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 the title of the session. I won't read the country acknowledgment as I did in the plenary, but I won't read it. So you know we acknowledge that as a Canadian we always do that the title of the session is generational relations in times of intersecting crises.

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which is not the last part, is not a happy topic late in the day, but we are experiencing intersecting, intersecting crises, as we know, my name is Susan Mcdaniel. I'm from the University of Victoria in Canada, and I'm president of the R. C. 6.

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So I'm happy to organize this this session, and there are 4 very interesting papers. I'm sure you will find them very interesting. So let's get right into it. And we have someone to help with the tech if needed. So that's good.

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The first paper is by Cheyenne Gole. I'm sorry. The print is very small here. Cheerong! A goal from University of Suffolk, and the Uk. And her co-authors, and the title of the paper is The Young generation as Blessing

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bridge and board. burden! To print on this is very small burden. Bearer. Intergenerational relations emit social challenges, lessons from Asia which is going to be very interesting. I have it on good word, I've read this paper, so please.

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good afternoon. Everyone.

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Let me start thinking by thinking Professor Mcneil

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but given us the opportunity to present a piece of work based on the book project that I've been co-editing with

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wonderful colleagues who are not here.

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So I'm going to talk about.

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the book project first, and then followed by a a brief account of the key concepts and then report some findings and conclude

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their contributions.

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 so in the past 2 years of we, we've been working on the the emerald handbook of childhood and youth in Asian societies. which is an international and cross disciplinary project, which is

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coming out in this autumn.

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and the book put in spotlight Asian children and youth.

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Our case studies cover. a broad geographic coverage. including 4 Asian regions East Asia, South Asia, Central Asia. This is actually an area that is rarely studied in family research and Southeast Asia.

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not only the territories in Asia, but also the aspirations and transnational Asian communities in Europe and us.

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the the

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contributing scholars include 20 excellent scholars at different career stages affiliated with institutions across the world.

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and our disciplinary areas are also expensive, including sociology, anthropology, area studies, gender and sexuality, education, migration and psychology, and so on.

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And the book highlights 3 key concepts.

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the concept of generation which will be the focus of today's talk and existential and inequalities and voice which I talked about in the last session.

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in childhood society. and rc.

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so, generation, is a concept that we hear a lot in everyday lexicon as well as in academic studies. It has a lot of meanings

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a regional way. It has the many of the kinship descent with regard to parent child relations as well as the larger kinship group.

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also. in social science studies, we all tend to study generation also from the cohort perspective. So a generation is regarded as a group of people born in the same period of time, facing similar kind of social, political, and cultural conditions.

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and of course, also as a life stage. classic sociology disagrees upon that conceptualization.

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Some theorists, for example, Jack Heing, which regard the the young generation

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in a way, a threat to exist in social order

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and or in the tradition of kind, my hands, as a the the young generation has the hope for futures, or in others merely fac a life.

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regardless of the disagreement. A generation often is used as a you know, concept that deninates a separate and homogeneous segment of society.

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in this book project, we take a different approach. We regard generation as a relational concept. So when we talk about generation, we always talk about

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a generation visa with the generation before and after, as a part of a social fabric of age, groups with mutual obligations Publicly, and also with regard to family and kingship.

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in charge of sociology.

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A key figure making the initial contribution is Linda Alleni, who talked about generational order when talking about children and and adults.

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 So the generational order is an and analogy to the gender order. So it's a kind of a d or dualist juxtaposition of the 2 different groups of

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groups.

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And in we want to emphasize that in the Asian context.

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we would believe that the ideal of intergeneration order is a more appropriate. concept, because it's the the ideal of commitment lots. Across the Life state! Across the life course. So we not talk about a doubts and

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children, but also adult children and elderly. So across the mutual commitment across the life stage. And in this book we also highlight a lot about children's role in, you know. In, in, in configurating and maintaining the

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the intergenerational relations.

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Now I'm going to report briefly. 3 patterns of the young young generation's role in our case studies

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the first we

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find that in some cases the young generation in our studies have are our the burden barriers in the families, which means that they are an important part to To to ensure the family's survival and future success.

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and we have

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a case by asthma Khalid about the working African refugee children in Pakistan.

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Yes, so. We see that. These refugee children work from the early age. As as street vendors in the, in this, in the streets, and to ensure the family's livelihood. So the young generation really in this case are the burden barriers for the family's economy.

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and in another case, by me, and in earlier publications of mine, we talk about

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the children doing family in doing class in the case of rural urban migrant families. So in

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in the studies I have found that children in particular, children's education, so to get a good score to, to to be educational and successful. It's a very important

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kind of contract for the children to fulfill their family obligations.

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and of course we have other cases. And the second type of intergenerational order or relation is the young generation as bridge?

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in particular, between different spaces, communities, cultures, and Locations. And this is in particular in the context of migration. Where our book has quite a number of cases,

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internal migration, transnational or international. We have.

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very different cases of children. moving to the other, to to the different societies. And in these societies the children serve as kind of the bridge of the family to integrate into the into the host society In particular. We have, for example, the Chinese parachute generation.

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So these are the children in Chinese, upper middle class families who attend school in the Us. You know, high school, and then

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as part of a process of getting a

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good education, and some of them probably would get the citizenship.

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And we have also the second-generation Chinese Europe. Tennis Europeans. In. In the transnational transnational spaces they maintain the relations between the host society and the ascending communities.

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I want to emphasize the last case, which is a very interesting study. By Jessica, we

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and colleagues Where they describe the Via the Via gym families. And with a very interesting subtitle, court! In this way our parents could develop.

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So

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there is a very interesting case. A woman in her thirties described her childhood memory, where she was very unhappy as an immigrant child, because.

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her parents just asked her to study and study and study. And she, you know, quote unquote. I really wish I had German parents.

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But then, one after one particular incident, the family's door has got caught fire, and she was able to, you know, negotiate with the authority, and then the kind of generational order shift and

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thank you, and then And and the parents begin to give her more autonomy. In the end the intergenerational relations have been reworked, and she I remember one quote and that which says that

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In the end I want my parents to achieve self actualization. It's it's completely different kind of imagination or relations that we have. We can

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imagine in the Asian families

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and the last, the the, the last type we have. Is the young generation as blessing in the way of continue the culture traditions? To imagine hopeful and predictable futures.

