idea or an ideal.
and the second one.
and I will describe a more skeptical urbanism. Discourse the highlights like the underside of urbanity.
and I will conclude by this discussing some blind spots of these 2 discourses, and evaluating how these discourses inform the notion of urban normality.
So
let me start in 2020. The COVID-19 pandemic has drastically disrupted everyday urban life, with globally enacted orders of social distancing which actually aim for physical distancing, and the urban fabric seemed to dissolve into many nomadic islands of private homes, at least for those who could afford this luxury.
The unprecedented attempts to contain this highly infectious virus have seriously questioned the foundations of urbanism, and almost from one day to another, the features of urban spaces procured as sources of risk rather than enablers of rationalization, civility, and social emancipation, as they are often imagined.
Soon after the first lockdowns.
partly provocative debates about the end of urbanism, as we knew it started in the field of urban studies to give you some examples how the idea of identity was seen to be unsettled. I want to remind you it
through at least 4 lines of discussion. first, about
the threat of an exodus of the urban middle classes was supposed to turn it back to density centers, giving up
benefits of urban culture in favor of health benefits, and this development was maybe indicated by rising real estate prices in the suburban or rural areas. Another line of discussion was about increase in segregation, so the existing patterns of urban social segregation were seen to be deepened by the pandemic, for example.
and a position between crowded partner city quarters and less densely populated suburban areas as well as remote.
Okay? So I was blocked. Okay?
And
yeah, remote working labour markets on side working labour markets. And so on. Another line of discussion, and I won't go into details to all of them was about the control of public space. So we had witnessed increased surveillance and partly closure of public spaces.
and another line of debate was like threat of singularization, which means that they experienced isolation during the pandemic
disrupted, self-determined voluntary commentarization forms in terms, bases, and even letter and reorientation towards the private home.
However, most scholars agreed that urbanism, as a way of life was not about to end. But the global challenges to contain
and the Covid outbreak reminded us of an often often understated entanglement between city dwelling and pedagines. They shifted our attention to the forgotten aspects of earth's urbanism as a way of life and urban spaces that informed the modern ideal of a vanity. And taking this as a starting point, we try to differentiate, to parallel discourses.
and a for vanity that would form a common image of urban normality.
and the first discourse bases up on complex reflections about the core of urbanism as a way of life
which lay the foundation of urban sociology as a discipline itself.
it goes back to the thinking of the reward. And Giles Simmer, who conceptualized urbanity as a key characteristic of
of modern social integration
to outline the basic assumptions of this discourse. It's helpful to distinguish between the urban urbanism as a way of life and the normative ideal of urbanity. We will to conceptualize the city as a relatively large, dense, and permanent settlement of socially heterogeneous individuals at most of you.
Yeah, yeah, no. As such urban space is the foundation of urbanism
and urbanity urbanism then refers to a specific way of life that emerges in urban space. Here what falls back on the writing of
who experienced the rapid urban transformation in Berlin in the early twentieth century, a process that attracted serious amount of analytical and creative thinking.
Following Zimm, the urban lifestyle is a specific way of responding to the excessive nervous stimulation in the habit of the modern city that is characterized, Above all, by a detached conduct which can be observed in relation to others.
Other things and people.
On the one hand, similar asserts that city dwellers protect themselves from overstimulation
by adopting a blasey attitude towards Sinks. On the other hand.
Yorkshire argues that city dwellers also behave in distant manner towards their fellow human beings, since and since city dwellers cannot get involved with every individual. They distance themselves socially.
Social integration in large cities is mostly seen to be integrations through weak ties.
Yukima describes this public life of city dwellers as a life in different, partly overlapping circles, and Louis Vert sees as evidence of a segmented personality of city dwellers that which will rise according to the social context.
these attitudes enable the coexistence of extremely different values, norms and lifestyles for the individual. This loose integration is associated with gains in freedom. At the same time they complete with other individuals on the stage of urban public life. So a spirit of competition
encourage also individuals to behave extravagantly and capriously
similar set.
Although Zimmer and Ward pointed at the ambivalences related to this motive and social integration, the urban experience later passed to a discourse that defined urbanity as an act of social emancipation
gains in personal freedom, and expressive freedom, as well as the segregated personality, were understood as civilizational advances
as a normative idea or vanity refers to the modernist notion that urbanism
and ultimately gain some civilization can be derived from a particular urban structure.
This problem and the problem is that this concept of nobody, of course, has strong bias, a description of the urban lifestyle based primarily on the bourgeois perception of public space.
and it does not take up the social reality of the working-class woman or the colonized. Accordingly.
Nevertheless, architects, urban planners, and orn theorists have sought ways
to realize the civilized civilizational gains associated with urbanism. It's a regulative idea or ideal. The this ideological notion of urbanity had become the guiding principle for action, the modern, that is the large, dense, and heterogeneous metropolis has become a normative standard, against which all large cities must implicitly or explicitly be measured.
The second, this course we appeared in the light of the covid.
Yeah, in the in the containment strategies, so to contain the covid pandemic.
And they also they revealed some of the already well-known blind spots of this already mentioned ideal.
as, as as mentioned in the beginning, the features of normal space, the blade court of the ideal of robbery were suddenly re-imagined as risk.
Density, for example.
became a source of risk and heterogeneity became another one.
Since the COVID-19 pandemic. the lockdowns and measures to cope with the pandemic, try to reduce the number of everyday encounters in cities.
the typical fluid encounters in urban space that's in is stated like we are paused by that.
This disruption of the urban way of life highlights the preconditions of urbanism in the background of
Again. it highlights the preconditions of urbanism in the background of urban daily life.
multiple urban infrastructures are constantly working toward, often in risk of infectious diseases.
People operating these infrastructures came under the spotlight during the pandemic nurses, care workers, medical doctors working at brink of collaps during spiking infection curves
autistic workers, and so on. The record of human history also shows that epidemics have consistently plunged so urban societies into deep crisis.
The rapidly industrializing cities of the nineteenth century were hit by deadly outbacks of cholera, for example, that have triggered the implementation of large-scale urban infrastructures like sanitation and ventilation systems, they enabled the growth of the modern industrialized cities
so at a subsequent level perspective, uranity appears in a different manner.
The urban is no longer a driving force of civility.
It is rather considered as a constant risk that needs to be governed and contained.
In this way
the covid pandemic has updated a well-known skeptical discourse on urbanism.
From early on urban crisis have been accompanied by elitist debates
about the allegedly immoral character of prolatinized urban populations and their living conditions. Cities were perceived as sick and chaotic. and so-called the fear of density can be considered as one of the founding scenes of modern urban planning.
facing both the threat of pathogen transmission and deprecience towards urban proletarian populations, some urban planners of the late nineteenth century staged themselves as omnis and doctors of urban society, who diagnosed urban pathologies and provided profound cure
with the covid pandemic Biopolitics also have re-entered the field of urban governance.
Questions of public health, models of infection, rate and controlled mobility shaped urban governance.
the risk of urban life, we take the center of urban governance rather than the creative potentials of urbanity, as it was
yeah, often done before
the avoidance of density and bio-political urban governance envisions a different idea of a vanity, if you understand, or in abenity as an ideology that is constituted by the interplay between normative ideas and
of the urban and urbanism. The covid pandemic has reevaluated to urban space as a so of risk and urbanism as something that needs to be provided and governed with the help of urban infrastructures. Ultimately so, there are 2 stories of urbanity, the story of civility, and the story of mastering infection, infectious
risks
to conclude. as illustrated in our paper the covid pandemic revealed to different discourses or stories of urbanity.
