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so, Hello, everyone and welcome to the session, biographical methods in applied social research organized by Deborah Hinaoji, Michelle A. Cottish, and myself Priscilla Suzanne.

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before I give the award to my co-chair, Michelle. I would like to share with you that knowledge of country.

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The place known as Australia comprises the traditional states of over 250 first nations. Language groups

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for nearly 50 years now Australians have increasingly formally recognized the importance of country and first nations. People's relationships and protocols for conducting business in country acknowledging country show respect for the country and the first nation's continuing connections to country

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days. It

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and the Isaac 2,023. World Congress, too, wish the cultural protocols to be known to all, and observed, the country we meet on for this world. Congress is called non-.

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It is the home of the Kooley nation, Burunjari. voiv rule! People who acknowledge and sovereignnty, and pay our respects to their elders and ancestors.

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So Michelle, at the floor is yours.

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Michaela Köttig: Thank you. Does Keller for reading the acknowledgment. And I welcome you also to the session. and say good evening to you, and good morning to me our all the people from Europe who are joining the session in this session. The contribution will focus on the link between biographical research and practice

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Michaela Köttig: by practice. you understand? Both joined research with professionals from the education sector as well as intervention that can be developed from research, results from politics, society and social work

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Michaela Köttig: as well as violence prevention. You have a total of 5 presentations, so the time frame should be used very well. Each presentation will be about 15 min, followed by a short discussion period

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Michaela Köttig: of 5 min minutes since one of the presentations is recorded, and unfortunately the speaker cannot be present there are about 10 min left to raise cross topic subject at the end of the session.

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Michaela Köttig: So let's start with the first presenter. It's Aaron from the Copelands University of Applied Sciences. In Germany he is presenting virtually

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Michaela Köttig: Hello, Aaron, and the topic of The his paper is Use Co. Research and memory work about the biographical data flourishing in participatory research settings. So

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Michaela Köttig: help. Very welcome you. And the floor is open for you.

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Eren Yetkin: possible. Thank you, Michelle for the for your introduction, and Hello! And good afternoon, and good morning to everyone, and thanks. As for for the invitation to the session

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Eren Yetkin:  I like to start my presentation with the call of the session actually and in the call it is suggest that you suggest as follows, this session is open to papers that focus on the use of biographical methods in a plight research. with my paper, I like to turn the question of using biographical methods upside down and based on the data of the research projects. But to remembrance education in

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Eren Yetkin: and our experiences within the youth work, I will discuss how the biochemical data still emerged from all ends, even though we don't utilize any biochemical methods.

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Eren Yetkin: and

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Eren Yetkin: in our project, short Peppercom, which we started in summer 2,020, we focus on the intersection of memory work and youth work to understand how young people interpret past events.

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Eren Yetkin: The memory work in Germany is organized through civil society, initiatives, memorial sites, museums, and nonprofit organizations of civic education or political education are mostly funded by the Federal State

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Eren Yetkin: and the youth work in Germany is organized in youth centers.

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Eren Yetkin: And can you hear me

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Eren Yetkin: because I get that sound on the

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Eren Yetkin: backgrounds?

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Should we switch that off. We're going to switch ours off.

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Eren Yetkin: Oh, okay, sorry. Yeah.

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Eren Yetkin: So I was on the second part, yeah. And the youth work about the year to work. The youth work in Germany is organized in youth centers or in form of Ngos, like youth confederations of different communities like the Muslim communities Kurdish or Roma and senior Jewish communities.

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Eren Yetkin: We consider you to work as the central gate for our target group, like the young people from 14 to 27

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Eren Yetkin:  Instead of biographical methods we call research with young people offered workshops trainings and meetings to discuss methods and topics. They wanted to study there. We accompanied them.

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Eren Yetkin: and parallel to that end of 2021 Here, on the second column, you can see that end of 2,021,

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Eren Yetkin: we started our qualitative study running semi-structured interviews with core researches and non core researchers, because, firstly, we needed more data to understand the mechanisms of youth work and memory regimes in the region participation. And you live worlds.

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Eren Yetkin: And secondly, we were looking for new core research, a group since back then the only reached privileged youth groups that were able to stay in contact despite the hardships or caused by the pandemic situation.

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Eren Yetkin: We get it. Our data in combination of different methods. in sequential and parallel terms.

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Eren Yetkin: and explicitly decided to analyze, based on qualitative content analysis in order to make a participation of young people. In this very step of analysis possible.

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Eren Yetkin: Our experiences in the fields reshaped our design research design. Be, for instance, prepare to questions for the interviews based on the parts. Better research we were conducting with the 2 youth groups here

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Eren Yetkin: later by we actually off to interviews, we modified our approach of potentially work again.

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Eren Yetkin: and, for instance, be shortened to duration, or for even some possible paths. Instead of giving a full-free room, which is the of of parts butter action research.

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Eren Yetkin: The data emerged in conventional qualitative methods and in unorthodox approach very in a respiratory relation. And let us to reconfigure next steps ahead.

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Eren Yetkin: We realized that the biographical work in that in a thousand and under Santa's terms, has emerged in every possible way independent from the topic and methods

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Eren Yetkin: over the calls of the project. We work with 4 different youth groups, as you can see here. with various backgrounds. Some came from privileged households like the first 2 groups

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Eren Yetkin: in this graphic.

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Eren Yetkin: Some have been living in Germany as refugees, like the other 2 groups.

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Eren Yetkin: In all of them the bike of could work got for, for, grounded from a certain moment onwards

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Eren Yetkin: to exemplify the biographical work or the by qualification. I like to set the focus on a

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Eren Yetkin: certain you group from the province, but which we work together in March on April 2023, like 2 or 3 months ago.

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Eren Yetkin: while we were looking for into the partners in spring, 2,022. A a year ago we contacted several youth centers in and around coblands. one of them in a provincial town, with a population of approximately 15,000 people invited us to see their work and meet, if it's possible, some youngsters.

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Eren Yetkin: it wouldn't be exaggerated if I say that we couldn't believe our eyes when we were in the Youth Center. Until that moment the picture of you to work on the pandemic conditions meant less frequency of youngsters, nor group Burke even, no real contact anymore, or no real contact in person anymore.

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Eren Yetkin: Yet that youth center in the periphery has been visited by 20 to 30 young people every day, all of them with histories of migration, racism, classicism, and discrimination.

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Eren Yetkin: The social worker, who was very active and interested in finding solutions for youngsters, problems, and even their families problems became our gatekeeper as well.

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Eren Yetkin: In one of the first interviews that the social worker arranged or matched for us. I met 2 young men, one born in Germany, with parents who migrated as Albanian refugees of ego, slave in divorce, who is called it, as G. 2,

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Eren Yetkin: and another who lived in Syria until the Civil War. B. 2

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Eren Yetkin: had state in Turkey for approximately 6 years, exploited as child labor, working in 2 different jobs for 16 to 18 h a day without any day off.

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Eren Yetkin: They accepted to take part in the study under one condition to to in on them.

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Eren Yetkin: Our interview was from the beginning on, dominated by their life stories

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Eren Yetkin: and experiences with racism. They were answering my questions on remembrance with examples from their individual and biographical memories. In almost the 40 min one of them opened up the subject I quote.

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Eren Yetkin: and in Hano what happened in Hano. He meant to race as far right shootings on February 19 2020. No one talks about it because he, the perpetrator, as a German Guy was ill, but when a Muslim now would have but some Muslims done, some fucked up things here in Germany, then we will have known it.

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Eren Yetkin: and of course.

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Eren Yetkin: the other informant edit. Later I quote again what happened then in Hano? Another fatal moments.

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Eren Yetkin: but it is not recognized as if a Muslim had done it. You know what I mean. It's too much racism. Here.

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Eren Yetkin: They end other interview partners from the same youth. Center pointed out experiences with discriminatory structures of being confronted with. It's races flows on the streets, repetitive policy, search, and racial profiling.

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Eren Yetkin: They reported from unequal treatment of their parents generation that got no work in permits or retirement. some compared to the refugee status with the Ukrainian refugees.

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Eren Yetkin: These marginalized, you youngsters made the youth center their second home, which is secure and open for them.

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Eren Yetkin: We conducted approximately 12 interviews there.

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Eren Yetkin: Based on these experiences, we were motivated to call research with the young people from this particular youth center.

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Eren Yetkin: You tell them more of you want to give something back for this very complex perspective they provided.

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Eren Yetkin: So we plant an excursion to a place where they want to visit.

