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Okay?

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So Bhutani's refugees?

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we're expelled from

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Bhutan in the late 1980 s. Because the Buddhist botany state wanted to homogenize the country, being an ethnic minority, their culturally and linguistically a different community. So there was a series of but botany citizenship laws changes that essentially expelled people. There was a resistance movement which further pushed people out. So what happened is early 90 S.

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Around a hundred 1,000 Ghutanese refugees from from Bhutan fled to Nepal and lived in refugee camps for over 2 decades.

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So this is one of the camp, where I worked extensively from 2,000 and

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 13 to now. So it's a decade-long project that I've been involved in. Build a refugee camp. This might come up again.

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And what happens in 2,000 and end of 2,007, 2,008 is United States and other global North Countries Fund resettlement.

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the legal resettlement of Bhutanese refugees to the Us.

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And to Canada and to other parts of Europe, and in the Us. Currently there are over 96,000 resettled Bhutanese refugees. So that's significantly shifted the population of folks who have South Asian origins.

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So

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this this resettlement project is considered to be extremely successful. It's considered to be a real feat in humanitarian collaboration UN, working well together with the global north countries funding people's movement relocation to a new country, you know, resolving, as it were, the issue of displacement and dispossession. So keep that a context in mind.

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so this is where I come in This is where my research comes in. It's considered as an institutional success. But no one really ever has looked at what the refugee's own experience of movement has been or relocation has been. And that's where my ethnographic work comes in.

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 And in that in that vein

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I came across this idea by working with Bhutanese refugee women, where divorce, not marriage, divorce, becomes a way in which transnational migration and border crossing gets facilitated.

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and this we can look at, because only in conjunction with refugee studies and critical humanitarian studies. So there's a lot of scholarship right now on transnational marriage or cross-border movement. But and there's some studies that have begin that have begun to look at dissolution of cross-border marriages. But not but it's only after arriving in the global north or after arriving in countries of destination.

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but not before. So what I'm trying to say is that

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Bhutanese refugee women get divorced in order to travel to global north countries. In my instance, the United States

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and this form of care, which I argue divorce as a form of care is, in fact, facilitated by family members. So a lot of scholarships on transactional marriage looks at how you know divorce is a no, no, you shouldn't go there. You should try to maintain marriage. Blah blah blah! But

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I'm trying to slip that on its head by saying that it's actually families want their girl child to get divorced so that

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movement can occur.

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and there is this assumption that allows it as well, which is that it's a temporary disruption, so, idea being that one will again remarry the person one has legally divorced.

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I hope I'm making sense thus far. Yeah.

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So

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that's the context of divorce. And my particular interlocutor is puspa, a Bhutanese refugee women

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who I've known since 2,014 until now, and she came to the camp as a 10 year old in 1,992, with her parents.

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got married in the refugee camp. This is Bill Danie Camp that I showed you guys earlier. when I met her in 2,014, when I was doing my ethnographic field work in the camp. Her parents were in the thick

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of doing all the bureaucratic work to go resettle in the Us.

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 But her case she couldn't

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apply for relocation

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with her parents, because she has a peculiar case of mixed marriage. So Postpa was married to a Nepali citizen at the time.

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and according to navali constitution, if a foreign woman, it's very patriarchal in logic, in nature, a foreign woman marries a Nepali citizen, you can become, you can get naturalized as a Nepali citizen, which meant that the Unhcr which also follows Nepali law and the Constitution for Unhcr. She didn't qualify as refugee.

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She became a naturalized. She could become potentially a naturalized refugee, a naturalized Nepali citizen.

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which meant that her eligibility of Nepali citizenship overshadowed her lifelong existence as a refugee in the camp, a marriage disqualified Pusa because she couldn't be considered a dispossessed suffering refugee she would have to stay back in Nepal while her entire so social support system would relocate to the Us. Just because she was married to an abally citizen.

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So humanitarian care and bureaucracy affords us a different kind of lens to think about movement strategies for migrant women. In this particular instance of refugee migrant women.

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 so what does she do? Who spy in order to qualify for resettlement offering by the Us. Or humanitarian care that the U. S. Provided

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she. They recalorate the relationship by

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getting a divorce

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in 2,014, and I had accompanied them to the district office, etc. So it's a lot of ethnographic field work, but they get divorced in 2,014 for Nepali rupees, 15,000, which was roughly around. Then maybe 150 Us. Dollars.

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this that took out, quotes that I wanted to bring up here for Spa's husband and divorce. I have agreed to this divorce because in the future I don't want my children to think that they could not go to the Us. When they had a chance, because of their father. It's a very future-oriented strategy.

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and Pusa on her own divorce. She says what is on paper is true, but the heart is different, kind of implying that, in fact, what is on paper is totally false. That's what she's trying to get at.

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 but it's so so timeline of remarried. So I followed Pussy from 2,014 to now we travel. So 14 she got a divorce. By 2,016 she was able to relocate to the Us. With her 2 girls minus the husband. 2019. When she got the green card in the U. S. She was able to travel back

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to Nepal to

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get a document. It's called Milapatra, a document. It's not court marriage, but a document stating that the the couple has reunited.

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This happened in 2,019, but the Us. Rejected those documents, saying that they were legally divorced, which meant that she had to go back to Nepal in 2,022 to do a court marriage and provide legal evidence of remarrying this same person.

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and this entailed almost an expense of 5,000 Us. Us. 5,000 us dollars. So you see the arc, the the the arc of disruption of this woman's family for almost a decade. Right?

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 And by way of conclusion, I wanted to think about a couple things here.

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the humanitarian regime, the international refugee regime in 2,016, when Puspah made her way into the us as a Us. Resident through the relocation program.

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labeled her as a resolved case of refugee. Right? She becomes overnight a Us. Permanent resident. But if you look at it through the like angle of divorce, nothing is resolved for pspace. There is still this

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long-term disruption that's unfolding

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kids and her in the us husband in in Nepal trying to make his way into the Us. etc. So the question I want to raise is, is this really

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a resolution of someone's permanent status of dispossession. Number one, right and number 2. How do we begin to think about this

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formal, informal real on paper versus fake binaries that minded women.