One discourse frames urbanism as a way of life, as a story of civilization and social progress and attributes. This values like rationality, cosmopolitanism, and so on to a typical large dance and heterogeneous figuration of space. But this ideal comes with strong bias regarding class and gender relations as well as post-colonial power relations. And that's what the pandemic has run beard. Once more it ignores the substantial risk.
but tends to ignore the substantial risk that come along with urban lifestyle.
The other discourse frames urbanism as a story of technical mastering risks and governing urban populations by different means available to the state and local authorities.
But this discourse, on the other hand, tends to neglect the fluid encounters of urban day to day life and the heterogeneity of urban space. And that's again a lesson from the pandemic
it overlooks who is taking the highest risk and main workload to sustain urban social integration.
Of course we must point out that in practice these 2 discourses can hardly be separated as clearly as our presentation presentation may suggest, we can sink of different constellations where the discourses either
come into conflict with this other, or
in a more complementary relation to each other, so they are not necessarily exclusive, and it's interesting to see where they connect at which points.
but the distinction sensitizes us for the normative assumptions that underline our understanding of urban lifestyles.
the strategies of urban governance, and also the basic theoretical concepts on urban studies as urban scholars. The distinction should encourage us to develop a terminology that is less shape and normative biases.
Regarding the return to urban nobility. The 2 discourses either mean that system of urban infrastructure, like health system sewages
and so on, should work.
It should be designed in a way that he could ward off infectious risk, which is increasingly difficult. Of course in globalized urban societies and an extractivist capitalist economic system that raises the boundary to the boundaries of the wildlife urban interface. And so on.
Or that the day today. That's another like lesson for urban normality
that the day-to-day urban integration should come back to life, although they are threatened by other factors as well, of course, like speculative real estate market segregation.
Or that's maybe an argument you can take from this presentation. We develop an understanding of a new normal
that acknowledges the precarity of contemporary urban social life that it's prone to accelerating global risks. And yeah, that's it from my side. Thank you very much.
Yes.
Natalia Martini: thank you. God, so much for this interesting overview and and and conceptual theoretical contribution. I want to ask the audience, both online and on site. Whether there is one short question.
Natalia Martini: I don't see the audience
does this work? Yes, okay. So I'll try to keep brief. Obviously your paper is very theoretical. You talk about discourse in general, so I really wondered
where this discourse is happening. Is this a discourse among policymakers in the public media, among people in everyday life. I mean, you talk. Is this among academics? I mean, what is the sort of empirical grounding for talking about this shift in discourse, I mean Zimo has been dead 100 years.
and also is this, is this discourse regionally contained in Germany, in Western Europe? Because I can think of many other types of narratives that emerged about living in cities during Covid, and perhaps not in the West.
perhaps in other cities that had to do with rediscovering the local feeling, both positive and negative, being constrained in your neighborhood, and
that may not fit in these high, very abstract, theoretical models. So I wonder if there is any sort of empirical
connection? yeah, you can
it's like
and yeah, thank you for the remark and the question as I, stated.
the beginning, like this paper is a result of like more or less theoretical thinking, as you may have noticed, and the basis
was.
yeah, the theories provided, and that's what we examined a little bit theories, and on planning
series of word and and Yorkshire, for example. And of course I mentioned the constraints of these these 2 discourses, and in the end I also mentioned that it's like
and regional constraints, and regarding class and her perception of urban space. Of course, I mean Yorkshire is highly criticized, for example, for his notion
of a vanity. But the idea was with this paper to like, maybe find 2 extremes, or like.
who would be a German expression like, yeah.
like 2 ends of a, of a, of a.
of a relationship. So and and I think.
in the way those theoretical concepts are applied to urban space via urban planning, for example. they could materialize, of course, in
biopolitical ways of governing on populations. For example, in the material outlay of infrastructure, how our neighborhoods are designed and so on. So these ideas are kind of yeah. I mean, it's still abstract when I describe it, but they are present in the outlay of the city, so that would be my
and and respond to that. But thanks for the question.
Natalia Martini: okay, thank you. Thank you. very much. Unfortunately, I have to. make a pause on what what seems to be a a very interesting discussion. Hopefully, we will have time to go back. to this at the end. And now I see Macarena ready to present.
Natalia Martini: a paper co-authored with Philippa Link on planning for post pandemic neighborhoods of metropolitan cities. The case of Santiago, the chile. you have
Natalia Martini: 15Â min to present.
Thank you, Natalia.
It's yes.
Okay.
Well, Hi.
this is a shirt paper with my colleague Philippines, who is here?
that in the context of post-pandemic cities looks at the urban conditions as evidence of social and territorial. So segregation, which were evident when sanitary measures were implemented to control the spread of Covid. In Santiago.
We remark in this paper that the scales of the city, the neighborhood and housing provide insights for understanding the crisis of care at a territorial level, where segregation and mutual support have been its main features.
there is agreement that both social and urban dimensions go beyond strictly epidemiological and health variables. We observe an exacerbation of communication
towered self-care and of different sanitary control measures, while there is evidence of collective of a collective scales of social and territorial geography, of reciprocity.
This paper shows part of the outcomes of a project that was founded by the Tina Ministry of science, a call extraordinarily launched on purpose of the pandemic.
And we consider this first objective from a care crisis dimension.
something happened.
Sorry. But this
for? Yeah, I can't
move their slides.
Natalia Martini: Oh, it froze on my Basa.
Okay.
Natalia Martini: I will. I will write to technical support
this one.
Yeah.
Hmm. it's like frozen.
We can try
that return to the session.
no, it's completely frozen. There.
you it?
yeah.
So it's yeah.
Sorry.
We have considered some concepts and ideas, such as social and spatial
dynamics. Yeah of neighborhoods, community, the crisis of care, the idea of curtain, and also, of course, some lead to regarding how gender differences are an important important indicator in both physical and social spaces of the city.
The lockdown revealed both a specific tension between gender roles and care within the domestic space at the scale of housing and the importance of social relationships
in
at the neighborhood level and the uses and functions of space in the immediate environment. Thus we propose, that was previously
that what
was previously resolved at the city's scale began to be addressed at the neighborhood scale with the pandemic.
vulnerable neighborhood.
whose use of local space is traditionally more intensive, are being redefined towards functional neighborly collaboration.
and when applied to different neighborhoods, whether in terms of self-sufficiency and connection with the rest of the city or their material and social capacities to respond to health measures.
The neighborhood scale emerges as a new dimension of social and territorial differences.
Care is mainly realized in domestic and neighborhood spaces, making the characteristics of social and territorial support at the scales
essential to understanding, a willingness to adhere to confinement measures in times of pandemic.
To address this problem we elaborated an index of social and territorial conditions for COVID-19
control and prevention measures and collected primary data through a survey to a sample of 4 400 cases, select in the selected municipalities. After applying this Index
and focus group in representative neighborhoods of urban diversity.
The narratives of the inhabitants are analyzed to see how the carrying times of health crisis reflected on the space and the challenges for post-pandemic cities.
Thus the social and territorial conditions Index for COVID-19 control and prevention measures was developed to understand
the characteristics and capacities at the neighborhood scale used to address the conditions of confinement. This is an integrated index based on secondary data that consider 3 dimensions.
first, as social and spatial conditions. second, circulation conditions, and third accessibility conditions.
as observed in the Index, social and territorial conditions at the neighborhood scale, bury greatly within the city, and have consequences for the actual possibilities of maintaining confinement measures.
thus putting strain on the realization of care.