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and we have several case studies in the in the book. Along the line. I want to mention the last one. by Alan King, where she described a practice of grandparent in practice, in local language called nibor aloo, which is The practice where grandparents, adopting their first form grandchildren.

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first, one grandchild as their own youngest child.

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which is to ensure a kind of old age support.

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and Alina has gracefully contextualized the study in the Central Asian societies which have been experiencing rapid social, cultural, and changes

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and modernization of of their own. And while the old tradition continued in sun segment for the for the older generations.

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Of course. Some other authors in our that in our book have also explored the potentialities of the young generation. In rebelling against reconfiguring and re-imagining existing generational orders in particular. This case I want to emphasize here. anthropologist josabe bao. But bulletin described a case of Thai youth

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as a political force for democracy in particular, there is a symbol in this case where they defy against the Emperor as the father of the nation. So

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this anti-emperor anti patriarchal system. It's a very much a central message in the in this movement.

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Of course we have Another colleague. Jay, who talked about left behind children in Philippines? They pretty much again. They are pretty much Protesting against the

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The mobility imperative that the parents Hold on to you know, for them moving To other societies is not a good Is not a good pathway to towards adulthood.

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yeah, to conclude.

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 we are a systematic study of Asia, and is encompassing diverse and dynamic forms covering a broad area in Asia as well as is diaspora and immigrant communities.

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and we also bring the sociology of childhood into Asian contexts, opening up new epistemological grounds in childhood and youth studies in particular, in this presentation, the ideal of generation in this diverse and heterogeneous fonts and rows in the family relations.

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and also it provides a basis in the encouragement for future childhood and youth studies in Asia. Thank you very much.

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I'm going to introduce the paper from here because I have a knee injury, and going up and down the stairs restricted. So the second paper is by Paula.

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was Luca sorry? No worries, none of them and the type of the picture. She is strong of Poland at the title of the paper is an intergenerational perspective on transitions to adultery

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in a poly crisis era.

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Thank you very much. Thank you for Having me here in the a different panel from what I am normally used to, because we present most of the papers in the Rc. On Youth.

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and thank you also to my former presenter, because I realized I didn't define generation in my paper, and you have done it wonderfully for me, so I'm happy that I will be able to hopefully manage my time a bit better. So my! So the study that I'm presenting comes from a bigger project. And we're trying to write up a paper about this intergenerational perspective on transitions to adulthood in a poly crisis era in Poland.

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I'm gonna briefly talk about my theoretical framework research questions, study and methods. And then some findings which basically concentrate on how 2 generations of Polish people young adults and their parents see adulthood during the times or the difficult times changing time of poly crisis that we live in, and I'll give some preliminary conclusions and some outlook on how this paper is going to. hopefully develop. Okay.

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in terms of theoretical framework. We're very much situated in the youth study. So transitions to adulthood is the central concept in our work.

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and we sort of are moving or trying to draw on this multiple perspective in the sense that there is not really a consensus right now in youth studies about the transitions to adulthood. And in particular, we're still sort of drawing on this older models from the 1970 S. And 80 s. On to become an adult. You have to leave home a finish education, get a job, get married, and have a child. But, on the other hand, we also have those new theories

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of protected delayed transitions of looking at transitional inequalities, and how this shapes this new adulthood, of that, this would potentially more subjective, and comes largely from Arnett's work on emerging adulthood, that during this early twenties and then going into your thirties, you are supposed to become financially independent. You're supposed to decide on what you believe in what I

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your values where the norms but also it's less about those objective, institutionally imposed markers measurable by the state of Have you left home or not? And more about this accepting of independence for your actions and the personal sense of being an adult so so, so feeling your that personal feeling and sense of maturity and autonomy. So we're trying to bridge those different visions. And why are we doing?

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It is because Poland is an interesting case of this transitional society. So on the one hand, we are, still sort of embedded in the 1989 transition. And how in the 19 nineties, we had the galloping neoliberalism, and we really tried to catch up right? So our goal was to try to become come back to the West and to try to Westernize European eyes.

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So there was a huge, hugely difficult process of this catch up and transition from traditional values, to more materialistic ideologies and visions, To to more post materialistic, and also to this like rational values. And then in the so so for the findings. It is sort of important to contextualise that the parents generation that we interviewed

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are largely the people who came of age who were entering adulthood in those crazy 19 nineties when there was this a chaos of values and norms were sort of in between. And now, in the 20 first century, a lot of research on Poland shows that we have this hybridisation of values, and there is really a strong coexistence of both traditional visions of life, path and aspirations, but also this ambivalence and emerging presence of progressive ideas.

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So we're really interested in how socialization in intergenerational families contributes to how young people think about their young adulthood, how they see themselves as adults.

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And we are really drawing on this idea that people today really sort of combine those old and new ingredients. And while there is some contestation of this framework as being kind of blurry. And now telling us more most a lot about the contemporary transitions. We're kind of trying to use the modern frameworks, but still keeping. the ingredients of older. markers in place

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mit ctl, and and we are, of course, looking in the life course approach to transition. So this crisis comes in here because we believe that it's a very much depending strongly how you become an adult on the times you live in, and contemporary transitions are really marked by this unsettlement and risk. 250.

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We use the concept of unsettling events by Kilke and Ryan, which basically basically argue that political, social, and economic transformations have the potential to disrupt previous life projects. They work on Brexit. But those

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mit Ctl, and this framework really works very well also for the Poland in the 1990. So the collapse of democracy. Something happens politically, but then has consequences in personal lives, but also the current crisis. So pandemic happens globally. The war happens globally, regionally, but then you see the effects of those big processes, and how people make decisions 150

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and also in Poland. Nowadays, we are really, we've drifted towards this Western model of accepting that the the intergenerational support from parents, both financial and in-kind, support in the form of 160,

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providing free housing, supporting young adults emotionally really is is is a cornerstone, if you will, of this transition to adults, so young people are not able to transition without this intergenerational support, and we were really interested in whether this was the same for the past generation, so is it a new concept, this joint enterprise of transition? Or has it been coming into play for a longer period of time?