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Eren Yetkin: which a, with a focus on the history and memory.

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Eren Yetkin: they could choose the method with which they wanted to work.

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Eren Yetkin: Following the trip we aimed at transfer for their town and Youth Center

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Eren Yetkin: does. We intended only 3 appointments to raise their interest.

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Eren Yetkin: So we contacted several interview partners and created a bots up group for the first meeting.

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Eren Yetkin: After postponing that first get together. Twice the meeting took place in March with 10 people. The group chose to visit Hannah.

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Eren Yetkin: There are 9 people were murdered in the races, shootings in 2,020, and meet an initiative which the relatives and friends of one of the victims

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Eren Yetkin: established

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Eren Yetkin: methodologically. they chose to work with pitches. This is why the project team brought to you camps to the trip.

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Eren Yetkin: even though more young people were in the chat group and showed some interest for the excursion for the trip

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Eren Yetkin: on that very day only 6 K. Which we interpret as a common aspect of the youth work that is unchecked from strict to school settings like curriculum.

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Eren Yetkin: even though we hope to perceive the group work and transform it in a core research. It didn't seem possible.

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Eren Yetkin: but not because of the number of the participants. The reason was more, more or less the conditions. How could we conduct a call research and protect our core researchers or research subjects

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Eren Yetkin: while these young people were subject? where they are objects of racial, profiling and racism in continuous terms. The idea of transport transformative practice of the past better research, where the core research is, for instance, publish something, an article or essay.

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Eren Yetkin: organize an events or meet with politicians like local initiatives and local politicians, etc., seem to be unrealistic.

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Eren Yetkin: We, the question of protecting Corey searches or achieving a further step of parts for the research. Our team prep. At the concluding group discussion.

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Eren Yetkin: on on which only 3 took part

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Eren Yetkin: with the reflective critical questions and brought the pictures youngsters made in Hano.

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Eren Yetkin: our student assistance. Melissa. They are not done in her ethnographic protocol regarding the last question to the group, do people talk about racism here? If yes, they are, in what context

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Eren Yetkin: I quote at once, there is all there is a. There's totally different energy in the room. I have the feeling. It's the first question ever which the youngsters do answer, not because we are okay, but there is a clear need to talk about to shake it off

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Eren Yetkin: here. To that. I had some out the impression.

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Eren Yetkin: They would carefully choose their words, and they want to remark things like they wanted to.

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Eren Yetkin: But now how they treat the subject is so powerful! It seems to me they are the experts of this topic, and it's plotted from all that.

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Eren Yetkin:  I come to my conclusion. Bet in a thousand, and Nadia Toma, describing their recently published paper. They are participatory project with young refugees in Australia

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Eren Yetkin: and the particular biographical method they call short stories as an alternative to biochemical narrative interviews.

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Eren Yetkin: They're the young

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Eren Yetkin: people that are. The youngsters could tell their stories.

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Eren Yetkin: Despite the brief forms

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Eren Yetkin: we thought that intention in our parts, better research projects, and interviews, we encountered biographies of young people, some finding their path back to their individual and family biographies. After experimenting with other subjects.

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Eren Yetkin: some like to one group from the province, perceiving their biochemist as the initial position.

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Eren Yetkin: In short, the live stories from their way in A in again and again.

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Eren Yetkin: Hence the particular construction of biography has emerged, not as 2 methods to collect data. But there's A. P. What of junction of the subject matter?

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Eren Yetkin: Youth, youth, work, memory, and memory work.

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Eren Yetkin: The biographical data

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Eren Yetkin: has been on the epicenter, sparkling on the intersection of institutions, family users of you.

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Eren Yetkin: personal experiences with racism, policies of migration.

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Eren Yetkin: The multimedia approach has functioned as a sort of verification tool

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Eren Yetkin: in retrospect, even though it was not the intention in designing to study with diverse methods

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Eren Yetkin: due to our experiences in this provincial town.

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Eren Yetkin: we realize that we need to discuss doing parts, butter, research, or enabling pots, better settings and not just the theoretical history of the action research also, or what the core research is gathered as data.

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Eren Yetkin: especially under what circumstances such circumstances we will enable, what sort of participation

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Eren Yetkin: plus, but not least, and Corey such an active participation in

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Eren Yetkin: research, employ that particular biographical junction

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Eren Yetkin: that I mentioned.

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Eren Yetkin: In other words, participants employ their biography, construct biographical constructions to understand an issue.

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Eren Yetkin: Therefore I finish my presentation with the question of, Is there a parts better research or participatory research setting without beyond, despite biographical frameworks?

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Eren Yetkin: Thank you for your attention and your time.

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Michaela Köttig: Yeah, thank you very much.

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Michaela Köttig: I cannot hear. It's there as people clapping.

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Michaela Köttig: so

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Michaela Köttig: thank you very much, Aaron. for this wonderful and very impressive insights on your research. Are there any questions, or comment at the audience?

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We have 1 one question.

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Michaela Köttig: okay.

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thank you very much for the presentation I had actually a question about. And what's the typical geographical effect in the research? Could you clarify, please? This point? Thank you.

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Eren Yetkin: Should we gather more questions, or

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Eren Yetkin:  first of all. the open that space to use the own life worlds a life of the young people

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Eren Yetkin: from that live for us

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Eren Yetkin: the from that departure point on. Now they could choose to work on a subject

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Eren Yetkin: that has nothing to do with their with their biographies or family biographies, and all of these 4 research projects that the youngsters developed and conducted the

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Eren Yetkin: we we observed that they somehow came back to their biographical

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Eren Yetkin: construction.

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Eren Yetkin: Huh! That they came back to their life stories to discuss, to interpret a certain subject.

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Eren Yetkin: I only gave one of the examples of these. from these research projects that the young people conducted ran, but in other projects, like in another project that was conducted for 20 months the

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Eren Yetkin: the core researchers discussed again and again what the subject should be, and then they decide that after like 9 months, that their biochemist should be, or that their family bureaucracy, or that their institutional biographies should be in the middle of the of their research projects. So the biographical effect was like

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Eren Yetkin: and finding back, I will say.

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Eren Yetkin: because it was not our motivation to do a biochemical research. But the core researchers found their way back to their biographies to understand certain issues in the society

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Eren Yetkin: or in the past like the memory work.

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Michaela Köttig:  thank you, maybe a following up question to this. can you already say something between the experiences the young people have and the concrete biographical experiences, and how they are talking now about their experience, the discriminations.

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Eren Yetkin: It's very diverse, I would say. First of all, because, as I pointed out, we work with 2 different groups that were from privileged but privileged backgrounds and 2 other groups that were living, or that have been living in Germany in a refugee status or under. yeah, on the conditions of being migrant and migrantized.

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Eren Yetkin:  the concrete biographical experience that you asked us about the discrimination

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Eren Yetkin: I was.

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Eren Yetkin: I will look more into the.

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Eren Yetkin: into, the

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Eren Yetkin: into, the experiences with the privileged

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Eren Yetkin: core researchers. I would say how they define discrimination, how they define racism before starting to discuss about the discrimination experiences of the ones that actually make every peak or a once a week a a a certain proportionally.

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Eren Yetkin: and

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Eren Yetkin: the the core research is from it privileged backgrounds. They first defined discrimination like and mobbing in the school, not in a as a structural problem in Germany

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Eren Yetkin: discrimination was more like what you were, and then you get mopped in a screw on the school yard or on the school, the out or so

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Eren Yetkin: After looking in their family bureau of Biographies or biographies of the institutions. They were like like the youth Confederations.

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Eren Yetkin:  they start to to tackle with the idea.

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Eren Yetkin: Okay, what is this discrimination, and what is racism? So they start to differentiate a bit. But I'm not sure if it's like the the intervention that we

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Eren Yetkin: made, you know. So we just gave it a certain opportunity to work together.

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Michaela Köttig: Okay, so it's it's really very interesting. but time is running. So to go on, and next presenter is debugging a a vin id and As for I already mentioned, she is the organizer or the the any of this session, but unfortunately she cannot be

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Michaela Köttig: here. That means her presentation was pre recorded, and and is titled with public policy analysis, why are qualitative and biographical for research, possibilities, limitations, and contributions?

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Michaela Köttig: So thank you for that. You start the presentation.

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But I try to hand out my work which involves financial research and the

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policy in fact.

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So to this end I represent the result of a Italian. I contact you presume, as part of my doctor's.

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And this is today's focus on the. And from these I hope to's practical reflections

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and the effects of public policies are commonly analyzed.