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in this particular instance, refugee women are trying to navigate.

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and as this case, as you saw, suggests that for her for poos by and her entire family

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divorce, which was absolutely legal on paper, was actually the the fake or the false thing. In this entire operation. So fakeness fake a bureaucracy. Fake paper is at the center of Puspat's subjectivity, and I kind of want to think through that some more.

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And finally, how does this idea of

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formal equals fake. Allow us to think about migrant women, refugee women's relationship to a State and being a refugee refugee women is extremely important in this case, because

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it's at the intersection of humanitarian studies and refugee studies, because transnational migration studies alone

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is unable to tackle this question, because this question never really surfaces as a conundrum for migration studies, because the the transnational movement through migration studies that it has looked at is very different in nature.

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and I will stop there. Thank you so much, and open to questions when we have the time.

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Thank you for the perfect time come from now it's 10 s left.

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So so

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let's welcome our second presenter, Dr. Do. And from the Education University of Hong Kong.

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I just say, no place to do this for this.

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Good morning. Everyone. The title of my presentation today is Divorce's Astrology of empowerment, remarried Chinese immigrant women navigating immigration and social policies in Hong Kong. It's interesting that Retika also talked about divorce, and both of us actually, instead of seeing you know women as victims, they were actually active subjects.

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Okay, so this is the and gender of my presentation.

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So before I go into the findings, I would like to give you some background. The proportion of cross-border marriages in total register marriages in Hong Kong was the second highest among Asian countries, which come up to about 35%

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in 2,016, and actually remarried to women. Among these, in these cross-border marriages were not uncommon, not only in Asia, but also in Europe, and in the case of Hong Kong mainland. Chinese women who remarried Hong Kong break rooms has increased more than three-fold from 10% in 1,991 to about 35% in 2,015.

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These remarried women among these cross-border marriages. and the number at the same time. The number of divorces among local and cross-border marriages has also mushroomed over time.

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Studies have shown that intermarriages and remarriages are both more unstable. However, the marital stability of international remarriages are under examined. There has been some emerging research on transitional transnational divorce.

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Which examined the influences of immigration status, citizenship, and social policies. But the results are mixed. So on one hand, these policies may delay the one's decisions and create obstacles to immigrant women's remarriage and claim for her child custody, but, on the other hand, residency and support from the welfare State may facilitate union dissolution. So the aims of this article.

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a two-fold first is to explore how immigration and exclusionary social policies may affect marital relations of these remarried Chinese women and stability of cross-border step families. Second, is to explore the ways by which these women activate divorce or create speed households. In in other words, they lived apart from their husbands as strategies of empowerment, to navigate various policies, restrictions

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to give you some background on immigration schemes and social policies in Hong Kong.

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Most of these women.

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men and Chinese women, they would, you know, migrate to Hong Kong, join their husbands through a family reunion scheme called one-way premise system. They cannot apply

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by themselves, and they have to rely on disposed to petition for them.

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On the other hand, they also cannot rely on their children, even though they were born in Hong Kong to sponsor them.

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And these women they have to weigh about. Currently they have to wait about 4 years or more to have the permit issued, and then they have to wait another 7 years to become a permanent resident. After migrating to Hong Kong.

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However, a lot of these women! They do not wait till they get the permit to join their husbands in Hong Kong. To maintain a good relationship with the husbands, many of them would actually applied for a two-way permit. Which is a visitor permit, so she can stay for 90 days and renew it

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so that she could stay in Hong Kong.

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So many of these women actually would travel these remarried women, but travel back and forth because they still have children in China that they have to take care of

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 about the public housing and social welfare benefits, particularly public rental housing is very important to these low-income cross-border families, because the essay prize in Hong Kong is very, very high. So.

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however, to be eligible for these benefits. you know, if they were married, like, you know, these couples, they must apply as a family, and more likely, you know, the husband would be the main applicant

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for the public rental housing. The main applicant also has to be a prominent resident

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and two-way permit holders. They were not eligible for any of these benefits, and they cannot work in Hong Kong. However, if they have a Hong Kong-born child.

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their their child, you know are eligible, you know, for for the social welfare benefits, but they have to again rely on a guardian or welfare recipient to apply on the behalf. So the child cannot apply, you know, by himself or herself.

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 this study is actually part of a larger project, and

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the data is collected, you know. Through in-depth interviews with 35 Migrant immigrant women, immigrant Chinese women! Between 2,017 and 2,018. These women actually have previous relationships with Chinese men back in men in China, and they have In my sample, you know all of them have children from previous unions, and then they remarried. You know Hong Kong men.

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and at the time of the study Over half of them were already divorced, or they were preparing for divorce, and some of them lived apart from their husbands. And these, these, these women, basically, I recruited them through local agios. So basically they are coming from low-income families. So the findings, the first 2 or 3 slides

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we discuss the

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how these policies would affect a couple relations. So, for example, as I mentioned. A lot of these women have to travel back and forth right to look after their children. Frequent separation would become couple of relations. Sometimes they there. There's lack of trust between the couple. And, on the other hand, the difference between these women who are remarried versus those who are of the first marriage is that

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they have, you know, children coming with them, you know, from me in China, and a lot of times after the children migrated to Hong Kong and joined the husband, joined her. Their husband. step-father, step, child relations is a lot of times conflictual.

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It may also strain a couple relations. So, for example, you know, in my sample, there were 2 women

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because of this. situation divorced their Hong Kong husband after migration another one lived apart from her husband, and that There is also another woman who is separated from her Hong Kong husband, who actually have engaged in extramarital affairs and left for Jamaica while she was waiting for the one-way permit

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in terms of the the impact or influence of public housing policy.

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 that was this case, like her name, was woven, and her husband lived in a public rental flat, but he distrusted her mainland, his mainland wife.

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The reason why? Because he was afraid that you know he was living in this public unit, and in the case of divorce, it's very likely that the court would award the his public fat to the wife because she has to take care of her child.

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So what she did. Okay? Sorry.

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Oh.