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So this research question that I'm trying to answer is, How do young adults and their parents define adulthood in Poland. I realize, when preparing that I'm probably not going to be able to talk that much about the intergenerational relations, but I will try to pick up on that in the conclusions and outlook.

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So this is the study.

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We've been lucky to get funded funded for a 4 year project by the Polish National Center. It's on becoming an adult in times of ultra uncertainty. It's an intergenerational or developing an intergenerational theory of shaky transitions. There is multiple. There are multiple components in the study multiple work packages.

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but I am presenting the findings from our qualitative longitudinal research. so the qualitative panel that has been formulated, and we follow people across time across waves.

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So this is our research design for the sub project. It's effectively young adults who are 18 to 35, and one parent of each. So it's either mother or father. We've recruited them, and then we follow them over time. We've done the first wave in 2021. So this was the tail end of the pandemic. There was still some restrictions it was, but it was getting better in the sense that restrictions were rather disappearing, and the pandemic was still kind of present in the reflections, but it started to become sort of a memory.

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and then we did an asynchronous exchange in March and April 2021 so effectively just whether a war started. So we wanted to have some. Ha! Reflections just after the war. And now we're conducting the wife 2 of the interviews, which. Obviously, I'm not gonna talk about because you're in the process. but we will ultimately have those 3 comparative points in time.

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In our generation of the young people we have 18 women, 16 men, and one non-binary person, and then, in generation of the parents we have 21 mothers and 14 fathers.

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and in this for this paper we've analyzed the codes focused on determinants of adulthood, on certain of adulthood, intergenerational relationships support and social crises. So we've done cross-cases, analysis young adults versus their parents. When submitting for this conference. I was hoping that we can maybe include 2 waves. We kind of had a delay. So it's mostly from wave one data.

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But it's already courage. Okay? So as for the findings, I will start with this or the findings focused on defining adulthood intergenerationally. I hope I can probably slow down. I don't know. I feel like, yeah, I have 5 5 min. Yeah.

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we have 15, not for talking of 12.

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Why not?

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Okay? My, still, put this more. But, okay, okay. that is fine. So okay, so let's start with the generation of the parents, so, as you can imagine, Or as potentially expected from like a socio-historical perspective, they are really focused on stability and standard, family life path. So when the generation of parents defines adulthood, those are really focused. Those definitions on this very strong presence of

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all 5 Microsoft adulthood. The transitions are often reported in this chronological order. So here we have 2 quotations. First is about financial stability. When we told reflect that he didn't have responsibilities before. Starting work. But then he finished high school. He started work, and then he. He feels that he became an adult.

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and similarly Bogdan he talked, he talks about. He got his first job and then got the first paycheck, and he didn't have to smile at his parents when he needed money. So those financial aspects were really important.

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and they also talked about independent housing and family roles. Especially I like the quote from Yurak, who I find it very funny. I was in my twenties, early twenties, and I was already grown up because I had a child.

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So they really talk about those transitional markers of the past, and what is really striking is very little presence of their parents in this transition, so they feel very agentic in a sense that they have to achieve all those markers on their own, and the structural conditions are difficult, but they are not necessarily a massive barrier. They kind of going through the motions.

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And when it comes to the children we see way more focus on this self-sufficiency and independence. So we do feel like the study makes this contribution of showing traditional markers have been important just to the generation ago. But now, in the current, yeah, the lives of young adults, they are starting to disappear. So young people increasingly talk about coping the learning to cope. So it's very arnity, in a sense that

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I have to be responsible for my actions, even if I don't want to do something, I still have to do it. And I have to cope with my problems, my emotional problems. So again, it's not only about housing and and and labor, but also about emotions.

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and they do have a strong, desired autonomy. But they feel like they. This autonomy is unreachable, especially in the core transitions which include housing work and employment. They feel that they cannot become an adult because they continue to live with their parents.

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or they continue to receive support, and the quotation from Veronica on the bottom. So she's 31, and she still says I wouldn't be able to manage on my own. I still get a lot of help from my parents. So we see this huge difference between this quotation of. I was in my early 20 s. Had a child, so I was an adult. And here I'm not sure that I'm an adult, because I still receive support from my parents.

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Generation of the young adults has also significant ambivalence about family roles, and there is much more Ambivalence about wanting to be a parent and to getting married. So this is very strongly present in our data, and they often also contest the concept of adulthood on on the whole. So they don't know if they're ever going to be feeling like an adult, because they feel that some of the markets that they would want to reach they are not able to achieve.

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So to briefly sum up, To compare those intergenerational similarities and differences, we do see that just a generation ago, so among the parents we had very specific traditional adulthood. pathways! And they were really feeling accomplished about their adulthoods, whereas the generation of the young adults

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are mostly feeling inadequate. So they are really feeling that adulthood is unattainable, and they still have this from their parents. The idea about adulthood being constructed on this self alliance, financial stability, employment and housing, but they do not feel that they can reach it. So in the core transitions, in the generation of parents we had. This very interconnected mark

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is usually accomplished chronologically, and a lot of independence from the family of origin. So they rarely talked about the help from their parents. In the younger generation we have a lot of talk about how parents support the younger people, and they do want to transition. But those transitions are really fragmented, protracted, heterogeneous, and they do have lots of ambivalence about partnering and reproduction.

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So, as you can see for the outlook, there is really a lot of potential here for intergenerational conflict. Because the parents

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want to support their children. They sort of internalise this idea that they want to support their children, but they also sense that the transitions are getting more, more and more, much harder. And both generation. And that's important. Feel like the structural conditions are getting worse and worse. So even though the parents had arguably very hard time in the 19 nineties, they still feel that those global conflicts, the global problems that we have right now

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are making the structural markers of transitions unattainable for their children, and the acceleration is more strongly felt in this structural aspects of core transition, housing, housing, employment, and work they are. There's much more ambivalence in the family. So we are hoping, moving forward to develop more in this sort of comparative framework, when we can explain better

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how we can link those different theories intergenerationally to explain transitions into adulthood in, let's say, non-western transitional societies. Thank you.