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and you can get one of those

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of methods such as the structure of interviews and content and analysis which operate from a quantitative logic

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signature explains a number of basis on the frequency with which they appear, say to you, explore what productivity search has best

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this. In this

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we present a context of the research methods Virgin married by mathematics, or Steve Caval, which allies in studies that analyze the index of the

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that there's already been sizes of right here in your funds, for it based on the and their opening show.

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So what is 30?

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The aim of this study was to understand

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it was a familiar program as a conditional, and

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in 2,003, which currently serves around 21 min.

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the problem provides a single benefit of a number of 600 years.

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Their moms to the richest families. They it is conditional among the regular. Many car Shakers and school arguments of children and alerts.

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Consider today as the once the policy to combat poverty in the, in the.

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to other social assistance services.

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When people access the firmware really begin to use all the services as well. Because of this relationship.

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My of these

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was focused there in his early, not only for the programs, but also on its combination with other social services

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throughout the research process, and he recognized the importance of keeping the

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it initially states myself from the concept of

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this meant that I were a friend of predetermined and frequently the essays, I should say by understand.

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will it be possible to comment on that law or function of the

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the of the?

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It was to this process that I found it before research

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in the into our comments, the bioretical experiences of the sequence, much role

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from a huge reflection

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how the research was conducted

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that being noted by that people who are  that's the tree biodivers community who squad her most church to face it on biographical.

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that

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source of data or interviews. Films, means institution of any historical goodness.

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The methods that use it to

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you didn't pay attention of the program, and their experience is worth

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the first said, the conceptual and reliable relation alignments of the microphone experiences as of

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it case her construction and name results.

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She was abstract independently while seeking to identify in each case the pattern of behavior, that

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this only structured a specific type of role, that a program was identified for each case.

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These are 3 broken-served cases in their respective types. First, the case of those are now in the discipline for them as a fire officer of resources.

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the secondly, case of osteoporosis. And the also for the the program is a really, it's you can change for a

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in the case of flattering Creator in the visa formation program as a component of a perfect network, a civilizing, turbulent provider

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due to time. These trains are your focus on the case of liar

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of

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is this. So

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in case of

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2022.

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At the time she was 38 years old she was a mother of 4 children. In between 17 and 20.

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She in award wanted to a 2 year old.

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She was already in Mars at 5 years, in the

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one

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in 1,984 that was in A

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and

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the vulnerable family environment current to usage by its and and security

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for an

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such as uncles. The requirements and immigration

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from the ends towards the children in response on this environment of

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by the sight of their affection and the on security she meet in her merit of relationships.

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He first marriage, a poor when she was clergy leading to the birth of her first children, she entered into a second marriage in the age of 18, Mary, which she had 2 more daughters

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when his second husband was, he needed to provide the globe's validity. Liar injured, and John Market in the age of

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To you widely truck on those conservatives of caring for the nose, and then disappeared also. My, give her initial access to how any social assistance services

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in 2,006 children when he considered a.

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If it affects a mind, the decisions are made from this period of our models we can see a market chief in her approach, compared to the first time she left her more. This house

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that has ceased to your life on a third person for her ignorant security as soon as you all herself in an optimized space of increase.

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So

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the the next work

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of protection and support

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by the time

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you will.

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since her income was involved, she was able to return the benefit to him by the

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Jennifer, desired that she used to go to sham France

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of other things

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passage.

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but as she saw, I applied for most of her in. The daughters started to see the benefit

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in the

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so much my uncle would arrange payment plan for me in my own.

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He handled these documents so that uses the back of the many benefits like that

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I serve

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that it's for that to do that house unless the car became

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so.

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and it's our fix. I don't remember. It should be among us 100 people.

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but then it gives up 180 yards, and then I go to the house

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in addition.

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So

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you know.

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access all the social consequences.

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such as family care for baskets, leisure and social

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is for the doors

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in this sense. When the Doris had issues with you up.

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my, the result of your family came to resolve the situation, even though the husband was responsible

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or to not as daily care

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united and participate in the

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sought by the social workers

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that had present an

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on one hand she saw him

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as authenticate slaughter, yet on the order she considered a new change in atmosphere.

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It's not all that I did not discuss could part of us believe in early institutions, neither did the professionals appear to, or Jess has received, the name of the famous, of which.

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such as the one's one, the one responsible prosecutor, what was totally an extent from the reality of the

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only when when the daughters, which in adolescence it is a true part, the abuse to the social justice. Consider! Pressured by the daughters, but also she projected by the social workers. One of 5 find 4 in 2,018

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she was the major of traffickers.

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In this case it was possible to dictate, by the importance of the benefit from the expansion of the radiation natural.

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and when you need such as huge housing in care, or the doors who are addressed with communities such as taking on the role of provide them food.

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and in the.

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So it's got a nice

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result in 78 degrees not being federalized in that message

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episodes achieve

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on approach.

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but due to that, too, highlights just in here. Contribution is also spread to the analysis from so-called, and it is, we think, in what we're required in general, based on biographic essential methods.

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So first, by universal research. She's this office on policy to people's lives.

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Which of us has a further reading of the effects by the policy's department of analysis, but it's its relationship. General.

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Second, the first. the distinction between interpretation and the theories is, remember us to understand whether and how courses determine the decision, but over time. The latest case, you know, sir, that it was the creation of multiple resources that the city would change, not just at work.

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So

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the optimus allowed products can see in differentiated interpretations of the policy effects as is inired by the truly modern findings.

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the importance of organizing for a priorities and advertising needs

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by facilitating a family in its member to generalize or handles the social services would not identify and understand their unique characteristics in needs. When these needs were meant, such as access to food. And

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is our perspective to get feedback on the to this, on the social side. What is it you want to see

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his studies merely touch on this relationship with the

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he become of transfer to the social as in sector

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as with any proprietary scientific, and it was not possible to convert a large number of features, or make numerical organizations based on frequency.

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which.

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however, this did not change their

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political generalizations. So

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this is my 3 races.

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and thank you for everyone

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in the.

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I would also like to thank Professor Michelle and Professor Louis Census for all this part, and the medical research. Here is my.

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an issue of obsession and trust and institutions by that.

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Michaela Köttig: Yeah, thank you to to Deborah. And it seems very real realistic, isn't it? when she is talking about this

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Michaela Köttig: so? But we cannot really discuss the research together with her. And that means we are going and going to the next presentation. it's from Brussels. And so S. And Gabriela Baki.

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Michaela Köttig: Both are from the Catholic University of Rio Grande, the Zoo in Brazil, and and I think they are in presence in in Melbourne, And the title of, as their presentation is episodic interviews in the investigation of safety events, and and cast industry in Brussels. So

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Michaela Köttig: ha! Very welcome, and I'm very happy that you are there and can be present face to face.

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Thank you, Michelle.

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so I'll give the word to my colleague first.

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There you go!

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Good evening and morning to everyone around the globe. Thanks to the session organizers. And today we present about episodic interviews in the investigation of safety events in the oil and gas industry in Brazil.

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It's okay.

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We'll talk a bit about the type of research that originated the tool that we came up with, the tool itself, which we call it episodic narrative interview. and how the implementation went, since we had the opportunity to perform a workshop with workers from the industry.

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talking a bit about the background. This research came from a demand from the oil and gas industry, a high-risk industry where accidents can cause significant environmental, financial and human damage.

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And because of that there is a worldwide search for the implementation of human factors, which is a feud of study with a systemic view of the factors. Individual team, like technological organizational that influence human performance in their work activities.

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The 28 factors, the center for applied research and development and human factors and resilience from our university bouquetes was created, taking the form of an interdisciplinary project, consisting of linguistics, aeronautics, psychology, social work, Resilience, engineering, and Sociology, where we conducted and analyzed biographical narrative interviews with workers of the industry.

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And from this first stage the findings that we got led us to develop an action research based on the triangulations of methods, sources and results collected from this disciplines

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in the action research phase. 4 thematic working groups were created according to the main findings from baseline studies. We partook of the operational safety event and Alice's working group looking alongside a company at the multiple factors that influence or contribute to the occurrence of a safety event. Be it an incident or an accident to avoid its recurrence and to provide organizational learning.

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Our strategy was to follow accident and incident commissions from different offshore units, totalling 6 online commissions and 72 h of non-participent observation analyzing their composition were dynamics, documents, methods, and tools used.

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So some of the main findings that we got from these commissions were that interviews are generally structured in yes or no questions that confirm or refute preconceived hypotheses, leaving no room for a broader description of the context of the incidents and accidents.