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what what he did was actually, instead of allowing her to stay with her with him in the public flat and register her as a resident of that public fat, he actually rented another small apartment for her, so they do not actually live together.

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and the wife was disappointed, and also because the husband also, you know, was you know, addicted with gambling. So later, you know, the couple divorced shortly up to reunion

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the following several scenarios, I would talked about

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the

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how women actually use divorce or lift apart from their husbands to navigate policy restrictions. So in this case the

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Our. Her name was

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Her name was Chula.

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and she unfortunately, after she arrived Hong Kong, she had

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a kidney DC. So she could not work, and her aged husband was unwilling to support her, because originally he thought that you know he was going to work and support yourself and your child.

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and On the other hand, this man also lived in the subsidized private housing, and also got financial support from his adult children, so he won't be applying for public housing or welfare for his wife

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and the women. In order to apply for a government support, she divorced

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her husband in order to be become eligible.

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So she said that I will not be able to apply for public housing, you know, if I stay with him, he does not support me financially, so I have to divorce him, and then I can apply, for you know, the social welfare scheme and public housing.

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the second case

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here. Her name was Maven.

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and she actually her husband also lived in a puppet unit, but he also has a

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his own son living with him, a adult son.

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And actually he was on good terms with this woman. However, there was a problem with the stepmother and the step son. So the relationship was hostile.

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So what happened was that

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 She said. You know the son? Okay. The man's son wanted to beat us after we arrived on the one-way permit.

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and my husband saw no way out and suggested that we divorced so that I can apply for public housing. He intended to help me until the end by divorcing me so that I would be eligible for public housing. So they they divorced, not because that their relationship was bad, but, you know, is to as a way to solve the step parent, and you know, stepmother and step. Some relationship. So the third case

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this. The husband lived in the government-run Nursing home, and was on social welfare. So after the women arrived. He actually proposed that, you know he would move out from the public house. public! Nursing home and stay on welfare and live together as a family. with the woman! But the woman do not want to do that, because there was a lot of restrictions with the welfare scheme, and she could not work, and in

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if she got welfare the she could not cover the house or expenses. So at the end she lived a part, you know, from her husband, and found a job to support herself

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and the last case. very briefly, this woman she has a child born in Hong Kong out of Wetlock with her second husband, and unfortunately these men died, you know, before they register for marriage. So what she did was that she has to marry her third husband, who was also a Hong Kong man, so that she could continue to apply for the one-way permit, and that this man would also, you know, act as a custodian to apply for her child to get welfare.

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However, what happened was that

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shortly after, you know, the husband started to bully her and made unreasonable requests, including intimacy and sexual service. So she later lived apart from her third husband, but she could not leave him because she still need him to. sponsor his application so, to conclude very quickly.

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we could see that the from the very few cases, the the last few cases we see that the policy influences and women's strategies may vary according to women's immigration, status, step, family configurations and relations and husbands, living arrangements and women's earning capacity. Okay? So I think that's the end of my presentation. Thank you.

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Thank you. So next we have Dr. Hong Jung from academic Academia. Seneca Taiwan.

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Yes. click on it.

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Thank you.

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 okay, let's get started. I'm Hong Jian from Taiwan. I'll do my best to finish my presentation within 12 min. My presentation to my my presentation topic today is recent Japanese female marriage migrant in China.

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Previous studies on cross-border marriage between China and Taiwan have many focus on Chinese women married to Taiwanese men. But why do I want to study Chinese women married to Chinese men? Let's start with the official data

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in the case of Taiwan. Since the late 1980 S. A large number of marriage migrants have moved into Taiwan, and the Taiwan Government has gradually begun to develop immigration policies. In the past 2 decades the number of Chinese marriage immigrants settling in Taiwan picked in 2,003 and 2,004.

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However, after 2,004, the number decline due to straight monetary by Taiwan's government. In addition, the number of marriages between China and Taiwan decline in 2,020, due to the impact of the pandemic.

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Okay, however, the number of Chinese women marrying Chinese men over the past 2 decades, although relatively small, has been increasing steadily from 2,004 until 2,020, when the pandemic has become more severe, and this shows that the trend of Taiwanese women marrying Chinese men has become a matter of of concern.

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This trend can be attributed to the increasing frequency. Of course, travel, and a growing number of young Tau needs starting and working in China.

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through in-depth interviews with Taiwanese women who have married Chinese men in recent years. This studies reveals that a marrying up on marrying dumb paradise of arises in lay across border marriages.

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This paradise is related to the dynamic relationship between our geopolitical and economic development across the Taiwan's trade during the past decades, and how different generations perceive and view the effect of this change!

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 the Taiwanese female marriage migrant Arlene Taiwan family see this move as a downgrade from Taiwan, which was once an economic miracle in Asia to China, which is relatively backward in developments.

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The Italian family were therefore puzzled as to why they choose to marry Chinese men.

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However, the rapid economic growth and a large number of job opportunities and a significant achievements in reform opening up, and modernizations in China are the factors that attract young our needs to move to China.

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So these studies, therefore, examines how Tahini's wife's married Chinese husbands respond to geopolitical changes in their

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intimate relationship.

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and how they perceive their course. Border marriages concerning their social status and economic interests.

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in a contest where economic ties between Taiwan and China are becoming closer. But the political relations are getting increasingly tense.

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So in in the existing studies. The fairytale storyline of hypogamy oversimplifies the motivation of cos border marriage and constable, therefore proposed paradoxes of global hypogamy asking in what ways and from whose perspective

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hypogamy is defined by using different perspectives to clarify how women make rational decisions from the choices available to them.

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We can also understand the limit of the hypothesis by looking at reverse marriage migration, reverse marriage migration involves women from developed countries, marrying men from developing countries over in connection with women's travel is

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serious. Yes.

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Studies by various scholars have also revealed that women's motivations for moving to a different countries are complex and diverse and diverse, including a sense of adventure, a decide to travel abroad, experience a different world, emotional or career frustration.

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escape from difficulties and family stress, or the pursuit of love.

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In addition, women, despite a better life through course border marriages and look for a partner who is financially well of her interest, has common ideas about marital life.