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Thank you.

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We're very lucky to have such extraordinary papers.  okay. The third paper

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is by Charlotte Becker.

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who is from Germany, the University of Cologne, and it's called entitled Attitudes toward Immigrants in the Family Context.

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Hello, everyone. My name is Charlotte Tbeca, and I come from the University of Cologne and I work in the Kinematics Research Project on Family and Family Dynamics, which is funded by the European Union.

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and

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there has been a lot of research already on attitudes towards immigrants. So we know a lot about which factors influence individuals attitudes. So we know, for example, that that age is a very relevant factor that with older age people tend to have less positive attitudes towards immigrants, and we know that women tend to have more favorable attitudes towards immigrants. Similarly, we know that those who share values of tolerance and

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equal treatment of others

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have more favorable attitudes towards immigration, while those who value tradition and stability and the preservation of the status quo tend to have less favorable attitudes towards immigrants. We also already know that the migration background is relevant. Those who have migrated themselves.

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tend to favor increasing the amount of immigration to the country that they live in.

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and we also know that those who live in an urban context are generally also more favorable towards attitudes towards them, like towards immigration.

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And we have also done. There has also been a lot of research on the socioeconomic conditions. So With regards to education, the more years of schooling, the higher the degree, the more likely people will say, yes. Immigration is good for a country.

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Similarly, the employment status has been revealed to be significant. Those who have just lost their jobs

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are more likely to voice concerns about immigration in comparison to those who are in high skilled jobs and high-income jobs.

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Similarly, the occupation seems to be relevant as well, and these are all interesting aspects. But how

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so far very little has been done about looking at the social aspects and the social networks that people are embodied in.

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So how does it. How does the community? You are surrounded by influences, your attitudes towards immigrants? And there has been a little bit of research, especially with regards to contact to immigrants. Those who have contact to immigrants are more likely to favor More immigration, and those who live in more diverse neighborhoods tend to have more favorable attitudes. This is like what we also would assume.

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But now I was wondering how about the family? The family is a very important social network for individuals.

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But there hasn't been a lot of research on how our family influences our attitudes towards immigration, and I see 2 different routes which can how they?

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How our families could influence our attitudes towards immigration. On the the one hand side I see a a direct influence, so how their attitudes directly influence my attitudes because we talk about it, or because it is something that is

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relevant in the family.

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And, on the other hand, I also see how maybe the their my family's personal characteristics might be influential. So we know that the education of an individual is relevant. But maybe it's also the education of family members. The socioeconomic background of the family.

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And today I will focus on the second aspect.

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We have data to also look into the first one, however, the data has not been cleaned yet. So today

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I will talk about the second part

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and

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there has. There are theories that support this idea, and I have looked into it. And there's especially

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the theories about threat and integrated threat or Int group.

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integrated that theory.

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And the general idea of this theory is that those who feel threatened by an out group tend to have less positive attitudes towards this outgroup in general.

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and this theory generally differentiates between different forms of threat, like symbolic threat towards the values that you share or the negative stereotypes. And today I'm talking about realistic threat. Realistic threat describes threat to the well-being of individuals. For example, the economic situation, however, I have to say that realistic threat

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does not mean that the threat itself is real. It's always about the perceived threat. So the individuals perceive

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the out group to threaten their well-being. Their economic well-being is just perceived. but this perceived threat can have real consequences on the attitudes.

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So in my case or in my research, the out groups are immigrants or potential immigrants entering the country or regions that the individuals live in.

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and the theory would suggest that individuals who are more vulnerable situations, who have jobs, who have no jobs or have low income, fear that migrants might compete with them for resources that are scarce or are seen as cards, resources like the availability of low skilled jobs or charity, or government-funded programs like unemployment benefits.

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while individuals with higher paid positions do not fear for their economic situation. So migrants are not perceived as a threat as a competition.

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so one could assume that those with low social status, socioeconomic status, and so lower paying jobs, less education, are expected to fear more or perceive more fear, and are subsequently, having less positive attitudes towards immigrants.

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And again, this threat does not have to be real. It's just about what you perceive and

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 There is also some research already indicating that this does not only happen on the individual level, but also on the group level.

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So members of an in-group and their socioeconomic status can be perceived to be at risk so, and this is usually looked at from a national perspective. So looking at regions and nations with high unemployment, or The Gdp of a nation.

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So in countries with high unemployment, even those who are employed fear the potential economic consequences of increased immigration.

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even though they don't fear for themselves. So now I'm wondering whether this in-group could also be closer to the individual while still be at the group level. So looking at families.

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Whether my attitudes or the individual's attitudes towards immigrants depend on the socioeconomic status of family members.

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because it can be assumed that I not only care about my own socioeconomic status, about my own economic well-being, but also about the well-being of my family.

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so the fear that migrants take away, perceived opportunities might by extension be also granted to the economic situation of my family members.

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So, and it could also be assumed that

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I feel the perceived. Fear is not only for My family members socioeconomic status, but also by extension for mine, because I might have to subsidize or step in

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when my family members

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lose their job or in other ways lose

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financial in their financial situation.

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 so this might also be especially true in countries with weaker welfare, states in which individuals might heavily rely on family members or on family members, success

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specifically in times of crisis.

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So I had, I hypothesize, and that

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the family members socioeconomic background is relevant for individuals, attitudes towards immigrants, and I also hypothesized that this might depend on how how closely related I am with a family member, so the the link might decline with the distance towards family members on the family tree. So, for example, the

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there might be differences in the relevance of the socioeconomic status of my parents versus my grandparents or cousins.

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Yes.

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and I also wonder whether this depends on the closeness of a relationship.

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So maybe I feel more responsible, or individuals might feel more responsible, or fear more for the socioeconomic status of those family members who are close to them.

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So I also wanted to know, does it matter whether I, whether I have a share, a close relationship with this family member?

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And lastly, I hypothesize about country differences.

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expecting the link to be stronger in countries with weaker welfare states. However, the last hypothesis

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I will not get into to day.

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And regarding the data. I'm using a data from the kinetics project that we've collected throughout the winter. And we collected data in 9 European countries. And the us with a total of around 10,000 participants.