The distribution of the Index differs spatially from traditional social stratification commonly represented in maps of residential segregation, as it combines variables from the 3 mentioned dimensions. In other words, there are different social and territorial capacities in response to confinement and isolation. Isolation measures during the pandemic.
The map shows thus the importance of the urban scale and of the social and spatial inequity as conditions for lockdown.
Considering this index, we selected neighborhoods in 4 municipalities in the metropolitan area of Santiago.
this is how the 4 municipalities
in terms of housing public space.
a built environment look like. So it's Santiago, the municipality of Santiago in independent. And
as for the survey applied, it, provided that about practices and uses of neighborhoods.
It showed that groups with worse social and territorial conditions in the in the Index are those who have a higher frequency of leaving their homes for work and errands.
the frequency of living home to attend to others and to the use of public transportation barrier across groups.
yeah, but remained considerably high during the quarantine period when the survey was conducted.
In a way those groups have less chance to respect the lockdowns
regarding supply activities. There are high percentages of purchases made at neighbourhood stores with no significant differences across across groups.
This is very different from pandemic practices where higher income groups tend to rely less on local commerce. On the other hand, purchases made through delivery and online platforms are noticeably higher in sectors with better social and territorial conditions and higher incomes.
The neighborhood scale then
turns crucial to identify how characteristics of the build environment at different scales, impact the differentiated possibilities of social interaction specifically in terms of caregiving relationships.
I can.
Yes.
The survey showed that the under differences are important when considering the consequences of the pandemic on different local practices. Furthermore, these differences are manifested, based on the social and territorial capacities of different neighborhoods in the metropolitan area of Santiago, being more significant in neighborhood with lower capacities.
for example.
regarding the use of the neighborhood for outing and strolls, women reported a higher frequency before the pandemic. Compared to men.
however, at the same time this was decreased more intensively for women during the pandemic.
Finally, data from residents in neighborhoods, in the selected districts like Laurenetea in the Vandenza la Vental, and so on, collected through a beautiful focus group, also shows how territ social and territorial conditions have highlighted the neighborhood scale in relation to caregiving during the pandemic.
In this group there are some, some testimonies where women demand greater shared responsibility, despite being in charge of managing this responsibility.
and even with
that awareness, they are the ones who took care of feeding, entertaining, teaching, and teaching their children as a higher income sector in this first neighborhood.
Here the neighborhood is discovered as a space for both supply and recreation in small, in social bubbles, like some authors, have pointed out
further isolated from the rest of the city.
Another focus group. We also see.
and some data provided, information about how work life balance had a tension between job and household course
or the issues about mobility for working during pandemic and so on.
But in the majority of the focus group women
we're in charge of domestic course. And while there are testimonies of exception. these tags were generally not questioned. In other words, they are aware that women in charge of domestic and caregiving tasks.
and that men support and collaborate with these responsibilities.
In summary admits the crisis of occur. The neighborhood emerges as an important scale of coexistence as it offers opportunities to meet basic needs, engage in small-scale consumption and uses public space.
Moreover, it facilitates the maintenance of care, such as through physical distances, which becomes more significant, and during period of strict confinement.
To sum up. we must bring attention to the crisis of care in its complexity.
This comprehensive articulation between physical space and social space is a challenge to understand the crisis, and so, but partiality of care at the neighborhood and at the domestic scale
in the metropolitan area of Santiago, the different social and territorial conditions to face pandemic shape and equal spaces at the neighborhood level which determines the possibility of building social bonds of support and care. Within the domestic space.
However, we can also see how the neighborhood emerges as a form of containment and mutual support further to structural conditions.
and finally, regarding the post-pandemic city. This study highlights the need to move towards urban and territorial planning based on the consideration of public health
in close collaboration with urbanism, a matter that should be reflected in a professional collaboration between both sectors.
Natalia Martini: thank you so much for painting a picture for us of what had happened in in some type of the Chili during during the pandemic. is there any any question?
Natalia Martini: I don't see anybody online. I don't hear anybody
Natalia Martini: in the room. So maybe I allow myself just a very short question just to clarify.
Natalia Martini: I just wanted to make sure that I understood correctly. I don't know whether you are suggesting that the neighborhood as a socio physical environment, but also as a scale or a unit. It gained importance during the pandemic
Natalia Martini: and that this is a significant difference from the pre-pandemic times in some type of the Chila.
Yes. Okay. Okay. Sorry. Yeah. Thank you, Natalie, for the question. Yeah. In fact, what we have seen is that the the the neighborhood gained importance.
and this is something that was a a feature during the pandemic in our analysis that went through the different social growth. Right? So so from upper and middle and lower class neighborhoods, we could see the same sort of a use and
re-reconception of the neighborhood. That's why one of the outcomes and discussions in our project was, I think, this helps to rethink
and provide maybe new cost concepts around what neighborhood means. I don't know if Philippe and my colleague wants to add something.
And or yeah.
and there's another question, Natalia. Sorry, very, very brief, very brief, please.
and how this neighborhood is envisioned by the participants. If you can explain, maybe a little bit. Is it really like the physical space? Or is it more like a network of family support.
friends, and so on. So how would do you have any insights? How it was envisioned by your interviews.
Thank you very much.
I think another.
It's interesting your question. Thank you, because I think it appears as a space of interaction, of of relationships. But also it during the pandemic, because at least in tile, the the, the, the lockdown policies were very strict. We spend more like 8 months in lockdowns, so it also appears as a physical place, right? A place to interact
the public areas, the the squares for the children to go out. We had a policy that was called the Sport and Sport. Well, it was a we had 2Â h or 3 during the lockdowns to go out and spend some time to do sports in part. So for me, neighborhood with green areas appeared also this physical dimension in a very important way. So I think that's also a
thank you for the question, Natalia.
Natalia Martini: Okay, thank you so much. And now we're gonna move on to the first online presentation. And I would like to invite Zenip a task.
Natalia Martini: Who is going to be presenting a paper on new Strategies for Urban development after COVID-19 Co. Offered with a Yuva John at Manja. I hope I pronounced it right
Zeynep Atas: and okay. You've promised it perfect. Thank you.
Natalia Martini: So, Zain, that the floor is yours. You have 15Â min. Okay, thank you. you can. You can see my presentation? Right? Yes, I do. Okay.
Zeynep Atas: hello, everyone. My name is Zainip, and I'm I'm from Martin Turkey. I'm currently presenting from Istanbul. I'm an architect and also an assistant professor in Martin Article University department of architecture.
Zeynep Atas: So not the so I just hope I will be okay in there. So so my, our, our research is
Zeynep Atas: and titled new strategies for urban development after COVID-19. so we with the study, we aim to discuss special and problems you will find.
Zeynep Atas: by covid. Sorry I cannot see my own presentation.
Zeynep Atas: 2 different experiences in the old city center. All all the new citizens are all Martin during the covid lockdowns.
Zeynep Atas: We all leave the crisis in our houses, but we we're actually talking about the first lockdown period where we were all in kind of panic, and we didn't know what to do. It's not like. Because when we did this research and asked people about these, this, that period, they they did not remember actually the the
Zeynep Atas: the most immediate period after the it during the lockdown, the first, the first crisis, the first period. So
Zeynep Atas: So we thought that need to re-abulate. And they that need that our our places, we leave our houses or urban environments should probably transform. So we leave that crisis in our in a traditional environment where which? I will explain later.
Zeynep Atas: And I'm noticing that we've been experiencing it differently from the people who live in different parts of the city, the new a new settlements. So we decided to document people's experiences and also the character, the their spatial experiences, and also socioeconomic experiences during the Covid lockdown in the new and traditional parts of the city.