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because of a strong retributive culture in this type of industry, interview with fear, retaliation, and therefore tend to be compliant by answering accordingly to organizational norms and regulations, instead of what actually happened at the moment, they try to talk about how they knew things were supposed to be done

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mainly the investigations become a quest for culprit and root cause, human human error, equipment, failure, lack of ppe and sufficient operator training which steers them away from a systemic analysis, one that takes into consideration all the distal factors in a broader view that would consider different levels of the organization as well levels that can influence each other and is primarily focused on learning and prevention.

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So there is an attempt to implement a new view and safety, one that searches for the interrelation of factors that favored the conditions for the error to happen. But the methods and execution are still stuck in the Aeville which focuses on proximal and individual factors ignoring organizational context.

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So along with the company, we came up with the question how to promote methods and implement practices, guided by the new view and safety.

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And that's what we came. that that's what we developed our tool from. So the episodic narrative interview was formulated for safety event, analysis, and it is originated from Flick's episodic interview in Rosenthal's narrative interview.

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Slick considers that subject's experiences are stored and remembered in forms of narrative, episodic knowledge, and accessing these makes the process of understanding concrete situations, and circumstances more readily accessible.

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Frozen tail points to the importance of deepening the interview with the emerging mathematics, following its sequence and content when posing questions from the interpretive approach, interpretations and hypotheses are driven from collected data and not from formulated preconceived assumptions.

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We divided this tool in 2 main parts, the first one being the conduction of the interview, and the habit which would take place before the interview itself. and as for Part 2, the analysis, we idealized it when we came up with the tool, but it was not fully developed in practical terms, so it will not well on it in this presentation.

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So the first step is the initial narrative question.

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and prior to it we brought attention to dehydr, which is something that they did not know of before, and the concept of having to be wary of the environment where they are interviewing the person. If there are others around them that can make them uncomfortable. If there are potential situations calling for their attention, they might disrupt the interview. This was all very new and important to them.

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and then, starting the question, we would instruct them about the form, how to pose a question in a generative way to induce generation from the interviewee. And this was our main point, because questions before were being posed in such a binary form that they could hardly get context from their answers no broader information or details.

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We also instructed about active listening for them not to interrupt or guide interview with, to person or the company's interest. and about not taking to write down keynotes in the order, and the same words that the interview he said

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for the first generative questions we came up with 3 different openness levels that they can consider using, depending on the event that occurred.

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a more complex event, one that involved more people were caused a bigger damage, and that would need more details, would have a question of maximum openness. For example, can you describe your working day in detail since the beginning, passing through the safety issue until the young of your work shift

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in different scenarios. It could be a medium or a minimum open as approach. a medium would be adaptable to necessity.

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so do they have a lot of people to interview. Can it change according to the person closer or more involved with the accident. And, for example, here it can be just related to the operation. So how did it start and develop

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and then minimum openness?

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If they had too many people to intervene when the time was to let out, maybe just focusing on the safety problem itself and constantly posing the question in a form to make it generative of a narration. So could you tell us in detail, what were you doing? What did you see?

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Okay.

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the step 2 consists of the and death narrative questions now generated, questions should be posed for each keynote written from the answer of the initial question.

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As an example, we have a short segment here.

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I had just been transferred to this unit, and a generator cut fire. I was alone on the walkway. I should not have been

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having written down, Kauf caught fire as a keyword. A possible question would be. You said initially

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that you had just arrived when the generator caught fire. Can you tell in more detail what happened, and the same goes for all key keynotes. The interview. We must attempt to use them to pose questions that provide narrations as an answer

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step. 3 differently consists of questions that do not require narrative answers. More personal data can be asked. So job positions, how long they have performed their current job

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and points now brought up by the interview, we can be asked about. If the interviewer is aware of important details from prior interviews.

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Binary questions can be presented now, if needed. But into your interviewers do do need to pay attention, not to turn step 3 into a structured interview. This must not serve as an opportunity to make it a regular questionnaire, and most of the information must come from the narrative and just inducing questions.

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Thank you gambling?

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So after building this tool, together with workers from Petrogras, from the company we were, I would say, lucky enough to have the opportunity to give them a workshop that

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would also be an opportunity for us to co-produce again with them, so to provide them with new information that they could appreciate in terms of their work experiences, and what could actually be useful for them in their daily work, investigating incidents and accidents.

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So

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the theoretical practical workshop took place in 2,022, with 17 participants from Petrobras in the age as a department which is health, safety and Environment department.

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and it focused on 2 main areas. So the first being concepts, notions, and assumptions from interpretive social research, such as openness, sequentiality, active listening, narrative principles.

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and the second part was more focused on practical exercises, so they were able to row-play. Being the interviewee and the interviewer. This practical exercises were quite important

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for them. So after the workshop a a group of participants implemented the tool during the conduction of an Accident Analysis Commission, so we were not expecting that we were not expecting that they would actually implement the tool. But we got to learn that they they had the opportunity to use in an an Investigation Commission of of an accident that happened right right after the workshop.

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So this was really important, because we were able to have a feedback session from them. So to get more inputs about how this tool was useful or not, and what could be changed so that it would, it would be more useful to them So the first thing they told us was that there was a significant change in the way they think. Oh, sorry. Yeah.

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There was a significant change in the way they think about accident investigations. So they said, first we have to look at data, then we formulate hypothesis. It was before it was the opposite, so they had to rush

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into giving answers about why the accident happened so they would formulate hypotheses and then go to the field and do field work to understand if this hypothesis were right or wrong, if they should refute or not this hypothesis, so there was. Now we are naming it like this. So there was a transition from a deductive to an objective perspective view.

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The second thing they told us was that not following the the the exotic interviews help them not fall into retrospective bias, which is very common in accident investigations. Because if you want to find the cooperate. If you want to find someone to blame, it's easy to say. Well, how could you not see that this was about to happen? It's quite easy to say that so we call it retrospective bias.

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which is a tendency for people to perceive past events as having been more predictable than they actually were, precisely because the outcome was already there.

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So the third point was that the structured and focal questions that they were priorly using lim to the scope of the response provoked defenses

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and keep the interview is fixated on technical causal explanations or compliance and compliance is very important for this industry, which is basically the need to be in accordance to norms. So their interviews were basically to check. If people were in accordance to norms or not, if they were complying, compliant or not. So there was a change in that for them.

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Another thing they pointed out was that episodic interviews gave them a better access to work as actually done. So there is a difference between and this is from the human factors. Area difference between work has done and work as imagined or as planned. So when you ask yes or no questions, or when you ask questions that will raise justifications and arguments. What you have is work as plan how things should have been and not how things

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went So they said that the episodic interviews could give more dance details, context, and how different factors interacted in a given situation in terms of of things of how things happen.

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So something else that they pointed out they recognised that as symmetrical power relations during the interviews could influence the content and framing of the interview potentially embarrassing the participants. So at least this group told us, they were not aware that putting someone with his or her boss

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being the interviewer that this cannot affect, they didn't know that this could affect the interview. So this is surprising to us and for them as well.

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Something else they pointed, is that there is an adequacy between available analysis models. So the models they have to understand and frame accidents. Investigations are quite linear, so are focused on cause and affect relationships

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and the type of data they got from the episodic interviews are quite dense, and did not really fit the models they had, so they had to chop interviews in a way that they could Fit this model. So there was a force fit what we call force fit.

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They also pointed out that the density of the data collected imposes challenges because of the time constraints So we have the forest feet phenomena because they don't have available models to use this type of dance data. But they also don't have time to do that, because they have around one month

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to provide answers to people in high in the hierarchy. So

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so this is an environment where quick and objective answers are sought. How so? How can we adapt this kind of data collection, this type of perspective, this this type of of E to theological background. with this, with the needs of this kind of environment, of this with this type of industry.

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So finally, they said that there is the need for greater theoretical training of those who will conduct the interviews in terms of principles and foundations that support the interpretive of view. So They understand that the main epstemological assumptions that we show them should be adopted throughout the whole investigation process, not just during the interviews, and that people will need training for that.

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So they said that a step by step, interview protocol is not enough.

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So in conclusion.

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we state that episodic narratives, narrative interviews have succeeded in being an approach more aligned with the human factors, principles that are sought in the oil and gas industry. But there are many difficult encountered for the implementation given the difficulty of the tool especially due to the theoretical complexity

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which points, I mean, here we are talking about how they had to change the way of seeing the world, not just using the tool.