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And for today the preliminary results will be based on the Us. Sample of 2.5,000 people and the respondents are all between 25, and 35 years old. Most of them have finished their education already.

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so their socio-economic status is relatively stable.

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and our data set includes information on the respondents themselves as well as on their family members. So we have detailed information on the socioeconomic status

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as well as on the relationship between the family members.

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and this is a quick summary of the results.

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And I I indeed found a link between family members, socioeconomic status and individuals attitudes towards immigrants.

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and this is while looking at correlations as well as looking at regressions, using controls

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like their own, like individuals own socioeconomic status, their age, gender, education, and so on.

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And I also found that the strength, the strings of this link highly depends on the relationship considered. So this link is very strong for the nuclear family, so for the parents. But this it's not so strong for extended family members. So, for example, the socioeconomic status of grandparents

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did not have an effect on individuals, attitudes towards immigrants, and one could argue that this is because grandparents most likely have been retired, and there is no need, no need for a fear for their socioeconomic status.

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because retirement might be relatively safe and increased. Immigration won't change anything because they cannot lose their job anymore.

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But this is just me trying to find an explanation for the results.

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And then also, I found that

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closeness influenced this link between the socioeconomic status of family members and the individuals attitudes towards immigrants. But this was not true, for all kinds of family members.

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For example, parents.

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socioeconomic status was relevant, no matter whether the the individuals shared a close or not. So close relationship. whilst for siblings, sibling socioeconomic status was only relevant when the siblings shared a close relationship.

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So I'm looking into more. I wanted to look or in I in the future, I want to look more closely into this.

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What exactly is it that makes the socioeconomic status of a family member relevant to the individual's attitudes towards immigrants?

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Yeah. But for today I'm summarizing that there seems to be. Yeah, some influence. So the perceived threat through you seems to be applicable at the family level.

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And even though these are just preliminary results.

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The results very strongly suggest that the socioeconomic family, the socioeconomic status of family members, is highly relevant. However, this link decreases as the

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the separation on the family tree increases.

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and there's also an indication that

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this, the closeness of the relationship seems to be relevant for some family members, but not for others. So my next steps will be looking at the definition of the individual concepts again, so how to define the socioeconomic background, how to find attitudes towards immigrants. While I used.

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There are specific definitions today for the preliminary results. And I also did robustness checks with other definitions. I need to narrow it down and decide on what to use in the final paper. Similarly, I want to look at country differences because I hypothesized that there might be differences between countries where stronger and weaker welfare states. So it might be interesting to look and compare countries like

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the Scandinavian countries in the Us. Or maybe some other countries within Europe. and I haven't quite decided what exactly I'm going to look at.

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And lastly, I want to again look at the family members attitudes, and this more direct influence. The data preparation still needs to be done in order to be able to actually do this.

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thank you so much for your attention.

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Thank you.

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Another interesting paper, very strong papers.

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Okay, the last paper is by.

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Go to and call her right from

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Ted University in Turkey. Sorry if I was pronouncing your name. I'm sure I was pronouncing

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sorry.

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The title of the paper is

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within. Family differences in downward support flows to adult children in Turkey during COVID-19 pandemic and economic crisis.

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Yes, yes.

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Gülçin Con Wright: everybody can hear me right now.

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Yeah.

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Gülçin Con Wright: thank you. first of all, thank you so much. And I'm so sad that I cannot be there in person with you. because there is a religious slash culturally importance.

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Gülçin Con Wright: a holiday in Turkey right now, as in the rest of the Muslim countries. So I had to stay with my family. And it's very appropriate because of the intergenerational relationships. I guess. So today, I'm presenting online. And this paper is a part of a project that I have with my graduate students. So they are not with us either.

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Gülçin Con Wright: And I want to get started immediately so that we wouldn't run over our time. So the first thing that I wanna

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Gülçin Con Wright: remind you all as many of the presenters before me already touch upon. Is that a COVID-19 pandemic obviously affected our lives tremendously, negatively. including Turkey. But Turkey was

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Gülçin Con Wright: unique in the sense that it was one of the countries that put in place some age specific pandemic regulations, especially lockdowns for 65 plus and also restrictions on their mobility, so that tremendously affected in that intergenerational relationships during the pandemic. Then, on top of that there was this economic crisis going on in the country before the pandemic, and as in the rest of the world

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Gülçin Con Wright: recession got given verse, and we are currently in a very bad situation with the inflation and the unemployment rates going skyrocketed like basically like still having that. So in that context, I was also curious why the state discourse in the country, as well as the economic research, was focusing solely on the offered flows coming from adult children to

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Gülçin Con Wright: all the parents who are in need. this is particularly very important for the status course, because it wants to emphasize the

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Gülçin Con Wright: strength of the intergenerational solarity, and how we care about our older people tremendously in this country, etc. But we know that during the COVID-19 this turned into some ages depictions of older people because they were solely, you know, described as dependent, and not actively participating in society, and completely ignoring their contributions to their children.

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Gülçin Con Wright: to their family, and to the broader society. So we know from the theoretical framework on international relationships that actually, parents do not stop providing a support to their adult children until their health deteriorates.

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Gülçin Con Wright: but we also know that they might choose with adult children to help depending on either the needs of the children or the due to parental favor to them. depending on so many factors from closeness to gender to similarity as a trial.

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Gülçin Con Wright: So based on that. again, this is part of a bigger project focusing on the intergeneration relationships. But solely for this presentation, we looked at the impact of COVID-19 pandemic and economic crisis in Turkey on this parental support from adult older parents to their adult children, and to specifically look at the Vid and family differences, main, namely, which adult children are getting. Those support flows from their parents.

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Gülçin Con Wright: we actually interviewed many more people.

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Gülçin Con Wright: okay, from both generations. But for this presentation and this paper, we only like focus on the parents. they are 39, 36 parents from same in different families.

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Gülçin Con Wright: And to understand the gendered perspectives. we actually looked at 21 older mothers and 15 older fathers.