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and allows her to pursue personal career and self-

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when we contextualized Chinese and Taiwanese course border marriages, some scholars indicated that when Taiwan is married Chinese. The Chinese authorities and societies

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about national identity and sovereignty is often reflected on the various border contours and surveillance of Chinese spouses making them the Institute's excluded orders.

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and in the process of constructing Taiwan's national identity Chinese spouses are seen as the hostile orders of Taiwan's.

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This in the

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this initialization are categorized as a weak group of men and national.

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From 2,004 to 2,014. Also Taiwanese people

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camped more open to the A. Of Taiwan citizenship by Chinese spouses. There was still significance.

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Differences between the Hind Taiwanese and the men and the Chinese Kawanese.

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and this research employs qualitative methods to examine Japanese female marriage migrants who have settled in men and China, and many a prior in-depth interviews as noble in technique to collect data

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starting from

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2021 to 2032. I have conducted 24 in-depth interviews with Japanese female migrant marriage migrant in China.

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There are 2 main things in my interviews together, including their understanding of Prc. Before moving to China and their lives and experiences as marriage immigrants in China.

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Among my 24 interviewees, their age

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arranged from 24 to 40 years old, and all 24 interviews have a tertiary education, of which 6 have a master degree, and to have a Ph. D.

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Most of them live in major cities, such as Beijing, Shanghai is engine and second-tier cities, such as Tangjou.

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and most have moved to China. In the past 10 years less of time interviewees have lived in China, ranged from 3 to 15 years.

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About half of the interviews have children, or are planning to have children.

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The following is the preliminary and analysis at discussion.

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backwardness is over the keyword. Taiwanese. Paris used to justify their daughter's marriage migration to China.

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Parents of Tahani's wives usually compare China to other countries and express the hierarchy of China. In Taiwan's marriage market in terms of emergent developmental differences between countries

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over the past 2 decades the number of Taiwanese women marrying Chinese men has increased.

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creating a new trend of marriages between China and Taiwan.

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It is no longer the same as the past. Stereotypes of cross-border marriages between the lower classes.

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During and 30 years after World War Ii. Hawaii's economic growth was much faster than China's. Still, China's economic development has grown astonishingly over the past 40 years since its reform, and opening up in 1978,

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it has now surpassed Japan, and to become the world's second largest economy

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after the United States.

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In addition, China has also improved living standards since it's reformed and opening up to date.

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However, the image of Chinese.

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Suppose this

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entered in Taiwan in large numbers in the past, has met China lower than Taiwan in the eyes of the elder generations. In Taiwan.

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In other words, parents of Chinese marriage migrants imagine China as an even more backward place than Taiwan.

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and when it comes to Japanese and household politics. Interviews who have children indicated that parenting is a major issue of disagreement between Taiwan China couples.

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the church, the choices of school parenting style, and whether to teach their children traditional or simplified Chinese characters were issues that cause tensions between the couples.

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Such issues influenced this couple's choices

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of where to leave

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on the choices of price, of residence, powers, trick, residency, and employment restrictions on Chinese have discouraged Chinese Taiwanese couples from choosing Taiwan as their place of residence

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on due to political confrontation between Taiwan and men and China. Chinese immigrants in Taiwan are subject to a spatial law that has been criticized as discriminatory is crusionary and unfair.

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Hmm.

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Okay. In conclusion, the class mobility includes trade marriage. But

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between China and Taiwan is relatively less significant, however, based on the in-depth interviews in this study.

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the contradiction of marrying up, of marrying them is still

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equivalent in the narratives of corresponding Khani's wives.

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I'm the interview data in this study review that the negotiation between maternal families and Taiwanese wives is not only related to the personal perceptions of Kavanaugh's wife, but also to the views of colonies.

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maternal families on course, trade development.

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 Khani's maternal families appropriated the geopolitical imaginations to construct their marrying up or marrying dumb discourse, Liab

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depreciating taw, and his wife's marriage choices.

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The cases in this study suggests that for Taiwan's wives their choice, of course, straight marriage is not best soly material considerations, such as the financial security it can provide. Other kinds of design may also play a role from the decide to experience a different world to the pursuit of love and an ideal partner.

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or the possibility of realizing one's career.

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This covers all. I want you to stay today. Thank you for listening.

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Okay, thank you, Dr. Hong. So after we've been to Nepal, Hong, Kong, Taiwan, and China, now we are moving on moving north and north to South Korea. Let's welcome Dr. So Akwi from Fukuoka Women's University in Japan.

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Thank you.

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Okay. Hello.

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Hello, everyone. I'm Aki. So from Fukoki Women's university.

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I'm going to present my paper building, a sister food across borders, white migrant Women's Human Rights movement in Korea.

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the empirical studies on immigration features, the role of State actors in sending and receiving countries

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explains the mechanism of policy changes. The role of civil society. Actors have been a little absent from conventional analysis, however, in East Asian countries, such as Japan, Korea, and Taiwan, where government programs have provided legal support to a range of immigrants, hardships, immigrants support Ngos in the host country have been more active and widely recognized.

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and migrants or organizations. This situation is different from what that in Western Europe and North America, where immigrant ethnic communities communities primarily provide newcomers with information, legal medical insurance services and other supports.

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Sheepa called these these activities of civil society as associative activism. It refers to organized activities by civil society to initially work, to serve specific programs eventually for political ambition, and they exert pressure on dominant features of the public sphere, especially processes of governance, political representation, and opinion, formation

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in Korea, non-state actors and organizations appeared to organize support for voting workers and marriage migrant women and fight to protect them.

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This paper focuses on the latter the feminist activism for marriage migrant women rights.

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I will analyze Korean feminist advocation for marriage migrants with women. How did they approach and respond to the programs my grand women face and placed the pressure on the government.

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how to distribute a coalition with marriage migrant women. How does the feminist intervention affect the marriage migrant to women's conditions? And how about the response from a migrant to women themselves?

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I'm going to explore these issues based on my qualitative research in metropolitan, so metropolitan. So in the last 10 decades, except the the period of COVID-19.