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and which points to the necessity of a longer period of training and implementation. Guidance not often made available in the in this industry. We are also talking about engineers. I think this is important to to highlight. So the next step, as Gabrielli told you. we have already developed a

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kind of develop it, a way of analyzing this data. But the next step should be proposed, and analysis methods suitable for this type of data collected through episodic interviews adapted to this industry. So this, this is something that we would like to negotiate in the future with the company.

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These are our references.

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And thank you so much.

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Michaela Köttig: Yeah, thank you very much. both of you. And now I'm asking for questions and commands.

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 so formal. thank you.

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It's a different presentation, right? Because it's applied social sciences or sociology in this case, and sort of I think that you replied my question just at the end, when you talked about what was the word that you use? Sort of communication or dialogue with the company because you you stress at the beginning that, of course, these assessments of risk focus on the individual level

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and in a much structured way to understand or to identify any problem related to risks within the industry. And I was thinking, does this model

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would change the focus in the individual level because it could, it could simply just reproduce it. But at the end I think that you said the the opposite, that it could be

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sort of reframing or giving feedback to the industry itself and change. But my question would be, What's your opinion about the potential of this method, or of this approach? More inductive in changing the focus of the company. That that's a huge question. Sorry, it's a great question. Actually,

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So we've been following

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we've been following the progress, let's say, of this

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of this tool in the company, and something that we've learned is that people applying this this tool people from from the safety department. Applying this tool.

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it started after the workshop. They started. I I will! I will use this word. But they started almost preaching this change in perspectives?

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From it the individual

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to the collective and to the systemic view that that safety, too, requires. Remember safety. One individuals have to a more systemic way of approaching groups.

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sorry. Sorry I'd view any of you. Yeah.  And so I've learned that

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people started using the tool as we were calling it, and within a few months they started to adapt a tool

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in a way that we can see clearly that the individual perspective is coming back.

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So what I what I do, think that it is possible to make changes in a more organisational level. But it would require for us to make to have follow up encounters, regular encounters with people, and that they we could.

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we could make them

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capable. We could have a group capable of learning and spreading what they are learning to others. I think this would be quite important.

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Michaela Köttig: No, it's not a question, just a a comment.

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Michaela Köttig: not not time to make a discussion. I'm really sure we have a lot of questions, but time is really very short.

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Michaela Köttig: So and we have to give the other presentate presentations. And enough time. Maybe you can talk together after. Sure. Okay, And the next speaker is Martin Demarc. Oh, so we can go this command after

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Michaela Köttig: I'm not sure if I understood it right. You are connected to the University of Oslo, and also to the National Scientific and Technical Research Council in Bonus Iris and Argentina right?

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Michaela Köttig: In any case. the title of your paper is semi-ide offenders and red trajectories.

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Michaela Köttig: identification and prevention points based on biographical narratives of pap perpetrators.

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Yes, thank you.

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I by mistake I swap my presentations. This should have been presented in another session. It's equally suited for here, but I have a question

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by raising hands. Who knows what famicide is?

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Okay.

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it would be like 10%, no, okay, that's good. right, when it's great. So I am working at the Department of Criminology and Sociology, of Law at the University of also, and this is a presentation completely out of my comfort zone. So I've most of my work is within narrative criminology or narrative sociology, and very much in line with the German tradition of narrative analysis. And here I'm doing much more. If I live history or trajectory analysis of

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genocide.

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yeah, I'll start to it. so us. 90% of, you know. Now, femicide is the intentional killing of women or girls based on their gender and we have a quite a lovely and lively discussion about that term yesterday in another panel. that's a turn not specifically about Latin America, but it's quite widespread there, and there has been an up uprise in social movement and grassroots,

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movements as well. In all the region.

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 we have semicide specific criminal laws in in South America, including Argentina, Brazil, and so on.

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However, during the last decade the rate of femicide in the region has been constant, so we have haven't had a drop of famicites in the specific countries, most of the specific countries. But as a as a global rates, I think that Brazil has the same trend that it's quite stable, and we do as well, although with different levels of intensity.

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So I'm interested in how science looks at femicide and the a book that was published a month ago, and the book launch will be tomorrow. that's just a spoiler. The international Handbook of Femicide and feminine side of Redlich sort of proves my point. Most of the research within sociology and other fields. A femicide focuses on statistical trends and risk factors.

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risk assessment and law, law, enforcement, social movements, representations, and an extremely marginal field of interest in live stories and life! Histories of perpetrators!

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At the same time we have a very intergenious legal frameworks and definitions of what femicide is, and how can it be defined and measured, and under registration of the of the phenomenon itself, and then quite honest reluctance of researchers to conduct interviews with men that have killed

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At the same time several institutional barriers to study these. So this might explain. I'm not completely sure the current situation of the academic field.

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So, as I said, there's a very marginal field within the, you know, gender-based violence area which looks into the narrative and hermonautics of perpetrators. But at the same time there's, perhaps an older trend in looking into live courses of the perpetrators.

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So my question here the premise is that you know that femicide is usually the culmination of a long history of abuse in a relationship. That's I'm talking about specifically intimate samicides. So famicides occurring within an intimate partner. And I didn't explain, for the 10% femicide, as I said, is usually within a relationship.

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So if these femicides occur after a long relationship that usually takes months and years. what happens before, so the premise would be that the perpetrators have some sort of coercive, controlled strategy.

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and

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people don't live in isolation, so they must be in contact with other networks. Other people and other institutions. So my question here it's it's too. But I will just focus on one. It's which strategies were developed by the perpetrators to actually manage and camouflage violence so so many years. What happened there? Nobody knew about it. What happened with the institutions. It's sort of like a slightly like in the conundrum, I would say in current times, not in 1940. S.

401
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And the second question which should be linked is, which narratives actually instigate these practices. So which ideas and beliefs are used to propel this

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due to time, I will only focus on the first one the first question. So this research is part of my my main research project, which is called Kramla Crime in Latin America. And we are basically conducting narrative interviews in 7 countries of the region. Bolivia is missing there which is being being developed in

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Oslo. We've conducted narrative interviews completely open-ended

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and sequential. So we have at least 3 encounters, 3 meetings which it a participant lasting hour and a half, 2 h, depending on the social scenario

405
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we followed for the project itself. quota sample, depending on crime. age group and country for this specific presentation, obviously just looking into femicide. But the the project itself is more it's more broad. I'm here. I'm looking into male perpetrators of femicide who are in prison. And we did. we conducted at the interviews in Spanish and Portuguese

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for this project here. I'm analyzing 41 cases, which is massive.

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123 interviews at at 2 h. And we did and this connects with the previous session that we had this morning with Emilio visual representation. So we did. We asked them to draw live fines

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which were used on the one hand to foster the conversation and to allow them to speak more, and at the same time helping us to understand how they structured and segmented their lives.

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basically. I mentioned this before. But we have some here interviews of Argentina, Brazil, and so on. And for the analysis of this data, instead of doing a more narrative, usual narrative analysis. In my experience, at least, we did a thematic analysis of the interviews, looking specifically into practices

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and narratives in a very broad sense, and it was completely inductive.

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This obvious disclaimer is quite a sensitive topic. So I'll be mentioning some quotes which are not very nice. So this is a visual representation. And we are discussing. This is an ongoing paper of

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an ideal type, of a relationship between victim and perpetrator. And we identified these as the main practices that we're used to perform some certain forms of control course of control, breaking up the bonds targeting the outside world, locking access to labor market, targeting the body, blocking access to health institutions and strengthening bonds with male peers. By the end the FM cycle.

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as I said, I am was linking these narratives interactions. But I'm in this sense. I'm linking the actions with the ideas to sustain them. So the first one breaking up the bonds, and these for those of you who are familiar with gender-based violence. As I feel this might, some seem quite obvious. So a first thing is that These men in their live stories mentioned different ways of breaking up bonds that the victim had in her life. So friends, family colleagues, neighbors.

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units, and this was in very different ways, and thematized very differently by them. But the actual action and the consequence was quite similar that was creating fights and conflicts.

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But at the same time this implied strategies convincing the victim about leaving these people or leaving this network. These at the same time had neutralization or moral neutralization strategies and rationalization. To convince this was unpairing. The actions with the narratives that were used to justify those actions.

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Second thing with conflict with the outside world. So the previous one was more specific. But this was more general. There was a general attempt to weaken the any type of socialization, area or space. And this might have include whatever the thing was just to encapsulate the the relationship into, perhaps the private house.

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And this implied, as a consequence, a change in the dynamics specifically of her dynamic and social life and social. Yeah.

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a third aspect.