Zeynep Atas: and to pay maybe to create a basis, to develop new strategies after the for for more self, sufficient urban and residential environments that could effectively cope with the with the unforeseen crisis like COVID-19.
Zeynep Atas: So I'd like to first give some background information because it's It's a very remote area, even in Turkey, where I'm living. this is This is Turkey, and in in relation to this is Saudi, Arabia, Egypt, Italy, and this is Turkey. It's not in is on the southeast of Turkey, on northern Mesopotamia. This is the Mesopotamia. This is Iraq, and it's on the border
Zeynep Atas: of Syria
Zeynep Atas: here. That's the it's on the southeast of Turkey, on Syrian and Iraqi border, actually, and on not some Mesopotamia and it the the city is divided into 2 parts. The old city of mine is a very historical town, and and then the the depending on the topographic reasons the city has. They built a new city center
Zeynep Atas: down on the planes. And so this is Mesopotamia. Very fertile land. Actually, it's Martin is just on a slope overlooking the Mesopotamian plane.
Zeynep Atas: So And this is the old city of Martin and New York City settlement. Oh, Martin, and they all They look like this.
Zeynep Atas: the old to center while it's a shaped organically through centers of accumulated knowledge on a slow, overlooking Mesopotamia. The other part of the city is, they will up through typical apartments where you can see in many, in many parts, many in almost every city in Turkey. on the north, West plains in the nineties. So
Zeynep Atas: The old city center is built with a traditional stone building. This a photograph. This is a picture from 1,91910.
Zeynep Atas: it looks like it still looks like a a a natural extension of the photograph, because it's built with these. The stones taken from down this down the slope the stones are taken from here and put up there, and so it looks like a
Zeynep Atas: a very natural extension of topography. And it's it's very ground that in this, in this sense of
Zeynep Atas: I sorry.
Zeynep Atas: And So this is a section that's thrown by an Arctic. I'll back to the in 1,932. It shows the, the, the, the city, and how it's it's settled. It's located on this on this slope.
Zeynep Atas: so the settlement is all all. It's so tight, the integral that it's really impossible to identify one house to see. Oh, this is one! This should be one house, and this should be another. So it's very organic, a very organic development in the this team. This is how
Zeynep Atas: it's the houses kind of located in relation to each other and on this on the slop. So it's very topography. It's really it's development all really based on this development of topography. So each house also consists of rectangular units
Zeynep Atas: they vary in size, and they come in like L shapes, or you shapes to put together, organized through Ellen. You' to create a unique special organization. So so, each house is very different from each other. And
Zeynep Atas: the thing is they, what with these different different spatial organization. They form open and and semi open spaces within the house. So these are like inner courtyards, or we call AV once these ones like semi open spaces. These are all like called a ones.
Zeynep Atas: and the terraces that enable permeability in different in different directs, both vertically and horizontal permeability, and the the rooftop, one of one one's rooftop sometimes becomes a ter, so another. So this
Zeynep Atas: a very unique special organization in this traditional city. I I live in some of the house like somewhere here, and I passed the pandemic in here. So it was a very different experience, and hearing my friends who live in these apartments in like 5Â min down the plane down there. So I, we, we told, okay, we need to talk to more people and documents, their houses and their experiences during in the in these houses. To see
Zeynep Atas: why. Oh, we need to do some like urban planning or by order planning activities or architecture and feature should develop in in another way, not this or not that, but some other way. It's create more sustainable and more tolerant environments in crisis. So this is Martin, the new new set from what's called the initiative here any means new in Turkish and City City.
Zeynep Atas: I sh here. I mean it is on the So do to the neoliberal policies of 19 eighties. And so this is what you can see, a very, a generic picture that you can see in many cities in Turkey.
Zeynep Atas: so when the initiative here is they will not be 19 nineties. People left the all their old towns. They were their stone houses in the old city center and moved down there because this was more comfortable. Mud and modern living basically. So and the the old cities. But these apartments are built like this. So you see the topography. You see this.
Zeynep Atas: this old, how all the old city builds like a very related to this, a geographic geography. And it's geography. And this is the
Zeynep Atas: how they built the new city. So it they are very not related to this topography. They do not connect to this any, all the topography. So this is a very similar apartment buildings, and if it's very similar living in very similar units.
Zeynep Atas: And besides the special structure in those years, the social, economic, and socio-economic structure of the still has also transformed with with serious migrations.
Zeynep Atas: first with the rural urban migration, and then followed by the immigration from Syria in 2,000 11, starting from 2,011.
Zeynep Atas: But in also, in this one, due to this existing source, to cultural diversity, lower rents, and prevailing local economics in the old city, it could all absorb the effects of the immigration crisis more effectively. Martin has a very, very diverse, also cultural composition, actually consisting of Turks or ups Kurds and a Syrians, now serious also.
Zeynep Atas: and Turkish, of course.
Zeynep Atas: all the day these tolerant environment. So old Martin offers us a tolerant special environment, also more tolerant social, cultural environments. Basically. So this creates a more flexible spatial and source of cultural environment. but
Zeynep Atas: And so we we did we for to, in order to reveal these these differences, we in, we designed this research in a call to the phenomenological as a research method. So we made, or we are
Zeynep Atas: making still, in depth interviews with 10 families living and or working in the old or new settlement. so we have like 10 questions a revealing to in in order to We are asking them there. how they live through lockdown. They almost forgot that. But still we try to make them remember And about we have questions about their houses, how they change their houses. What were the difficulties
Zeynep Atas: in living in their houses during the pandemic lockdowns. So we just, we met 6 families, and we are going to meet for other families. So these a represents families living in the in old Martin. so for for instance, a one. He's the cook over local restaurants in old Martin, and they all leave with their 3 children in the Also, he's my neighbor also.
Zeynep Atas: so these are my actually, colleagues from from school. And also, they're living in the old martin with their 7 year old kid. So be families represent the people living in the new city center. These are also academic. Some of them are a kid emissions, some of them are like housewives and so We interviewed them also with those same questions. So
Zeynep Atas: according to the data obtained from the interviews and and our own experience, actually.
Zeynep Atas: we find we we decided to examine this research into topics. One is 2 concepts, one spatial permeability and the other one is social. I can, I'm able to, which creates a difference. Actually.
Zeynep Atas: the differentiation in the special and socioeconomic permeability or the 2 settlements creates a difference in access to our basic needs, like clean air, daylight, food, water, and social interaction. And so the quality of life during the crisis changed actually, dramatically. So this is a view from my house. And
Zeynep Atas: is, this is Mesopotamia and You cannot feel very the the effects of lockdown in this kind of an environment. So it's
Zeynep Atas: So the special permeability occurs in 2 levels. First, within the house you have, as I showed you before, the courtyards and the dumps, the rooftops of and terraces then you have you? You move from one space to another in your house, you sometimes you need to go outside and come in. So this indirect.
Zeynep Atas: I know this direct relationship with the between the inside and the outside within the borders of the house creates this special permeability, and also with the with the street especially when you we have to stay in our home. So it's it. It was easier in this one. So this is some of the the plans
Zeynep Atas: planned drawings of of the the houses in Old City Martin.
Zeynep Atas: we try to document with photograph pictures and videos and and and drawings. So in old Martin closed open and semi open spaces within the houses. So you are being out in the open air, and via still being inside like the in within the borders of your house is is very important. So it creates this direct relationship with open air, with sunlight.