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And this is my The outline

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East Asian countries are facing with the so-called crisis of operation, or, more precisely, the crisis of the social reproduction

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in Korea, the number of marriage migrant women dramatically increased in 1990 s. As a solution to the mere marriage squids in rural area in Korea.

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discrimination against marriage migrants as well as violence and other difficulties took place.

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Women's human rights organizations raises the problems as being rooted in Korean society, instead of being attributed to migrant women themselves and Christian, the Government to take measures

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as a solution. Korean government adopted a multi-cultural policy in mid- to citizens.

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which featured only large migrants and children born to international marriages between Korean nationals and foreigners as a target of social integration, and excluded other immigrants, such as the Foreign workers.

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Much Culture Family Support Act was implemented and implemented in late 2,000, which initiated systematic support programs for so-called multicultural families.

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I explore how the funds policy affected

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marriage migrant to women in terms of a collectivity.

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their surroundings, under the circumstances of solidarity.

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most migrant D women have developed in form of self-help groups by their origin, where they mutually support by staring information in joining communication in their own languages.

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In a country like Korea that have instituted strict immigration control, the migration process is a complex structure in which commercial agencies play primary role by introducing spouses and the prices of living, while women migrate alone and live as only one foreigner within their new families. Thus it it is difficult for them to organize among themselves.

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In contrast, March my V. And women's organization is proliferated.

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since, when multicultural policy implemented with the emergence of collectivities involving migrant women from different countries.

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there are communication and networking further promoted through Internet and

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they are engaged with cultural activities as a tool to communicate with and get recognition from mainstream Korean society.

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While these organizations provided new opportunities of socialization and mutual assistance.

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Marriage migrant women's associations are yet to represent themselves, address their own interest, and get involved in public politics effectively.

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Here I show classification of this organization in terms of a relationship with existing organizations.

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Type C as independent organizations also maintain close ties with specific Korean women's organizations which deal with a wide range of issues such as violence, cultural representation, political participation, and employment.

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These pictures were taken at the events, including Rodies addressing of migrant women's Me, too.

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associated with activism for sorry.

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Unlike Hong Kong and Singapore, where migrant and domestic workers make up the majority. In Korea there are more industrial workers, entertainers and marriage migrants among total female migrants.

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They have a difficulty in organizing themselves due to local resources, language variants, and unstable Residency status in the host country, which is why Korean women's human rights organizations have mainly provided support and have been involved in the political process of support measures for marriage migrant to women.

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Several Korean women's organizations actively intervened with migrant women facing discrimination, domestic violence, and other difficulties, raising them as a problems in Korean society, social structure, and pressuring the government.

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To this end. These organizations are conducting rallies and inter-institutional meetings, press Conference, loving and participating in the international network on human trafficking

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among the women's groups, the Women and migrant Women Rights Center of Korea has been prominent in leading migrant Women's Human Rights movement

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to date since their establishment in 2,001. They address feminism as the driving force of their activism, and promotes the support and improvement of the human rights of a diverse migrant to women.

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In the early 2,000. The center opened a shelter as the first one in Korea being dedicated for migrant Women, victims of violence. According to the website, its vision is to develop and provide support training related policies to enable migrant women to become independent

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and secure their basic human rights as members of the Korean society and its core. Budgets are of human rights, protecting a mutual support.

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a mutual respect, solidarity, and transparency. In the face of violence and discrimination.

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Its activities include counseling services, Korean language and language, human rights, education, environment and leadership, training and support for the formation of self-help groups, advocacy and policy, monitoring

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the center, emphasizing, dropping and monitoring of a policy having accomplished some important policy, changes, including the installment of shelters for the migrant to women, victims of violence

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in 2,001, a Korean women activist of migrant labor organizations created a network called migrant Women's Human Rights solidarity.

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They held a policy workshop to raise the issue of migrant migrant workers and married migrant women, and called on the Ministry of Justice to take measures against damaged by the international marriage agencies

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in 2,003, a Filipino women suffering from violence by her Korean husband through herself, from a high-rise apartment building.

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This incident symbolized the in inability of a married migrant women to speak out

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so. migrant to supporters held symposiums and demanded a full-fledged response on the policy, develop

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the issues of migrant to women had long been considered a part of the right movements of migrant workers, but so the concept of a records rights couldn't address the programs of violence, abuse and abandonment by Korea, husbands and appearance indoor. For this reason the founder of the Center decided to join the Korean Federation of a Women's organization in 2,003, the platform of Women's Education movement in Korea.

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She said that

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she said that the State that rights to highlight migrant women's issues in the real or indigenous adopt means Korean women's movement, and introduced the experience that indigenous women's organizations have accumulated during this period to the Migrant Women's movement

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officials support programs for marriage migrants and their children, and began in 2,007 with the establishment of 17 March Family

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and Support Center nationwide.

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The operating body was the Health Family Support Center, which women's movement groups had a criticized for being but the alcohol and the politically centered regarding the nuclear family as a normal family.

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In 2,008 the name was changed to the Multicultural Family Support Center.

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the multicultural family centers which public so support programs were criticized by only a feminist for their emphasizing the maintenance of the family undertaking family re-establishment

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as a solution even for domestic violence victims.

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a much-cultural family supporter center became a kind of a space where Korean women and migrant women encounter as employer and employee ats or rancher.

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I had many. I heard many complaints from a migrant to women about the hierarchy among women. I am quoting such voices collected as a public debate.

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You Korean women say that you are supporting immigrants, but from our point of view, as a recipient of support, this is clearly discrimination. What I want is equality. In most cultural centers Korean women get good and and immigrant to women have only unstable, non-permanent positions.

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and they are trying to make us do things that Korean women don't want to do. It has been 22 years since I became a Korean citizen, but I'm still an immigrant to women in Korean society, much cultural family, so there is no value or meaning during my Korean nationality.

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Her criticism against the Korean women illustrates the reality that marriage migrant women are being incorporated at the bottom of Korean society as a new category.

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while low-rated jobs having been imported on Korean women are subcontracted to migrant, to women.