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Gülçin Con Wright: And the uniqueness of this approach is the victim. Family analysis. Therefore we asked the parents to specifically talk about their relationships and their supports to every single adult child that they have. Therefore, one of the requirements of the you know,

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Gülçin Con Wright: inclusion in the sample was to have more than one child who is alive and well, and also that the parents would not have any type of dependence, either physically or economically. So they were living on their own, and they were in a financially good sense.

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Gülçin Con Wright: and we also wanted to ed some of the riots on the basis of socioeconomic status. Therefore, we conducted the interviews in 2 different neighborhoods with 2 different status in Ankara, the capital of Turkey.

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Gülçin Con Wright: So in this

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Gülçin Con Wright: focus on on the type of support that we're given to children in the case of this multiple intersecting crisis. But the first thing that was very obvious from the analysis was that because of the specific pandemic lockdowns on 65 plus, there was a very

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Gülçin Con Wright: temporary shift in the flow of support. This time adult children, especially those who were geographically closer to their of the older parents, were

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Gülçin Con Wright: finding themselves to provide more help to their parents because they were very worried about their physical well being, but at the same time, because of the mobility restrictions, these older parents were not able to run their own errands or do their own shopping.

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Gülçin Con Wright: So, for example, and mother of 3 adult children, Zen, it was mentioning that She was living alone before the pandemic. She's a Vidal and did the pandemic her children for basically asking her to live with her. And she started living with her daughter.

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Gülçin Con Wright: and then her son was starting to check up on her because of her needs, and especially because of Coronavirus. So I notice this short term reversal of the practical support flows especially, but this was particularly during the lock downs, and the mostly restrictions which were lifted at the time of our data collection.

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Gülçin Con Wright: Additionally, we know this, but the in kind intergenerational support. In the case of grandchild care continued, especially in Upper Cs families, grandmothers, as continued and did everything that they can to support their grandchildren. In the case of caregiving, this was especially important, because.

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Gülçin Con Wright: you know, during the pandemic is in the rest of the world. This schools and daycares were all closed, and Minnie's were unaffordable or unavailable, or the parents did not really want a stranger to come to their house. So another

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Gülçin Con Wright: older mother of 2 adult children was mentioning that she ended up taking 2 of her grandchildren with her to her own home because of the online education system. They couldn't stay with their parents and still continued their education. But then she also realized that she cannot keep the kids away from her, their parents. Therefore she started commuting back and forth between their house and her house.

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Gülçin Con Wright: This was particularly the case for opera Cs families I noticed that in the lower Scs families grandchild care was completely lost the parents. the mothers were not working during the pandemic, but because in upper class families the mothers continued working during the pandemic, they needed someone to take care of their children. But there was no economic crisis impact on these forms of support, at least not

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Gülçin Con Wright: but this third one was so obvious in the case of both the pandemic and the economic crisis impact, because, as happen in the rest of the world

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the pandemic brought some job loss and financial difficulties in the lives of adult children, and then the parents found themselves providing their to adoption and financially.

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Gülçin Con Wright: And this was any interesting case, because we will see the impact of parental favor to them. But I'm just going to tell you how they did this first an older father of 7 adult children explain it? as you know, supporting the kids in every form, not just financial, but or psychological, because the kid in question Low lost his job, and he was very demoralized.

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Gülçin Con Wright: and he needed supports in everyday life, because the business was very slow. During the pandemic another form of financial support was to take a banal bank long for the adult child because of the stability of the pension system during the pandemic the older parents were in in

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Gülçin Con Wright: because of the pension coming month to month, and they were able to get a loan from the bank. you know, easier compared to their adult children. So then it was mentioning that she took the loan for his, her son, and also she paid for the bank and then credit card bills.

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Gülçin Con Wright: In addition to that, the presence of the adult presence of the grandchildren was very important in shaping the financial support to which adult child the support is going to go. For example, she didn't mention that She supported only one of her sons financially because of the presence of the grandchildren. She actually did not give direct financial support to the sun, but preferred to

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pay for the tuition of the school for the grandchild, so that the son in question would not be embarrassed, and feel feel like, you know, he's being dependent on his spot, and my mother.

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Gülçin Con Wright: and lastly, another father from this time lower A. Cs. A family mentioned that he also did in particular, provide a financial support to his son because of the grandchildren. He didn't want the grandchildren to lack anything during this time. Period.

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Gülçin Con Wright: so as a convolution, I want to mention first, that obviously the children and all children's needs specific needs. whether this is child care or because of job loss and financial difficulties definitely affected. who is going to get the parental support during this time. But.

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Gülçin Con Wright: as I mentioned to you, there was the impact of the parental favoritism in Turkey. It it's still very present that the sons get more financial support from their parents, both in upper and lower ses families. So this was a case to better. The daughters also had grandchildren or better dollars also needed some help. They did not receive that financial support from their parents. The sons were the ones to receive those financial support.

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Gülçin Con Wright: but, on the other hand, we also noticed that the the daughters, adult daughters, got child care support, especially in upper Scs families.

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Gülçin Con Wright: So as a result, sorry.

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Gülçin Con Wright:  The Cs differences were very obvious, because in the lower ses families older parents did not have the means to always support their children. The only advantage was the pension that they were receiving. So they were able to get the bank loans. But up a Cs families were mentioning that even before the pandemic. Then, before the crisis, they were supporting their adult children. The pandemic change the dynamics. But it was a very common practice, even before the pandemic.

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Gülçin Con Wright: and additionally, we obviously realize the cultural norms and intersecting with the gender norms shaping the parental favor to them even during the economic crisis. And during that pandemic for making the sons the main recipients of, especially the financial support from their older parents.

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Thank you.

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Gülçin Con Wright: You can stop sharing. Yes.

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Okay. Well, thank you. All 4 of you, of excellent papers and excellent presentations, very professionally done, and on time it's remarkable.

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So now we're going to open the floor for discussion. And I just want to point out 2 things if I could, one is, there are 7 people online. So if you're online listening to us participating. Put questions in the chat, and if we have time we'll get to them.

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Second thing is, there are a number of distributed papers. that are also available, and they are also very good. The question is, we could only have room for 4. So if you want to look at those, they're all listed in the program.

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Okay? Questions their microphone here.

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questions, comments, discussion.

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Sorry.

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Whatever people can go to the microphone. If they want to sit at the table.