Zeynep Atas: and like you can get fresh air, and you feel more like free than compared to the apartment blocks. Actually. So it's kind of it. It elevates the effects of the lockdown in our experience and people's experience, because one
Zeynep Atas: that we be kind of documented, that from from these people to and this is the terrace, and this is the alley so, and the Terra, some another houses there, so you have the visual contact also. So compared to the definitive borders of the apartments in the new settlement, where balconies became the.
Zeynep Atas: you know, the only access to fresh air, sunlight, and social contact. So the perception of we noticed that we documented that the perceptional confinement is reduced to substantially, especially for children.
Zeynep Atas: who had to stay in these in these houses. So they, these families living in the old city, all stated that as a result of the direct relationship between indoors and outdoors. The perception of confinement did not occur during the did not occur a lot during the current time, for example, yeah. So they used to go out even during the laptops, because this
Zeynep Atas: so this is a detailed plan.
Zeynep Atas: and the
Zeynep Atas: so In the interviews with the B one B 2, and B 3 families who live in this new city center, they stated that they started using their balconies more and common the courtyard of the apartments during the period, but despite this increase in usage, they open air, access, and movement area remain insufficient. One family. One
Zeynep Atas: family stated that this family stated that they had to carry, like some soil, that earth from the parks to their house for their kids because he they he! He like to touch to the ground. He couldn't go out, because we, as they all the partners, are built like this, they relation to to
Zeynep Atas: surrounding environment to the green is is very
Zeynep Atas: is very. What is it? I'm sorry I forgot to restrict it. compared to the traditional environment, which is just very close to. I'm sorry. But you are running out of time. So if you could maybe come to
Zeynep Atas: yeah. So
Zeynep Atas: So yeah, people, especially for children. That was really really, really hard. And people were like using their bathroom in in the new new city center for for recreation purposes like for to make a swimming pool small for their children. So
Zeynep Atas: so so so you can permeability as I I told before. So as the result of this already there, there was also an already existing social, social, economic tolerance in the old city centers. So
Zeynep Atas: the self sufficient living in the old city centers supported the Sorry I was a little bit. I got excited.
Zeynep Atas: let's pass this part also.
Zeynep Atas: Okay, these are some diagrams showing the how the special and socioeconomic permeability work together. and you can reach your neighbor and also reach the like Baker, the butcher, the grocer, the because they're all your neighbors in the old traditional neighborhood, and they, the logistics, were also easier, and also the traditional living in this parts, like the house, provides for vegetative animal production. So this also helps during the pandemic reaching to the national resources. So this is also created a self, sustainable environment in the
Zeynep Atas: all to the center. So, depending on these, these, we, the we I can. I can say that in the modern modern fabric spaces are really high, highly defined in terms of conform to to modern standards and their relationship to urban infrastructure. So this high definition prevents different users, possibilities in developing tolerance. If in times of crisis, on the other hand, the flexible
Zeynep Atas: of special use in the old city, old in the traditional environments. And this direct relationship between open and closed spaces create. And this less defined spaces created more freedom and more to tolerance in time of crisis. also the
Zeynep Atas: relation to the topography and the the direct relations to topography is also became very important as we as we saw and
Zeynep Atas: so.
Zeynep Atas: We came to the point. We cannot say that it's the the best that these are to kind of maybe extreme parts. The traditional in no one can live in this forever in this traditional part of the State, or we cannot make remake these parts
Zeynep Atas: in our new living environments. But in the in the in Turkey, the in the modern developing environment, Environments special and socio-economic permeability. It should be, we say, that as key features for self sustaining urban environments that create tolerance in urban living so, and the tolerance is the mimes able to adopt to extreme conditions in in any crisis. So maybe the new strategies
Zeynep Atas: it could be developed more on looking at the more like the positive size of this traditional environments. I can say, yeah. So thank you for listening.
Natalia Martini: thank you so much for for joining our attention to the architecture of details of our dwelling, and how they influence how people endure the the the pandemic. I'm afraid you significantly extended the the time for presentation. So I will now move on to the next presentation to make sure that the presenter can actually present, and we will come back to your
Natalia Martini: Mit. Ctl. And with any questions at the end of the session. If that's okay. Zainab. Sorry. Okay, thank you. Yeah. I also apologize. So now I want to invite 150
Natalia Martini: Alberto
Natalia Martini: to tell us about the impact of remote work on us rural regions and second tier cities during the COVID-19 pandemic.
Alberto Lusoli: so much. So I'm gonna share my slides. Okay? So I make sure you're seeing the slides. Okay, perfect.
Alberto Lusoli: Okay? So well, good afternoon. I guess in Australia right now. my name is Alberta. I am a postdoc researcher at the Digital Democracies Institute and joining live from Vancouver, Canada. And before I move on. I want to acknowledge that the Sam of Fraser University campus where I'm located
Alberto Lusoli: is located on the unseeded traditional territories of the coast Spanish peoples, including the silvative Coquitlam Squamish and Muskram Nations. today, I'm presenting my investigation on remote workers attraction programs during the COVID-19 pandemic
Alberto Lusoli: and also as my as the previous presenter, also, not a sociologist. So I hope these concept will be relevant also in this forum I want to begin by setting the context in the spring of 2020
Alberto Lusoli: as the first COVID-19 wave that was ravaging the United States and the rest of the world.
Alberto Lusoli: Facebook, Twitter, Google kind base, among others, announce their plans to transition from in person to fully remote or hybrid working arrangements
Alberto Lusoli: the announcements. We're welcome in the press as the first step of a transition from large campus style. Corporate headquarters to office less enterprises.
Alberto Lusoli: The transition to remote work would have also allowed workers to leave overcrowded metropolitan areas and move into smaller, more affordable cities.
Alberto Lusoli: The supposed tech worker. Diaspora was also described as an opportunity for secondary cities and rural regions of the Us. To rejuvenate their local economies
Alberto Lusoli: and generate additional tax revenues. Thanks to the influx of a skilled workforce.
Alberto Lusoli: One way these places have been trying to attract skilled, remote workers is through remote work, attraction incentive programs or or a Ips.
Alberto Lusoli: So now I want to spend a few minutes to locate these programs in the long history of local development policies.
Alberto Lusoli: So since the 19 nineties community renewal has been the focus of local economic development policies.
Alberto Lusoli: These policies which included repurposing abandoned properties, city-wide branding campaigns and downtown restoration investments.
Alberto Lusoli: we're developed on the assumption that in a service-based economy firms will follow workers rather than the other way around.
Alberto Lusoli: Therefore, rather than promoting themselves as places of production in an attempt to attract new firms, and your capital cities market themselves as places for consumption, capable of providing skilled workers with cultural and recreational amenities.
Alberto Lusoli: The switch from cities as centers of production to centers of consumption is central to
Alberto Lusoli: Richard Florida's popular running, famous fury of the creative class.
Alberto Lusoli: According to Florida urban economic survival depended on cities, ability to attract highly skilled knowledge, workers whose aspirations and demands would determine the geography of high value added industries.
Alberto Lusoli: Unfortunately, creative city inspired approaches to local development, instead of nurturing, inclusive, and tolerant spaces.
Alberto Lusoli: have actually widened the gap between the class of highly trained white collar workers and the class of workers employed in low paid service industries.
Alberto Lusoli: This polarization, which Florida himself has acknowledged in his most recent works
Alberto Lusoli: was exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic
Alberto Lusoli: early studies revealed that middle class employees in the service sectors were less likely to be economically affected by the pandemic compared to gig workers, women
Alberto Lusoli: and workers without a a college degree.