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I was slightly shocking, which is targeting the body. We named it that way, and this implied different ways of controlling the physical body of the victim. So we knew that insults and criticism of the body and the look and the outfits is quite usual within violent relationships. But we found some cases these are extreme cases, but they might be considered indicators of something a forced medication.

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So one of those cases was the victim was aware of, of course, didn't speak with the victim, but was aware of it, and the other one, now that they were deliberately used medication to control the victim, and at the same time strategies to lock her in, and that implied the house like the most extreme example. But the neighborhood or certain form of environment.

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a fourth practice or group of practices was blocking access to the labor market.

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I'm pushing ideas about that the woman shouldn't be there, and these again had a lot of different ways of being used about performance, children, emotionality, or that working would change their dynamic. This was, of course, peered with ideas of jealousy and control.

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and a specific thing was actually stating that working creates attention in the private, private, intimate life. At extreme cases. We had direct threats if she would go to the, to the office to work or to going back to work for older women in some cases.

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And here's sort of the most interesting part.

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So healthcare a group of practices with blocking access to health care in all its ways, and we know that it's quite crucial in understanding journalists violence. The contact with public institutions, especially with health.

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So one of these strategies was distancing her from the usual health care practices. In some of the cases. This was

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a base, a basic control of checkups. In some of the cases it was more communal ways of healthcare practicing and a specific type of practice within this realm was distancing or opposing to. Of course, seeking aid within violence, specific programs which are well known and quite extended in all South America with different levels of effectiveness.

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Prohibition was the extreme example. and the sixth one is perhaps more interesting for me that I'm thinking about prevention points and public policy.

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The relationship is not in isolation. And here it was quite obvious, because the male friends of the perpetrator had a crucial role.

430
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So in some cases, or I would say in half of the cases we had the a description of friends as supporting them in some way and bucking them up regarding Ipv, so they basically validated, or they felt validated by their friends.

431
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We had some other cases in which friends or the networks of friends were literally covering up forms of physical violence, and we had 2 cases in which friends covered up the same side, or tried to at least

432
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so the interesting part about looking into bystanders is that the the focus is not the diet of the victim perpetrator, but the network of people around it.

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So some conclusions, now that one of them for me, it's quite interesting that within this field, with this gender-based violence.

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gathering data about the perpetrator is not usual. So biographical research is quite crucial because we cannot talk to victims. So these these men are, we need to talk to them. And we need to understand a lot of the things that

435
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develop before the feminine. A first aspect for the conclusions in more broader terms is the commonalities in the different contexts. So I'm comparing 7 different countries here.

436
01:18:46.860 --> 01:19:05.569
which are not the same on the with us and our Argentina have nothing a log except for language, and barely, and however, we found similar patterns in these practices and narratives as well. Narrative, not in a specific way, but in the more general way about discourse and neutralization. Strategies.

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and a thing for us that we are looking into prevention points is what happened to institutions here. So of course, we're looking into the false cases because women died here, but there was no contact with institutions, and that's something that within the Gdb. Field. It's quite well known. It's like we need to know how institutions and by standards are working to prevent or not prevent, foster

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any type of change. Male peers as accomplices was for me completely interesting, because it's not very well documented how we male friends or friends in general, help or not, or prohibit or do something about this.

439
01:19:47.190 --> 01:20:11.469
 This is sort of a struggle, because in certain fields this is, we are working within sociology, criminology. But we are thinking in public health. This type of research is usually considered quite limited and biased because our interviews, we we're using interviews. And this is considered discursive data. So it's not so objective. I don't agree with that. But it's usually discussed within public health.

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But we have to mention that the enunciation context of these

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life stories and life histories was prison. So I would have expected to find much less blatant information, much less acknowledgment of cohesive control. It was not so. There's something quite weird about how the criminal system is working that there's

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no such modification. It might be different with battering men program for men that haven't killed. And we yet have to analyze how stigma and labels work, shaping these narratives and shaping how we gather information specifically about these.

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As I said, however, in spite of these things that might be considered limitations. This type of approach allows to link action and discourse which is usually divorced within this field.

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It provides nuance to pre-existing literature, and it provides first on data and femicide cases which is quite rare. And it's not very

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well regarding in certain fields, especially in mainstream feminism.

446
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Thank you. Any type of suggestion and criticism is welcome.

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None.

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Michaela Köttig: thank you, Martin. In this very deep insight, in this very, very set

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Michaela Köttig: crimes.

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Are there any questions or comments. We only have 2 min left, so it can be only one question.

451
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We have one building as well. Right.

452
01:21:46.370 --> 01:21:58.999
Thank you very much for your fascinating talk. I have a question about subjective temporalities, because I'm conducting research on the other half of the story. So on, survivors.

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And I'm dealing with subjective and priorities. So one thing is to interview someone right away soon after the facts. Another thing is to interview the person 2 or 3 years after the fact. So how do you deal with that? I suspect this might be the same, maybe, with the perpetrators. So someone who has been in jail for 5 years will have a narrative which will be different from someone who has been

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so just arrested. I mean, he's that the same. And how did you deal with that. Thank you. So

455
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I will be fast. we didn't interview men, or we don't interview men that have just been in prison. It it implies a lot of some weird but emotional turmoil for them all this process in in various different ways, but all the interviews that we conducted were from year year and a half onwards. But we've interviewed men that have killed

456
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10 years ago because of the you know, the low allows up to 10 years.

457
01:22:57.800 --> 01:23:10.319
it definitely changes if you compare them in one specific country. So you don't have the cultural. You know context as a variable, it definitely changes the rationalizations

458
01:23:10.390 --> 01:23:24.999
definitely, especially because we have a contextual difference. You know, a feminist movement now is quite different from 10 years ago. In some countries, so it definitely changes. How they talk, who they, what actors are constructed, for instance.

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01:23:25.130 --> 01:23:40.539
women in pearl and feminine of feminosis. It's quite usually in men that I've killed more recently. not talking about this specific sample, but in general, however, regarding the the action, the identification of actions.

460
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I wouldn't say there's much of a difference there probably is if we dig into that and analyze it more

461
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hermonotically. But I wouldn't say that it's this thing that it changed so radically when I analyzed it in this first analysis that we did.

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Michaela Köttig:  yeah, so many aspects I we can discuss. But I'm very sorry if you have to to keep going. And thank you so much, Martin, for your presentation. Very interesting.

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Michaela Köttig: Thank you. Coming now to the last presentation. and I hope on Ella Lorenza is also

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Michaela Köttig: in.

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Michaela Köttig: Oh, so it's a wrong presentation. Anella Lauren is also face to face in Melbourne, Melbourne, and and I'm very welcome her. She's working at the University of Applied Sciences and Arts of South and Switzerland, so speak, in Mano.

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01:24:46.200 --> 01:25:09.640
Michaela Köttig: I didn't. There is no problem, no problem. It's on Ella in the room perfect. So the the title of her paper is coping with no access to social assistance. The qualitative long E, 2 channel study in signal parents live course, and

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Michaela Köttig: I welcome you and hopes the presentation.

468
01:25:13.570 --> 01:25:17.029
Michaela Köttig: Yes, that's working perfect.

469
01:25:21.440 --> 01:25:44.989
Hello, everybody. Thanks for inviting me to give this presentation. My talk is about non. Take up of means tested benefits, and how this affects the life course of single parents in Switzerland, and specifically in French, speak in Switzerland, which is the area, including Lausanne and Geneva, one of the most urbanized areas in Switzerland.

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just. I don't know how to doesn't go on.

471
01:25:50.040 --> 01:26:02.539
 I'm on the fourth try. So I'm not. Ok, so just very briefly, an overview of the literature.

472
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most of the literature dealing with the relationship between social policies and life course developments. Look at looks at the positive I would say. The the positive impact that policies can have on people's life course and also on how the life course is institutionalised by social policies. As soon as people

473
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go through, for example, the education system or other policies like, for example, the the pension system in another part of the literature also looks at risk management policies, so policies that are intended to that are situational, in that they help people face critical transitions, but still

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with the idea that policies generate something positive in people's lives. So my argument is that it is at least as important to see how policies

475
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interfere with people's life course in a negative way. So what happens when people don't get what they what they need to get in terms of benefits when they are in difficulty in, in in difficult situations. And this is typically the case. I'm not take up or means tested benefits

476
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now, no take up can be the result of 3 can result from 3 different situations which can overlap anyway. So it can result from the client's behavior. This is typically the case of people don't claim benefits because of stigma, because they think it's too complicated or

477
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too much paperwork for having little money, for example, it can also be the result of administrative actions, whereby for example, the administration providing the benefit, does not provide enough information on, for example, how to access the benefit, or they make mistakes in calculations, for example.