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It can be easy about it. If you want to sit at the table, you can. But please Engage with these papers if you want. They're very, very interesting.

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Please, can you come forward to the microphone? Or, yeah, that would be wonderful. Thank you.

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hi, everyone. My name is a so Khad. And the Planck from South Africa. I just wanted to ask the first speaker amazing papers, all of you.

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I just wanted to ask with the first speaker when you were doing your study? you spoke about the young generational shift

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and the autonomy that they would get.

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What do you think that access would be part of the reason, because in South Africa what happens is that, especially in in black societies.

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when young people now have access to many when they're working, for instance, in a family. Maybe there's a waiting, or there's a funeral. They are now able to sit in meetings and family meetings, but if you don't have money. You're not given that. You know that status or that privilege

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And again.

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with, I think you spoke about how young people would embrace traditions, cultures, and everything.

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 what was there any form of spiritual relationship that you, you know, observed in terms of young people taking you know space, because in, in, in our, in, in my context, or the context that I come from, it'll always be that young people are now teaching all the people, especially when we we talk about spiritual beliefs. You know, we're young. People are now trying to

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decolonize certain things. And in families to say that belief systems. You know what our exist is believed in. And right now, I just wanted to ask this.

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Thank you very much. These are wonderful questions. I'm not sure I can. answer both. But the first one I want to mention. Yeah. So this is a, this is an additive volume. So when I talk about the studies, I'm talking about the

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studies by the contributors. Yeah. So I think you are talking about the first question talks about the immigrant family in Germany. Right?

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yeah. I think the point about resources and access. It's very important. in particular, in the context of migration where these children are in a way more culturally and linguistically able to integrate in the in the society. Yeah, that's why 150,

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when when when they also describe the experience, when the family face to find face the kind of crisis, and

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she was able to save the whole family, and then the kind of relationship that them exchanged.

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Yeah, I I guess it could happen in other societies as well. In the case of China, for example, where I researched a lot.

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I mean, it's especially after the economic reform since the 1,900 seventys more and more young

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generation. a more kind of economically back, better off than their parents. And then we see also, as a kind of shift towards

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the tilt in the of the generational relations towards the young as the more powerful, more agentic.

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You know. Site. Yeah.

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I agree with you. Thank you. And the second

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about the spiritual relationship. yeah. I think 1 one thing about talking about a whole book with being 15 min is that you have to gloss over a lot of things.

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I think you are specifically asking this in relation to the third type of generational relations. the young generation as blessing right to continue the the the the social tradition.

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In that study. The author, in particular, talked about a practice of grandparenting.

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where, in the in these Central Asian societies, when grandparents adopt their first born grandchild to be their youngest child, in a way to ensure their old age support, and also they

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consider this as a way of support. Their adult children

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to enter adulthood is more easel in in essence.

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 so

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that the spiritual dimension was not actually so prominent. In that case

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I'm very grateful that you shared your experience about

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in your society. The young begin to teach the old about the spiritual things, and

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we'd be happy to explore this in our future research. Thank you.

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It's certainly very interesting how the global crises, the intersecting crises we're talking about are important, but they also have different manifestations in different countries, because they have their own local contexts, and that matters hugely, not only to what happens, but the impacts of it. So it's I'm really glad this discussion has happened. it looks like Gulen has a question, and I wonder if she wants to pose it herself rather than having me read it.

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Gülçin Con Wright: Sure, I can do that if everybody hears me. My question is for and Dr.

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Gülçin Con Wright: The second presentation. I was very amazed by it, and I was wondering whether they conducted any analysis on the Ss differences or gender differences in terms of the definition of transition to adulthood.

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Gülçin Con Wright: Thank you.

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Thank you so much. I'm really happy to get those this question, because, of course, this is not something you can talk about. Well, you have to prioritize. And I I really also closed over this.

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sure. So for ses, it's as you would expect in terms of Arnet. So Arnett's and the merchandise is most criticized for being blind to a social class. And this really shows because when crisis happened, people who already are in the unfavorable position. So they had lower social economic status, are experiencing more pressures, and as such they were also experiencing more challenges. So both young adults and

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their parents, who were from a working class. They had much more stronger convictions about the challenges and the unattainability of adulthood, whether we we had some more middle class young adults who well, yes, they recognize that the war is making them psychologically suffering because it's so close to Poland. But this, this still didn't change that much for them in terms of those

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core transition, so they still could move out. They had the resources. So for sure, that was the Scs impact.

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in generations. And then for gender In the older generation we expected to have this sort of division that men will talk more about breadwinning and stability. Finance and women will talk more about a family. But this was not the case, so we were quite surprised that fathers were also quite

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attaching a lot of value to their parenthood, and we are now trying. We will try to look at it through the survey data, because we have also done the survey, because it is, of course it is kind of biased, because if you want any research, fathers of a certain generation. They have already had children, so they have to make this sort of a point of the life that they lived.

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but we were surprised how how strongly those family roles, fatherhood, and being a spouse, were narrated as a markers of adulthood by the men of the older generation in the younger generations we had Equal pressures in terms of housing. Labour, market and education! However, of course, as you would expect, women were feeling more

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ambivalence about their production, because they kind of also saw more costs that are attached to motherhood. So the difference was that the men kind of. Still the young men were

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not necessarily afraid of the fatherhood. They were potentially more afraid to make a short of the labour market challenges, and not being able to provide and having a house. The young women were really talking about motherhood as something extremely ambivalent and potentially also unattainable during the current crisis.

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Okay, thank you.

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The 2,

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yeah. And then there's another question you like.

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based on that, because you already briefly mentioned it. To what extent do you think this might not be a generational question, but more of an age question. So if the the young adults that you that you talk to when they turn 60, will they still say, Oh, I became an adult

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mit ctl, and just to like value things, or will they then also say, Oh, I became an adult when I was 35, and had my first child. So to what extent is this a generational difference, and to what extent? It might also be a difference in age one.

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so this is a qualitative study, so I cannot really generalize anything. But we did check in terms of those, of course, in the sample. We have young adults who have children and don't have children.