Alberto Lusoli: In this context, rw, a. Ips remote worker obstruction incentive programs. It's a bit of a mouthful
Alberto Lusoli: represented an opportunity for workers ready to change their lives in an attempt to weather the economic storm triggered by COVID-19.
Alberto Lusoli: so these programs provide economic incentives sometimes up to $10,000 in cash
Alberto Lusoli: and other perks, such as free access to co-working spaces and invitation to exclusive events. The workers willing to move to less congested areas of the country.
Alberto Lusoli: the first, our W. A. I was launched in 2,012, so way like 9 years. Oh, sorry! 7 years before the pandemic in Chattanooga, Tennessee.
Alberto Lusoli: But the popularity of these programs increased and the number of these programs in increase during the COVID-19 pandemic.
Alberto Lusoli: In my research, I argue that our wives do more than just delivering incentives.
Alberto Lusoli: They reshape public images of the places they promote and circulate new representations of remote work.
Alberto Lusoli: And over the next few minutes I discuss if and to what extent these representations replicate or counter creative class informed strategies for talent, attraction.
Alberto Lusoli: let's talk methods. briefly, to identify the main rw, a. Ips, I extracted data from make my move.com. This is an online platform where us cities and states
Alberto Lusoli: can list their relocation incentives.
Alberto Lusoli: I identified 15 programs. When I conducted this investigation. October 2021 identified 15 programs with dedicated incentives for remote workers.
Alberto Lusoli: I then conducted a qualitative content analysis of the 15 websites
Alberto Lusoli: and encoded both the textile and the visual contents of each web page of these website into themes and sub-.
Alberto Lusoli: And if you want to follow along, I publish a a dashboard that summarizes some of the data that I'm going to discuss over the next few minutes
Alberto Lusoli: at this URL, that you should be able to see on in this line right now on this library. Now.
Alberto Lusoli: now, briefly, talk about find findings. the qualitative of of of textful contents. reveal 5 main themes employed to describe and promote rural regions and secondary cities.
Alberto Lusoli: work, environment, quality of life, quality of place, essential services and incentives
Alberto Lusoli: the same analysis. But this time performed on the visual assets of these websites. identified 4 main themes, quality of life, quality, place, work, environment and essential services.
Alberto Lusoli: Now let let's look at these themes or or discourses to kind of eco the first presentation.
Alberto Lusoli: one by one. So the most relevant fame was about the work environment offered by rural regions and secondary cities.
Alberto Lusoli: A term central to this fame was connectivity.
Alberto Lusoli: In this context, connectivity assumed free main meetings connectivity as the opportunity for your residents to connect with the local community of skilled workers and entrepreneurs
Alberto Lusoli: connectivity as the availability of digital connections to high speed Internet backbones and for connectivity as the availability of transportation infrastructure, such as airports and highways, mostly
Alberto Lusoli: the second most right one themes. What about the quality of life contents coded within the same? describe the lifestyle that new residents could afford in the promoted location.
Alberto Lusoli: and a common fret figuring in 10 programs out of the 15. Did I analyze? was social justice and authenticity relocation programs described the respective regions and cities as places for people to express themselves and leave out of who they are.
Alberto Lusoli: and this theme often juxtapose the supposed on an enemy of metropolitan areas to the outantic warmth of towns and spoon and small town cities title in it. Communities
Alberto Lusoli: The first most popular thing was quality of place contents coded within this theme refer to the build and natural environment of the promoted locations
Alberto Lusoli: programs promoting rural rural regions and towns frame the quality of place. We're focusing mostly on the natural landscape, while programs promoting cities and urban areas tend to focus more on the local food scene, professional sports team. And what are the weather conditions.
Alberto Lusoli: The fourth theme refers to the possibility to easily access essential services, such as school and education, so contents promoting the quality of the local educational institutions
Alberto Lusoli: affordable housing. And this thing played heavily on the housing crisis affecting major cities and that offered remote workers to dream of home ownership.
Alberto Lusoli: health care, availability of of world class hospitals and healthcare facilities and and child care.
Alberto Lusoli: and lastly, the incentive that theme was the least relevant, and accounted for only 8 of all the textile content analyzed this. theme included economic, financial
Alberto Lusoli: and in kind incentives
Alberto Lusoli: whether economic financial or in kind. All programs
Alberto Lusoli: have clearly defined criteria that applicants must meet in order to be eligible. to apply
Alberto Lusoli: remote workers are defined as employees of a company located outside the region or state being promoted, and who do not have to commute to an office staling.
Alberto Lusoli: but not all. Job performed at a distance qualify as remote work Bloomington, remote and Tulsa remote. For example.
Alberto Lusoli: 2 of the programs I analyzed make it clear that gig workers employed in by companies such as Uber, Lyft, and Doordash.
Alberto Lusoli: while meeting their their remote workers. Criteria do not qualify for the program.
Alberto Lusoli: while managers working for the same companies would.
Alberto Lusoli: to avoid any ambiguity remote shows another program set an additional minimum salary requirement of $52,000 a year. But applicants must meet to be eligible.
Alberto Lusoli: moving to discussion these 5 themes
Alberto Lusoli: reveal how, remote workers attraction incentive programs
Alberto Lusoli: represents both an extension and a point of departure from conventional local development policies inspired by Florida's fury of the creative class.
Alberto Lusoli: the relevance of the work environment, theme signals, an important rhetorical shift taking place on the pages of our Wa. P. Websites. These programs framed our destinations as places of production rather than consumption, by emphasizing how well connected, both physically and digitally. Their locations are of the rest of the country.
Alberto Lusoli: Further awaits break from canonical talent attraction programs in the way they rely on the quality of live theme more than on the quality of place them to promote their destinations.
Alberto Lusoli: Our wax website articulate the quality of live theme
Alberto Lusoli: by playing on the contrast between between the lifestyles remote workers can afford in less densely populated locations
Alberto Lusoli: and the issues affecting the quality of life in major Us. Cities.
Alberto Lusoli: rural areas and secondary cities are described as more affordable, safer, more laid back, then overcrowded coastal tech hubs
Alberto Lusoli: all the while offering a similar cultural vibrancy and diversity
Alberto Lusoli: species of inclusion and social justice which were central in Florida's fury of the creative class also figure prominently, and the quality of life fame.
Alberto Lusoli: yeah.
Alberto Lusoli: So despite calls for inclusion and equity our W. Ips are not for everyone, in part because, as mentioned, workers who can afford to work from home tend to be in higher managerial positions.
Alberto Lusoli: In addition, programs set their own rules defining what does and what does not constitute remote work
Alberto Lusoli: in this respect. Our wives represent an extension of creative class, inspired initiatives for talent, attraction, and replicated their discriminatory logic.
Alberto Lusoli: The late members of the creative class are offered the opportunity to live in low density yet via brand communities. while the creative Andro class, variously defined by employment, condition
Alberto Lusoli: job or salary depending on the program or left at the door. And that's all. Thank you.
Natalia Martini: Thank you, Albert. So much for this interesting presentation. And also we are staying within the time limit. This allows
Natalia Martini: us now to to have time for one or 2 brief questions. If if there are any.
anyone wants to.
So, Christian.
yeah. we have a question here.
Natalia Martini: Right?
I think it's done.
Do you want to come here?
Maybe it's better.
So. Hi, yeah, thanks for your presentation. And I was
curious on the last slide you mentioned that the
is shift from quality of
and place to quality life, and I was wondering if in your
data you can see how these city, you want to attract people from the like larger cities. and
to to the smaller city to with a program. How do they
imagine or envision or describe like the counterpart? So I mean.
yeah, maybe you can give some insight if you have something. Yeah. So there's something that I skipped during the presentation for
Alberto Lusoli: because of timing. But I think it's worth mentioning, and I think it's something you also mentioned during your presentation.