478
01:28:10.890 --> 01:28:26.139
and tertiary type of No. Take up deals basically with policy design. So it is not a matter of clients. It is not a matter of my administration. It is really a matter. It is mostly a matter of how targeting is defined. So the way targeting is defined

479
01:28:27.180 --> 01:28:46.019
so. But if we want to investigate the relationship between policies and life course, we also have to see, not just to see how policies interfere with life course. But also how people people's life course interact with policies. So how people react

480
01:28:46.020 --> 01:28:59.369
to the context, including policies when they don't get benefits. So in case it's on non- take up. And this is particularly important in Switzerland, because non take up, he's

481
01:28:59.370 --> 01:29:19.470
a very crucial issue. And so the point of my study is to investigate how single parents, as one of the most numerous groups of beneficiaries of means, justice benefits. So how they cope with on, take up, and how no take up affects their life course, development.

482
01:29:19.480 --> 01:29:38.700
So for any of you who are not very familiar with the social security system, the Swiss social security system is mainly based on insurances, but there is a very important part made of means, tested benefits, 250

483
01:29:38.700 --> 01:30:06.720
mit. Ctl. And composed of 2 main types of means tested benefit. There are benefits allowing access to social insurances and public services. So basically, people are given benefits. For example, reductions on the cost of health care, insurance to be able to access the Fk insurance or scholarships, to be able to access the education system and other benefits that are 150

484
01:30:06.760 --> 01:30:27.050
in can be both in cash and in kind. and include a a wide range of subsidies and benefits, including, the most fundamental one, which is the financial social assistance. So some sort of minimum revenue that is provided to the mostly needs.

485
01:30:27.130 --> 01:30:45.509
So how did I tackle the this issue? this research is a part of a larger study funded by the Swiss national foundations for science. It's based on a qualitative panel, on single parenthood.

486
01:30:45.510 --> 01:31:05.799
including 5 waves of interviews I will be using just. I have fused just the first 2 because it is the ones that I had ready when I was doing my Phd. In the first way we interviewed people through semi structured interviews. So we collected their biographies, also using live calendars.

487
01:31:05.800 --> 01:31:21.419
and their experience with life with single parent. In the second view, in the second wave I concentrated my investigation on on the problems that we are facing, especially with social policies. And so I

488
01:31:21.460 --> 01:31:36.670
carried out problem-centered interviews which mix a first narrative part with the semi-structured part. The sample included 40 parents in the first wave, and 33 in the second wave, including 2 fathers.

489
01:31:36.670 --> 01:31:52.199
And we have people who had been in in single parent to up to 5 years at the beginning of the study, raising up to 3 children dependent children, and and a heterogeneous sample which means having people with multiple

490
01:31:52.200 --> 01:31:58.880
entries into lone parenthoods from singlehood, widowhood, separation, and also their socio-economic conditions.

491
01:31:59.160 --> 01:32:28.890
 my analytical strategy is a threefold. So I started with the thematic analysis. So I selected the cases of non take up within the broader sample, and I ended up with 13 parents and 14 cases of known take up, which means that one parent experienced no, take up twice very lucky and most of them were cases of tertiary not take up so basically targeting

492
01:32:28.890 --> 01:32:42.680
that affected the possibility to access the benefits. The second analytical step was to identify and categorise their coping strategies. So how they reacted to non take up

493
01:32:42.680 --> 01:33:04.840
and based on both the rational of their response and the resources that they enacted to to respond. And finally, I try to identify the The contribution that not take up gave to their life course development. Over the life course, through the quality of the process analysis by be that Longgo and mandates one.

494
01:33:04.900 --> 01:33:22.679
So let's talk about the strategies. A first group of parents try to replace the benefits. So they? They try to find alternative resources to cover the resources that were not coming from social benefits. Sometimes the resources could come from the family.

495
01:33:22.680 --> 01:33:38.390
some other times from third parties, especially friends. But this would not come at no cost, because these people had to face the shame of admitting their needs with their parents, with their friends, with their people surrounding them.

496
01:33:38.460 --> 01:33:51.139
Other people try to replay, they replace the benefits, looking for little jobs, so just to earn enough money to replace the money that was not coming from the social benefits.

497
01:33:51.210 --> 01:34:04.050
Another group of strategy, was aimed at receiving the benefits, so the idea is not to replace it, but to receive it either by getting around the system so fighting against the institution

498
01:34:04.160 --> 01:34:23.219
to claim the benefit and try to obtain it, anyway. So one mother explained me very clearly that she went to the social worker and said, Listen, I'm going to speak out to the media if you don't give me, give me the benefit, and in the end she was very persuasive, and she obtained the benefit

499
01:34:23.430 --> 01:34:37.550
some other times, receiving the benefit means just surrender and accept that you have to comply with the conditions set in the law. And so, for example, one mother

500
01:34:37.550 --> 01:34:57.679
was studying in the canton of Geneva and living in the Canton and Rosan, which is very common, because in there are just 40 kilometers between the 2 cities, so it's very common to commute. She couldn't access scholarship from Geneva because she was living in the other canton, so in the end she decided to move

501
01:34:57.940 --> 01:35:09.369
to the other canton. I can hear my voice on. Okay. She decided to move to the other canton in order to be eligible for the benefit.

502
01:35:09.370 --> 01:35:29.170
And finally, there are. There's a little group of parents who just accepted the status quo, and after First claiming the benefit or experiencing a bad experience with claiming the benefits just decided to either apply later in time or accepted the the Nile, and

503
01:35:29.430 --> 01:35:43.630
try to build up their independence over the long run. differently. So what happened to the lives of these people who did not. who faced non, take up?

504
01:35:43.740 --> 01:36:06.680
essentially. And this is probably the the most striking paradox. These people were affected in their professional trajectory. The paradoxes in that means dusted benefit are supposed to help people find their independence and then find their way in the labour markets and earn their own money.

505
01:36:06.680 --> 01:36:19.189
But the the trajectory that was most often affected by the non take up was really the professional one. So, for example, in Louis's case, the mother was forced to change

506
01:36:19.400 --> 01:36:26.389
a place of residence, to be eligible to the scholarship she finally experienced.

507
01:36:26.390 --> 01:36:49.870
No, take up again when she was asked to hand in some financial statement from her mother, who was living in Africa and was not providing for her for years. So she experienced again. Non, take up. It took a long time. She explained to her social worker that

508
01:36:49.870 --> 01:36:57.280
in the end she was eligible, and their mother was not providing any revenue, so there was no other revenue to be added to hers.

509
01:36:57.280 --> 01:37:22.200
In the calculation, and She could finally have her scholarship, but by the time that she was waiting for a positive answers she had to look for little jobs. She had to ask for loans, and all these delay their professional careers. So in the end she failed. The professional. The

510
01:37:22.200 --> 01:37:41.880
professional diploma exams to become a lawyer, and this had a strong impact on our motivation, as she says in the quotation, because she doesn't think she will repeat it again. Not only the professional career was affected, but it could have impact on the professional careers

511
01:37:41.880 --> 01:37:53.079
could have spillover effects on other trajectories of the life course. Other life courts domains, typically the parental. And the couple lives. So, for example, in Antoinette's case

512
01:37:53.350 --> 01:38:08.910
she faced a non take up of public housing, housing, and she decided to work to, to to study, to get a degree, and then to find a job, as she succeeded in that

513
01:38:08.910 --> 01:38:21.310
also through the help of her friends and her family. But by the time she was striving to build their financial independence.

514
01:38:21.310 --> 01:38:46.309
She had no time to build up a strong relationship with her children, with were suffering from minor mental disability, and this affected her profoundly, in that she was feeling not to be Not to give enough to her children, and of course she would. She could not give enough to her a couple of so she she says I had no livin. All energy left. Everything was

515
01:38:46.310 --> 01:39:04.109
Michaela Köttig: putting put in my work so she could. She could not really think of herself as having a new, a new relationship. Finally, sorry the correct interruption that you already talked too long. Maybe you can finish. Yes.