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and we don't see that much defence. So Also the women who have children. They talk about this as a revolution, and something hard, and men who had children talk about it, you know a bit differently. So And drawing on other studies that we have in a in a new research lab that I read, it's it's

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it is possible, of course, it is possible. But also, we can ask, well, everyone can rationalize from the distance. So we we don't know. Maybe they also had very similar views. Just the theories of emerging adulthoods were not not around so much.

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Thank you very much. thank you, Charl. I actually have a question to you. So I have great study, great presentation. Thank you. And I was wondering

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if you could tell us a little bit more on how you measure the attitude toward immigrants, and the second question comes, maybe, from the observation of the actual situation that we have in Poland. When we have immigrants coming to 2 different borders, and we can observe completely different different attitude

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based on their

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national ethnic origins. I was wondering if you also could tell us, how do you think that

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national ethnic origin can influence the attitude towards different groups of migrants. Thank you. Yes. Concerning the first question, attitude towards immigrants.

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I'm measured by 3 separate questions that can then be combined, and the questions are of whether

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the people think that immigrants are good or bad for the economy whether they are enriching the culture, or whether there is a lost in culture, and the third one is whether they make the place better or worse.

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and I have built a sum score out of this, but I have also did a robustness checks with like confirmatory factor, analysis, and

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different ways to combine the 3 questions.

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And you are absolutely right about the question on where the immigrants come from.

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because

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research has shown that when you ask questions in more detail, you get very different results on depending which immigrant groups you're asking about. So, for example, in the in the Poland context that you're asking about, people would have very different attitudes towards immigration from. I assume you were talking about Ukraine

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and attitudes towards asylum seekers from the Middle East.

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And this is absolutely true. And unfortunately we don't have the separation in our data set because the questionnaire was

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designed previously, and we weren't able to to change the questions, to to be more detailed about the different immigration groups.

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But yes.

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this is absolutely the case depending on which immigrant group you're asking about the attitudes might be very different, and the the wording that was used in in our survey is very general. So we're asking about immigration in general.

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So we assume that people will think about the immigrant groups that come to their country.

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So yes, because the data was collected just earlier this year, probably in Poland, many people thought about immigrants from Ukraine, while people in the Us. Probably thought about immigrants from

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South and Middle America.

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Yes.

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absolutely.

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I have a follow up question to that. If I don't see any hands, so I'll just ask my question. I come from a settler society where immigrants have been coming for a long time, and some people who are not immigrants who've been in Canada or Australia for 4 generations still retain. An identity!

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A look that is different. To some Canadians or Australians, and so they. They may be seen as immigrants when they're not. And I think that may be true in Germany as well. And I'm wondering how that plays into the visibility of some immigrants because of

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color, dress.

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religion. that there might be a perception that there are more immigrants than there are.

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Yes, visibility is also a key element when talking about attitudes towards the movements, because.

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erez agmoni, so people have a tendency towards being more favorable towards immigrants who look like them, independent of whether they come from a different country. So when we look at Europeans attitudes towards immigration, they tend to have more favorable attitudes towards immigrants from other European countries. One.

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so the the attitudes towards, for example, in Germany the attitudes towards immigration from France are relatively like high that people favor this form of immigration, but

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when it comes to

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attitudes towards immigrants who do not look like the stereotypical European.

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the attitudes tend to be less favorable. So a visual clues are absolutely relevant when it comes to attitudes.

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Interesting.

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Well, I, if my watch is correct, we're almost out of time. and I don't see any other hands, and I don't see questions online. But that's the last call for questions. Comments

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excellent. Go back, go ahead that you found that family members as he as managers, especially those of the nuclear family members. Of what kind of theoretical or magnificent you you think of to explain this.

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So one idea that I have to explain this is that the nuclear family.

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other people you're most closely related to these are the people who you've most likely spent time with during your childhood, and their economic situation might also be the one that you're that will be most visible to you. So if your parents lose their job, their job, it will. it will be an an emotional impact

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from someone that you care deeply about, but also someone where you see it, while whether, when it's someone who is maybe a cousin that is more distant to you, that you are less likely to see on a regular basis.

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This might not affect you to the same extent. And similarly, I also think that it might has to do with

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the fact that you, as an individual, might also be asked for financial support

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when it is your nuclear family. So, for example, if

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your your parents lose their job.

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but you still are employed, and you have the financial means to help them. You're more likely to be asked or expected to.

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Well, if a cousin loses their job. Then this cousin probably first goes to their own parents, to their own siblings, and then only by extension to you. So I think this is.

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It's on the one hand side, it's the emotional aspect. And on the other hand, side, it's the more financial economic aspect. Yeah, I'm asking this.

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 in the beginning. I thought that probably it's a self-interest. like you know. Explanation there in particular, I would say in in my, you know. Expertise in in Asian societies, families, for example, in the Chinese family. Chinese survey of family studies, and they define family in terms of whether you share the

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we share the cooking part together. That means you, you each together. You are financially.

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I'm asking that because I really want to see whether you know there is in such an element.

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Yeah, this is also. I expect there to be country differences, because this intermingling of financial situations might be stronger in some countries than others. So, for example, in the Scandinavian countries, I expect this link to be weaker, one

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because the financial situation of an individual is less linked to the financial situation of a family, because the welfare state provides if they lose their job. So they're

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the risk to an individual's own economic situation is not really linked to the parents's economic situation, and the expectation is also not there to the same extent. But I haven't quite checked that. So I can't talk about results. This is just expectations at the moment. Yes.

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I would. Just 1 1 point you might be interested in related to this discussion. There's a new book by Peggy Levitt on Transnational Protections, and she discusses this very issue about how how it works and who supports and the market, the the family how it works in different kinds of social production protocols. So you might want to look it out. It's brand new. It's just out in 2,023.

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okay, I think we have to close off. I thank you all for participating and coming. including those online. And I thank particularly the 4 presenters. And what excites me so much is not only the excellent presentations, but they're all part of a bigger project with more questions. So I expect a bunch of papers to come out on this that we can all read later on, because they're all very exciting projects.

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and very important. So it's really good to have you aboard, and I think our family network is

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is solid, going forward into the future. So thank you very, very much, and

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happy evening to everybody.