Alberto Lusoli: the quality of life and and and remote work curves of fraction incentive programs is framed in terms of community and a sense of often authenticity, and towns are described as places where people can be where they are.
Alberto Lusoli: But what I found interesting is, In the case of Florida's ideas of the creative class.
Alberto Lusoli: He described cities as places for for the as as authentic places, as places loving people to live on authentic life, thanks to loosely connected networks that allow people to live multiple identities at once, or to basically be themselves in a crowd that
Alberto Lusoli: that allow them to be anonymous, among others, well, counts, frame it very differently, and and and and described dance networks as places where people can be themselves without having to conform to previous established norms. So I found this
Alberto Lusoli: con just a position between the dense network and the more more loose network of cities, interesting, especially in related in relation to authenticity and and inclusion.
Interesting turn. Thank you. Thank you.
Yeah, thanks.
So, Natalia, shall we go to the next? The next and last presentation.
Natalia Martini: Yes, exactly. And now we're gonna have a third format for possible format, which is the pre recorded presentation. So I'm I'm handing over to you to set it up. I'm just gonna say that the paper changing demand for a city to live in the pandemic
Natalia Martini: has been was offered by
Natalia Martini: Albany is my good like
Natalia Martini: I think you should return to session display.
We are here.
and
yes.
yes, this is
Hello. Everybody. Today I'm going to present my paper titled by changing demands for a city to live in the pandemic cashier and Istanbul as a comparison of a metropolis and a country.
The
20 first century people who witnessed an important turning point in the history of humanity with the COVID-19 pandemic had to change, to explore the problems that they couldn't foresee in the past. Regarding the urban areas which consists of concrete and dozens
prioritize green while thinking about the measures against global epidemic. The pandemic allowed us not only to see our complaints about the urban areas we are living, but also to express our imagination of what kind of city we want to live in.
Many academic studies have already been carried out on our changing urban habits, while some studies point out that the demand for private vehicles.
Use has increased during the pandemic with a reading on the changing urban transportation habits. Many different urban services are offered from the use of public spaces to changing, housing, demand from sustainable city demand to fear and aql city which, from urban economy to urban poverty, from urban activities to 150
urban accessibility and mobility. When the results of all this resource are examined, it wouldn't be wrong to claim that there has been an important breaking point in the imagination of the city in which people desire to leave
in human history many different reasons affected location preferences. These reasons were sometimes economics, sometimes politic and somehow cultural.
geographical, educational, etc. and COVID-19 became another reason to choose location where to live.
Pandemic started in March 2,020, in Turkey with the first case was announced officially by the governments. People met with quarantina closures and restrictions. After that that time all these new meetings change travel, patents, road traffic, public transport, passenger members, daily life activities, etc. In Turkey, such as in all around the country all around the world
we could follow all these challenges from Google COVID-19 community models transform city to the other city according to the countries.
This graphic shows how urban mobility changed in Turkey. But it should be noted that the Graph completed the whole country, including metropolitan areas, such as Istanbul, where public transportation was used extensively and people work far from their houses and the cities where public transportation was used, less and more walkable, more than metropolitan areas, such as cruciation.
We seated. This study was built on the mixed matter toward the collection of quantitative and qualitative data from crucial and Istanbul residents. Online survey was filled up by
500 to residents and 405 of them were used for analyzing. Also some such same structured interiors were done by Turkey people.
Then you look on the surely 4 persons of participants live in Istanbul, and others live in cushion. Age distribution is almost a cure, and mostly people between 19 and 44 filled out the survey form because of the Internet users are intensively in these ages. In Turkey
most of the participants graduated from university. This station is related to the educational level of Internet users in Turkey.
Mary, the nom married participants. Distribution is also a cure in the participants. 84 persons of the married participants have at least one child.
Participants are from different provisions, but civil servants make up the majority with charge of 2 percentage
for the two-person Jo to participants living in Istanbul have a half in a household income more than 10,000 Turkish litas, which is similar, 5
100 U. S. Dollars 23 and a half percentage of parsons living in cushion had a hazled income, less than 4,000 Turkish eras, which is similar to thousands.
200 Us. Dollars.
So the 9 persons of cushione participants, and 36 part inches of Istanbul residents had a difficulty to finding a person or institution to enter as their children, due to the path due to the
closer of schools in the pandemic. This was because of the number of private institutions. Babysitters in small-sized cities, and also more people in Istanbul were allowed to work remotely in the pandemic.
You can see from the graph that Istanbul participants didn't have a chance to ask people around to to carry their children because of the social distrust in metropolitan areas. This was a chance for small
city residence
to 20 persons of Istanbul participants changed. lost their jobs or were fired from their jobs during the pandemic. This number less in with
8 percentage and 7 percentage
for the 8% of istanbul participants. And for the 3 of crucial partisans lost some of their household income due to the pandemic.
During the pandemic. Also, public transportation had exchanged 63% of those with a car and 67% of those without the car used public transportation less than the
less than the before. The pandemic participants who didn't have a card told about car ownership during the pandemic.
60% of car owners and 62% of man car owners spend more time on food during the pandemic.
and 66% of them felt happy because of the increasing walkability in their life. None happiest ones
had some reasons, such as having a child having an health issue or living in an environment which is which is not suitable for walking.
55% of Istanbul participants and 15% of crucial people complained about their living city during the pandemic.
because she participants complains, were about mostly lack of healthy and safe public transport. insufficient urban furniture in sufficient open air, theater, concert hall, green space and parks which normally they didn't have.
The Istanbul participants complains, were about mostly urban density in the and and narrow sidewalks in sufficient green spaces and healthy and safe public transportation.
51% of Istanbul participants wish to change their living city during the pandemic. This number was only 16 persons in appreciation.
40% of the Istanbul participants wanted to live in a small city during the pandemic in the pandemic. Also how it demand was changed. 79% of Istanbul participants who lived in an apartment flat
in the back during the pandemic
mind, one of them. So the mind. The one of people who didn't have a balcony wanted one during the pandemic. and also 61 of
artisans who didn't have a house with garden, wanted a house with garden. During the pandemic. Big city residents felt more alone bring to pandemic than the small city residents.
People also change their shopping habits. During the pandemic.
47% of istanbul participants and 33% of cashier people change their shopping places. Online shops increased all around the world. But mostly in big cities. You can see from the graphics
crucial people wish mostly about the sensitive and severe society, and living in a house in the garden. and they mostly felt lucky because they live in a
more sized city. During the permanent Istanbul people wished mostly about living in a house with garden
and living in a sensitive society and living less density during the pandemic, and they felt lucky because they had Marcus close their home and because they had a car.
And when we see results of this study, the findings obtained from for the city, from 2 different scales in the study reveal 8 basic findings that change in urban life. With the early pandemic
periods lost urban allergy. changing transportation has the need for walkable urban equipment, increasing awareness of the importance of open public spaces. The desire for urban solidarity, changing housing demands increase use on open air, trade, access, neighborhoods, relations change by the fear of urban llamas.
As a conclusion. The data collected within this study showed that big cities which offer advantages or services in many respects under
ordinary conditions, are at a disadvantage against small city in an extraordinary process, such as the pandemic small cities where people think more about moving to a big city became a more attractive option in this process. But residents of both scale cities in the case change their ideas on urban service expectations.