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I like to highlight the Tom indigenous and the stranger in Korean feminism usages the former indigenous Nick means natives. Statistical usage of this term indigenous instead of a Korean, implies transformation of the conventional ethnological, international hierarchy into simple temporal order.

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Salada, stranger, seems to me, attempt to deconstruct the conventional image about the Korean as a homogeneous group.

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Both the terms suggest that their efforts to decentralize, and the the privilege and Koreans within the nation state which has been highly ethnicized

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as a conclusion. Nobel Davis conceptualizes trans fossil, so politics as the in encompassment of a difference by equality. This means the recognition on the one hand, and that differences are important, but, on the other hand, the notion of reference should encompass rather than replace notions of equality. Such notions of difference are not hierarchical.

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so there, in emerged hierarchy incorporating immigrant population as a V of a society. I argued that associative activism for the migrant to women's rights certainly viewed a foundation of debate debates about the transversal dialogue and politics in which both Korean and immigrant to women participate at equal base.

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While there is a significant socioeconomic gap between Korean and migrant women. It is suggested that consciousness of a multiplicity of a positioning as well as a commonness or being strangers, enables the creation of a transnational solidarity among various women.

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Okay, this is the end of my presentation. Thank you very much.

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Thank you so much. So now we have our next presenter from online, and she will take us to Japan as an emergent destination.

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can you share your screen, please?

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Hmm.

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Seiko: It's it's being shown.

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Seiko: So good morning. I'm safe when I will be presenting my undergraduate thesis on power relations and the cup to acquisition in the lives of intermarried margins, Filipino women, and Japan. So

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Seiko: for the content of my presentation with this one, so I will try to finish by

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Seiko: the a lot of time, because it's a bit long. But I will try my baby.

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Seiko: So

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Seiko: I'm focusing on correlations and capital acquisition. So

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Seiko: in in an intermediate. So I'm like for a homo for the bridge of feather Po together. It's a form of method structure, which is that contact between individuals more likely to occur between similar people, and more frequently not not. People would tend to choose their partners based on how similar they are.

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Seiko: But then, in recent years intermediate has solely been rising as marriages occurring between diverse in groups and outgroups. that are different from what is desire to be

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Seiko: what is defined to be desirable by a certain culture is slowly

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Seiko: increasing, and it's veering away from the common homophilic marriages, and these intermarriages do not follow a one size with all narrative, as it covers many factors between like interplay

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Seiko: of fossil preference, social group influence and marriage market constraints. So

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Seiko: on.

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Seiko: When enter, I just happen, marriage migration enables individuals to join their spouses in countries or areas that are different from where they are originally from, and it may occur prior to, or soon after marriage, and the the motivations of the people

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Seiko: very depending on the situations of the migrants, and at present more people are able to engage in intermarriages and marriage migration with us, or restrictions due to greater mobility and wide and contact brought about by continuous globalization and development of travel and communications.

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Seiko: So

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Seiko: for the Philippine or Japanese context, Filipino workers have begun to make them

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Seiko: themselves known in Japan since the early 19 fifties, through Japan's opening of borders to school workers and entertainers. So the loosening of the migration regime, and it will more people to enter the country and experience far as changes in their life course, and one of the most common changes in the life course would be marriage.

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Seiko: So it's frequently observed between

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Seiko: Philippine women and Japanese men. and

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Seiko: these intermarriages usually race difficulty as presented in the context of of the Philippines, because in the past intermarried Philipping, a woman would often be viewed with future. This because of

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Seiko: they would tell them that

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Seiko: they would try to judge their intermarriages and consider it like us and

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Seiko: economic strategy that enables the advancement of economic opportunities and other benefits. But in recent years that has been changing. But usually, if.

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Seiko: like, it came, the Internet just occurred during the most of the entertainment industry. That's the view of most people.

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Seiko: So

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Seiko: for my research questions. It's, how do opportunities and constraints affect

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Seiko: the dynamics of power relations and the acquisition of the different forms of capital and intermarriages of migrant working women with Japanese men, and falls up with how to intermarry migrants will be new women construct relationships with their husbands and integrate themselves within their husband's community.

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Seiko: So

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Seiko: this, as mentioned earlier, it focuses on themes of power, relations, and capital opposition. So power relations in Japan and Japanese society, gender.

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Seiko: division, and hierarchy continues to exist, and it's often reinforced through economic, social, and psychological mechanisms which further perpetuates gender rules where men are given power and control us.

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Seiko: Japanese Japan is

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Seiko: a somehow patriarchal society. Well, in the Philippines, by relations is viewed as the power located in between people, and it comes in the form of ex engagement, or it's it's your exchange. So basically in the Philippines power, they try to balance it out with a term called we don't know. And what I'm not always like you.

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Seiko: You have to give back to. to maintain the balance, so that no one is one up by another person.

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Seiko: and then for the forms of capital. I'm focusing mostly on

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Seiko: social capital, social networks and cultural capital. But I will also be discussing economic and cultural capital.

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Seiko: since it's

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Seiko: capital is very like Broad. So

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Seiko: throughout my discussion, it's just gonna come and go.

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Seiko: But mostly social capital and social networks.

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Seiko: So like.

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Seiko: how network's been an important role in the integration of people and how

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Seiko: and they are able to access resources to the help in capital.

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Seiko: So for the profile of my respondents.

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Seiko: I. 8. Out of 9 people intermarried through the boom of the Philippine or Japanese entertainment industry, and 2 out of these 8. How divorced, and one out of the 2 the forces have remarried, and one case is a special case.

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Seiko: because she did not intermarry through the Japanese entertainment industry, because initially, when I was working on my thesis, I wanted to do a case study of the different cases. So first would be the case of people who intermarried through the entertainment industry. The second would be

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Seiko: through like school and work settings in the Philippines, because there are a lot of Japanese companies in Philippines, and

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Seiko: for the third one it's more of the modern one, like online dating and

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Seiko: the use of language learning apps to meet spouses. But since I was working on my thesis during the pandemic, and I had limited time to find people and search for respondents. It was a bit difficult, so I decided to focus on what was readily available to me. So mostly the

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Seiko: those people who intermarried through the and dating industry.