516
01:39:04.290 --> 01:39:28.020
yes. The parental and the residential trajectories were also, strongly affected, and could bring to spill over effects to other trajectories of the live course. Just to conclude I think my paper points out that non take up impinges on single-parents live course as any other stressor

517
01:39:28.020 --> 01:39:44.340
targeting is particularly important. Why? Because, as the life course becomes more and more the standardised, it's really difficult to find the real to define the real circumstances

518
01:39:44.350 --> 01:40:02.919
that I should identify claimants. So people who are deserving who really deserve the the benefits. Of course there are political issues underpinning the way targeting is implemented, and one of the things that is particularly overlooked by current targeting practices is

519
01:40:02.920 --> 01:40:12.899
the importance of enforcing child maintenance, obligations and acknowledging childcare obligations which is particularly important for single parents.

520
01:40:12.900 --> 01:40:36.260
although no take up, affect single parent negatively, affect single parents life course. It's not that every single part is effectiveness in the same way. Why is that? Because there is a accumulation of disadvantages. And so I so in my paper that migrants people with low level of education, and with their young dependent children

521
01:40:36.260 --> 01:41:03.030
at farther stress to face wife claiming means tested benefits, and finally, I could see in a few cases met you effects operating in that some parents who were more able to dare and to fight against institutions were finally able to get around the system and get the benefits. Thank you very much.

522
01:41:09.410 --> 01:41:33.570
Michaela Köttig: Thank you, Armila. And so maybe we can. Yeah, down the screen. sharing. Okay, thank you. And I think we are putting together the cross topping period, and the questions to on Ella. Maybe you have remarks or or questions on to Onella.

523
01:41:34.180 --> 01:41:38.299
Michaela Köttig: and also comments or questions or

524
01:41:38.309 --> 01:41:43.129
Michaela Köttig: thanks to to discuss. in an overall discussion.

525
01:41:50.809 --> 01:41:51.580
You?

526
01:41:54.520 --> 01:42:04.120
Michaela Köttig: Okay, thank you. Ornella. First. I think there is, are no questions. and thank you for your presentation.

527
01:42:06.209 --> 01:42:08.430
Michaela Köttig: Okay, so

528
01:42:09.540 --> 01:42:18.739
Michaela Köttig: are there questions left to the other speakers, or to a come on discussion.

529
01:42:23.010 --> 01:42:25.820
We have one question. Okay.

530
01:42:29.820 --> 01:42:35.660
okay, so I would like to ask about the paper on family side.

531
01:42:35.690 --> 01:42:45.160
the first is, you present a lot of those characteristics there are present in the

532
01:42:45.470 --> 01:42:48.339
the circumstances of all the perpetrators.

533
01:42:48.360 --> 01:43:14.599
and I was wondering if that's the way they put it, because I imagine that they present the narrative in a different light. They don't say that they they they didn't let the the women to access health care or our work facilities. They probably present this with some type of justification, that it's. It's in the way that they see those things in a very different light

534
01:43:14.600 --> 01:43:43.079
that but the way that we, as researcher or also will classify. So I was wondering if you're working also with the type of justification that they put it in every type of of of those steps, let's say. And also I would like to ask if you, as a man, if you think that you have some type of privilege access to make this a research. And if you think that a woman could do the same type of research with these perpetrators.

535
01:43:43.850 --> 01:43:44.520
yeah.

536
01:43:49.230 --> 01:43:51.310
it will be much easier in Spanish.

537
01:43:51.350 --> 01:44:05.160
I'm definitely being a a cisgender man is the way to go in this specific field because they open up completely. I'm thinking. There, I would say about

538
01:44:06.240 --> 01:44:07.610
15

539
01:44:08.090 --> 01:44:19.020
20, but 20, but 5 would have died. Researchers that I know that have conducted interviews with these men specifically. and I would say that most of them were men.

540
01:44:19.620 --> 01:44:28.789
it's definitely I mean some people that contacted interviews were women. I would say that there were not as equally fruitful or in-depth.

541
01:44:29.000 --> 01:44:57.459
And they were definitely a difference in in nature of those interviews. So that's sh definitely. And it's a as a team. It's a strategy that we developed to do it on purpose like that. We have to, you know, present ourselves in certain ways and say some of, or test what we say, and we we don't say with them because we spend a lot of time with them in this facility. So last year. It took us one year to do all the field work in Bonusidas, for instance, and one year retail as well. So it was. Yeah.

542
01:44:57.560 --> 01:45:23.020
that's a paper in itself regarding the second thing. Yeah, it. It's sort of the methodological strategy that we're having is to, in a completely ethic way identify the things that with our definition would be considered, for instance, physical violence, and we would go deductively into those narratives regardless of what they are.

543
01:45:23.040 --> 01:45:34.269
how they are framing it. So it's a it's a huge, you know, added Yadows, between what they say and what heaven, and so on. And yes, the the thing that you're asking about the

544
01:45:34.280 --> 01:45:44.099
rationalizations or justifications would be the other part of this paper to understand what's the idea or narrative behind that? Because

545
01:45:44.360 --> 01:45:49.389
the practice. Of course we can attack that. But we have to understand the belief

546
01:45:49.480 --> 01:45:53.539
that these men have and all the men have and all the people have in general. So yeah.

547
01:45:56.490 --> 01:46:12.019
we have. We have another question that possible, Michelle? I think so. Okay, it's from myself. So my questions for an Ella I don't know if you talked about this, and I didn't pick so I'm sorry.

548
01:46:12.040 --> 01:46:21.859
 did you interview male single parents? And what can you say about these strategies relating to gender.

549
01:46:23.620 --> 01:46:33.079
 yes, we had 2 fathers.

550
01:46:33.090 --> 01:46:36.129
and because we I mean.

551
01:46:36.430 --> 01:46:55.090
we had just 2. So I could not really notice any specific difference related to gender, which is a result in itself, because it may mean that the condition, or the the situation, or the transition to lon parent, and they they are facing

552
01:46:55.130 --> 01:47:17.329
 maybe similar in a way to the one that other that many mothers are facing. And maybe this might be explained by the context, that is, that really impinges on these people. I have tried at the beginning of the study

553
01:47:17.360 --> 01:47:29.560
to add more fathers because it was just. I Joined the study at the second wave, and so I felt like I had the chance to have more fathers.

554
01:47:29.780 --> 01:47:37.889
But it was not that easy, so, so I cannot say more on that. Unfortunately.

555
01:47:38.700 --> 01:47:39.800
thank you.

556
01:47:45.160 --> 01:47:51.520
We have one more question. Did you find the difference between the

557
01:47:51.600 --> 01:47:57.010
single parents by choice and the widowed, or separation.

558
01:47:57.210 --> 01:48:00.149
Any difference between this this recapture?

559
01:48:03.700 --> 01:48:13.900
 not not really in this paper, so not really as to their reactions to non take up.

560
01:48:14.330 --> 01:48:44.189
so I wouldn't say that there are differences in the way they approach non take up, based on the different entries into lon parenthood. What really was important in their reactions was the resources they could count on and not just. resources in terms of network. I will give you an example. I met a mother who was used to work for 6 months in Geneva, then leave work.

561
01:48:44.190 --> 01:49:10.149
go to South America, travel, go back to Geneva, travel completely alone. Right. So this mother was very strong, had a very strong character, and that's the mother who fighted against the social worker, saying that by no way she was going to. sell the car, sell the scooter, and sell the insurance that she has made on the name of her child.

562
01:49:10.230 --> 01:49:11.300
because

563
01:49:11.910 --> 01:49:28.129
overall this amount of resources was higher by a few Franks of the threshold to access social assistance. It was very convincing, and I think this type of resources also count a lot

564
01:49:28.840 --> 01:49:29.640
we're moving.

565
01:49:30.030 --> 01:49:40.989
Michaela Köttig: Thank you. So I'm very sorry. But time is already gone. So we have have to close this session now. I will.

566
01:49:40.990 --> 01:49:48.539
Michaela Köttig: Well, we would like to thank you all the presentators, the Panelists, and also the participants.

567
01:49:48.540 --> 01:50:13.309
Michaela Köttig: and I also like to thank you. Priscilla, and also Deborah for organizing and moderating session, together with me and I would like to invite you to join to the other Rc. At 38 sessions that will take place throughout the week especially. I like to invite you to the business meeting tomorrow evening.

568
01:50:13.310 --> 01:50:18.650
and in any case I wish you a very interesting conference, and hope

569
01:50:18.900 --> 01:50:22.880
Michaela Köttig: I will see you in face to face meeting soon.

570
01:50:22.910 --> 01:50:26.709
Michaela Köttig: So and now I give you up to you.

571
01:50:27.600 --> 01:50:37.629
I just also want to thank you, Michelle, and thank you. The presenters and everybody who is here, both online and presence. And she'll we just