Thank you very much for listening
Natalia Martini: right? I assume that Albany is not present. Right? Okay? So we so please. if if you have any questions maybe send this, send them via email
Natalia Martini: unless unless there are any comments that anybody wants to share with the audience present.
Yes, we have a comment or a question here. A question. Do you want to come here, please.
Thanks.
Perhaps you can come here. It's better because you can see the people
something.
Hi! How to pronounce it as a napse in that.
Oh, hi.
so, yeah, yeah, Hi, I'm I'm quite interested in your research. And really funny, really, really interesting findings. and maybe because of the time limitation. I it's really interesting whether what kind of like your funding can contribute to any like have the planning policy, or some
like
architecture, or construction, or or design regulations or guidelines in the future or
future series developments.
Zeynep Atas: thank you. And I'm sorry for not like the
Zeynep Atas: sorry it's we we. We couldn't come up with a we we couldn't come up with a very like strict strict rules, of course, but the I think the like easy access to open space is very important, maybe, and also from the research, just the, the, the, the last presentation. She was also the the data was also showing that the
Zeynep Atas: I hope the need for open speed to design for balconies and the the the advantages of living in a small city
Zeynep Atas: are. Also, I think this is all about the having the direct relationship with open space. And I think this should be like utilize somehow, and also
Zeynep Atas: maybe
Zeynep Atas: I don't know. I don't know. I cannot say it right now, but I can. If you can give me your email I can. I've I have some some kind of rules afterwards.
Zeynep Atas: maybe send it to the organization or something. But I cannot say it right now from all sorry. It's just the permeability, maybe at the most. I think the crucial issue in in our houses and building the apartments depending on the topography, I think, because it's also creates the direct access to green areas and also maybe law of apartments
Zeynep Atas: that we see in our traditional environments is So so so also direct relationship with the outside and insights with the street and the inside of the house, I think, is also important for future policies
Zeynep Atas: or to so yeah.
thank you so much.
Zeynep Atas: Thank you.
Thanks.
Natalia Martini: Thank you. If if I may, I have just a short follow up question, if I may. We also have another question here. So you go, Natalia. And then, Margaret.
Natalia Martini: Okay, wonderful. Sorry. So, Zainep. I I just wanted to ask you to elaborate on a little bit this notion of socioeconomic permeability. You rushed a little bit through it through the presentation, and if you could just explain more what you meant and
Natalia Martini: how we you know, we on.
Zeynep Atas: Okay, I I we felt like, for instance, my, my, my friends and people. We talked to live in this in the apartments, who are using elevators all the time, and to who they they do not connect with their neighbors. So in where we live in. It's more like We know people like living all around us. We see them. When I go to the terrace I connect them. I connect to the street. And so this special permeability also allows the social
Zeynep Atas: permeability, but also the how this this current structure is also like this. So it's like. For instance, in the pandemic. My panic was first, like all of water. How am I going to reach water, and and or how am I going to reach bread. So the organization was easier in the small community because everyone knew each other. You, you, my neighbor, is the cook, the other is the baker, and so you can reach them. So this small, this neighborhood relationships are more like tight.
Zeynep Atas: a little more
Zeynep Atas: But in the city you don't. You do not know, like the neighbors. Mostly when you live in the apartments, you do not meet them and the social even. It's the same social structure, but it doesn't work in that in that special setting, as we observe. So it's it's worked like it. It was more difficult. People were like more alone more closed in their own houses. but we were not in in that sense.
Zeynep Atas: so that was what I meant so easy. The logistics was more easier in the social setting.
Natalia Martini: Okay, thank you very much. And we have another question here. The last one.
Yeah. So I just come from another session about disasters and cities. And so there's a connection. Because you know this detection, this session is about Covid, and how how we recover from Covid and cities. And so.
But this disaster framework is always like, you know, we go back to the conditions we have before about resilience. Right? So there's a crisis, and people get impacted and women are worse affected. And then we sort of the questions always, how soon do we go back to normal? But I mean as urban scholars, we're not happy with just going back to how things were before right. I mean, it's
really the question of how you create better planning, better, better, better domestic structures, better neighborhoods for people
that were already very unequal and very unfair and very And even and it was already in some places an ongoing crisis, you know. And so now we have the pandemic on top of it, and people just talk about how to how the pandemic affected things. But it's really on a crisis on top of a crisis that we already have. And so
I think we need to conceptually and include sort of the disaster framework, the covid recovery thing with the urban analysis. We we usually do, I mean I.
And so I just wonder, Macarina, maybe for you a question. So the women did. Did they bounce back, or did they stay impacted? By the
by, the Covid conditions after?
I mean it? Was there any long term effects, or would I mean so, or or was it unfair? To begin with, you know, before Covid started?
You see what I mean.
Okay. yeah.
I think your thank you, Margaret, for the question and reflection, too. I agree with you. I think this crisis, this crisis is important
to understand it in a wider sense, and not only because of this phenomenon and in those terms it's very interesting. What George mentioned about, like the historical background of diseases. Right? Because, for instance, you mentioned cholera, but at the end diseases have led
in a the challenges and also an important
changes in urban infrastructure. Historically so, I think this is This is something that obliges us to see it in in, in, in, in long term, and also to learn a little bit about the experiences of diseases, natural disasters, etc. So I think planning is much more than normality, and that is, that is something that
crosses all these presentations in terms of women.
I think that a pandemic so exacerbates some differences. What is interesting is what happened with women in the upper classes, neighborhoods that they like realized for the first time.
But they were in pandemic in this crisis. making more efforts with care. For instance. we got in normal types that was more equal with men.
So I think in the focus group, that was something that there was. There was a conscience about this change in a crisis. Right?
And and yeah, we could see, like a interesting and testing on us about that in neighborhoods that were that were poor.
And yeah, I think it rebuilt
right? A reality that even occurs in normal times. And that was really impressive.
So yeah.
I don't know if there's any other question, comment.
Natalia. I think we are in the time, or you want to make any final comment conclusions.
Natalia Martini: I mean, we. Still there is question. Okay, we have a question here. I don't know. Tell you. I just wanted to say, Hi, you're doing this really? Well, what I wanted to say. Thank you. Talia. yeah, I mean, yeah, we have 3Â min. So I guess it's not enough for because I I I wanted to to open like some sort of a panel discussion, but we don't. So What
I wanted to say is, first of all, I want to thank you. All of the participants.
Natalia Martini: for their interesting presentations and contributions. I really see how the the it it wasn't a purpose, but they really connected all the presentations. I think they really connected, and and and we could learn
Natalia Martini: about like a broader phenomenon, which is, I think, I'd say the the heritage of a pandemic or vanity. I'm really curious about
Natalia Martini: because we we have heard a lot that, you know, during the pandemic, the the urbanism as a way of life had been reevaluated, and there is still a need to reevaluate urbanism.
Natalia Martini: we we from the empirical studies. We we saw what that meant. I mean, in terms of practices of current access to to to open space. a remote work, and so on and so on. I'm just wondering, what we are left with. If if we agree that
Natalia Martini: that the condemning is really drifting away, and we are now already, or close to be
Natalia Martini: living in a post pandemic. at times.
Natalia Martini: then, is the is the urban normality, the post-pandemic urban normality. going back to normal from before? Or have we learned something from the pandemic?
Natalia Martini: But I guess I'm going to leave you all. With this open question you can continue, maybe over coffee and thank you. Thank you. so much once again, and enjoy the rest of the Congress. Thank you very much, Natalia, for organizing this panel. and thanks everyone for presenting and for being here with us today.
Natalia Martini: Thank you, my God, enough for helping out. I need to be a fishing.