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Seiko: So I had, seeming for it for choosing my respondents. It was The participant must be Philippine. A woman who did you know? Citizenship must have been to right for a year, and must be living in, or have lived in.

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Seiko: So for the. for the early life of my respondents.

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Seiko: for the early life of the correspondent, they described it as happy it difficult. So sometimes they would have something to eat. Sometimes they wouldn't. They would have to walk from the province, and I did to get home from school, but then not everyone experience this. Like other. My other respondents described their their childhood as happy like. They took on hobbies and passions, and received

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Seiko: education, but not completed. Do you? Do you do? Family

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Seiko: financial constraints? And they had childhood aspirations which were fulfilled but by migrating. But some the other ones were not fulfilled since they had to migrate. So they viewed migration, some vid migration as a positive thing, and others did not.

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Seiko: So true my lumigation. They initially started

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Seiko: to work migration, but then, after working, they met their spouses, and they built a family. So it changed to marriage migration after it. So marriage migration.

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Seiko: Marriage mitigation consists of a lot of material and emotional preparations, like changing vessels and getting permission and legalizing

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Seiko: papers.

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Seiko: And according to my respondents, it was so much easier in the past. But now it's a bit difficult.

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Seiko: and during their marriage they realized a lot of things about their spouses that they didn't realize before. So there was a change in relationship dynamics.

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Seiko: So, for example, like one of my respondents, said that she wasn't expecting her husband to be how

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Seiko: her husband became. So they ended up divorcing

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Seiko: in the end, and then support from clients. So some of their families were super supportive of their migration to Japan, but some others were not supportive, but in the end they eventually became supportive after they saw that

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Seiko: the life of their family member, if it was okay in Japan.

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Seiko: And then for the marriage challenges, there are actually a lot that I'm focusing on cultural and linguistic barriers, traditional practices and socialization. We care for children, so for traditional practices.

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Seiko: some, since

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Seiko: the Philippines and Japan are very different in terms of society, it was a bit difficult for them to adjust to

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Seiko: Japanese Families like one respondent said that she had to be a week earlier than everyone else in the family, and she had to wait for her husband to come back

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Seiko: before she could sleep or do anything else. And then for socialization and care, it's different. Because.

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Seiko: because, as mentioned, the upbringing of Philippine migrants is different from the bringing of

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Seiko: people in Japan, so they had difficulty, like meeting halfway with some of their, some of their spouses, and their in loss about it

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Seiko: was eventually they were able to overcome these marriage challenges through personal and mutual adjustments. On negotiating their marriages and the acquisition of capital so cultural capital. They were in the language they integrated. They work alongside Japanese people, but then some weren't able to

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Seiko: to resolve it. So they ended up in divorce and getting married again.

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Seiko: Thank you, Mary.

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Seiko: So for the integration within the husband's effort and community, they had varied experiences, so some had good experiences, and others had difficulty establishing a relationship with the people in their husband's network and with locals. They said that they feel very Japanese, but then

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Seiko: sometimes they don't feel super Japanese, because they can feel like a wall like a barrier, but

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Seiko: they feel good being in Japanese society

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Seiko: and for integration challenges. one common challenge was living with involved and the traditional practices that came along with them and with locals. It's the difficulty, speaking Japanese in the earlier Us. In Japan.

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Seiko: there are some more. But I will try to speed up to integration challenges institutional discrimination. So Japan tends to value local people more than foreigners, so the rights of intermittent women are heavily tied to the right to their husband. So if they divorced like.

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Seiko: and they don't have a child. The woman may not be able to get a visa that easily, because you don't have the child where she can get the visa from the spread of gossip.

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Seiko: my respondents said that Japanese people are back fighters, so

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Seiko: some would

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Seiko: like speak about them in front of them, but then not name jobs. So that was one of their concerns when they were talking to me, and they had like difficulty trusting other people

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Seiko: like Japanese people and go ethnic as well. So it was like one of the things that they highlighted and then homesickness. Some said they weren't

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Seiko: homesick anymore, because they've lived here for a long, but then sometimes, when unexpected events for they start being homesick, like, for example, the pandemic, and they couldn't go home for a couple of years.

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Seiko: Yes, and then they were able to overcome these integration challenges by the use of well agency to me about the structural constraints. So negotiation and similar.

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Seiko: so they also improve the Japanese language, and then they create the tie separate from their husbands.

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Seiko: So

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Seiko: from here the salience of different forms of capital and for energy in the integration experience can be seen. So social capital they use. They created multiple ties to be able to integrate faster and better cultural capital for better opportunities. They learn language, and then for the assertion of identities.

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Seiko: I'm sorry for the assertion of identities. They would introduce themselves as Filipino, and they would share Filipino culture to

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Seiko: to their workmates and other people around them. So from here, where do they go from? Here?

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Seiko: They have an open-ended future, so some would choose to continue living in the current country of migration, some would return to the country of origin, and others, like one of my other respondents from to Canada, so move to a second migration destination.

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Seiko: So.

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Seiko: in conclusion, Filipino migrants actively make use of their agencies and existing capital to move around the structure of their measures, a new place of destination through negotiating and order to change constricting structure around them. And it's you're married migrants, Filipino women actively construct a relationship to their husband and integrate themselves within their husband's community to negotiation and mobilization, and that the acquisition of Horace forms capital of cultural social economics.

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Seiko: and for these migrants migrations

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Seiko: remains. Serve as an open option in terms of New Zealand that is on. Thank you very much for this.

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Okay, thank you. This is Ms. Shima. So next we have the Dr. Santa Ashra from University of Melbourne.

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Almost.

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Okay. good morning, everyone. My name is San Ashraf, and I'm a second-year Phd. Student at the University of Melbourne, and under the provision of Dr. Lamb, and today I will be presenting my paper on on roll negotiations, negotiations, and the transcendential strategies of British Pakistani women living in the Uk. This research was completed as part of my master's degree program at the University of Leeds. So, without causing any further delays, let's begin the presentation.

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Translational Immigration is a rich and multifaceted process that has both practical and theoretical significances.

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It is a process whereby individuals migrate to new countries in search of better life chances. The era of 1960 s. Reflects relocation of many Pakistanis towards Britain, because of the stimulating economic factors, and to improve the socio-economic standing of their families.

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Thereafter an immense increase in the number of immigrants was observed during 1980 S. When Britain permit reunification of immigrants, family members from the first enriched, forming the first generation of Pakistani settlers in Britain

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scholarly sources reveal that impacts of immigration are more penetrating. Government. For example.

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literature on first-generation, British Pakistani women repeals that women who had arrived in Britain as spouses. During 1970 S. And 80 S. Apparently escaped the strong impact of the traditional restrictions, but did not fore know the prevailing intensity of these moms within the transnational environment.

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Ever since their migration they felt strangled between the cultures of both home and host country and experienced multifaceted integration challenges that repressed their identity within both public and private affairs.

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They could not locate any relative change in their marital relationships, and the conventional domestic responsibilities of childcare and obedience towards husbands.

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therefore, to survive with the with the unchanged traditional expectations, most of the women resorted to behaviors that satisfied the expectations of their husbands, and in laws, their lower educational level, weaker English language proficiency negatively impacted their integration within the British Society.

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Their public's fair participation was also regulated by the inevitable commitments towards childcare and family responsibilities which incapacitated their abilities to manage their home carrier responsibilities. Consequently women adopted irregular working attitudes or part-time jobs that eventually sanitized their worth in the public domain. Gaining a repute of having submissive and unreflective identities within the British Society.

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Moving on to the literature available on the second-generation, British Pakistani women indicates substantial changes within the identity negotiation practices of many Pakistani women. For example, Ansari revealed in 2,003 that British Pakistani women have begun to challenge the male-centered traditional norms and strong patriarchal influences.

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Events disclosed that second-generation. British, Pakistan and women believe Britain has raised their awareness about their identity as a woman. Most of the women coming to the Uk during the 19 nineties developed positive affiliation with the British culture. Finding it beneficial for their professional development. They found integration of their children with the local children as constructive intervention which was not common among the earlier cohorts.

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Evans maintained that most of the second-generation women spouses who had arrived in Britain from a relatively stronger socioeconomic background.

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demonstrated strong intentions to enhance their professional career. However, most of these women got de-skilled in Britain, due to a devaluation of their previous qualifications and work experiences which helped them strategize their professional trajectories by upskilling themselves to compete with the British job market standards.

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During the review of literature it was interesting to note that most of the transnational studies have been focusing on the trans-national experiences of first-generation, Pakistani women. Yet literature on second-generation women is still developing. In this context. My study contributes to words understanding the transnational identity negotiation processes of educated professional second-generation. British Pakistani women spouses in comparison to the available literature on similar cohorts

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it aimed at interpreting how traditional norms impacted their transnational lives, and what kinds of strains these women experience while managing their home carrier trajectories, and what sorts of pragmatic strategies these women have been adopting to negotiate home roles with their husbands.

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Therefore my study

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to investigate the following research questions, how do second-generation British Pakistani women? Spouses, perceive their transcendental lifestyles in comparison to their home country. How have these women been strategizing their home roles, negotiation processes during their stay in the Uk.

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To conduct this research and to understand the women's transnational experiences and home role negotiation processes, I used a qualitative design of inquiry. This research was conducted under COVID-19 restrictions that were imposed throughout the Uk that restricted any form of in-person contact. Therefore, I conducted online, open-ended, in-depth interviews with women participants and analyzed my finding through thematic analysis.

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The major themes involved women's transition from home to host country, the transcendental lifestyles and stress factors associated with managing home and work, commitments and strategies. These women employed to negotiate home roles with their husbands.

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Following the ethical protocols established by the University of Leeds, I recruited my respondents from Facebook pages through a temporary research account and shared an electronic informed consent with the study participants prior to their permission of their study participation. All the participants were de-identified with pseudonyms, and they were interviewed using an official zoom account provided by the university.

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The sample was recruited through 2 online Facebook pages, namely, yeah. Pakistani sisters and Pakistanis living in the U. K. The sample size comprised of 4 women. All women participants had arrived on a dependent spouse visa during the past 2 decades, that is, from 2,000 to 2,020. They had arrived from urban regions of Pakistan, namely, Lahore, Epitabath, and Islamabad, and were settled in London, Leeds and Bradford, cities of the Uk.

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All 4 women lived in a nuclear family system, and were, and with their husbands and children all respondents held postgraduate degrees. 3 of them were affiliated with teaching profession and one work at a childcare center.

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While narrating the journey of migration, all the 4 women revealed that their Uk-based marriage proposals were highly favored by their parents, due to the attractive economic factors. It was common to note that after moving to Uk, Major household expenses were being paid by their husbands and participants were consuming their incomes independently, and, like the cases that were reported among the earlier first-generation cohorts.

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most of the participants claimed that living in a nuclear. But family system after migration helped them achieve medical satisfaction. Unlike in Pakistan, where they might have to live in an extended family system. After getting married.

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however.

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the experiences of a respondent name, Arthica reflected that interference of in-laws could no longer be debilitated through maintaining long geographical distances because of the social media platforms. She shared

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my in-laws. Resentment towards my autonomy was often evident in their remarks on my photographs, knowing that blocking them would displease my husband. I refrained from sharing anything about my life on social media.

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All the 4 women believed that starting a professional career in the Uk. Was not that easy as they had assumed.

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women participants further revealed that they, although they were highly educated, yet they had to obtain academic equivalency for their educational documents and study some additional courses to meet the eligibility criterion for the desired job posts.

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More of a conversation with the

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Arctica revealed that in response to the stress factors. Her husband was quite helpful to her. Around home chores, however, rural conflicts between child care and work were continuously suppressing her financial and emotional capacities

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she shared. When my children were ill I struggled to maintain composure at work. I knew how much my kids needed me, and I felt guilty for not being there for them, even if I stayed with them. I felt worried about the pending office work. Similarly, another responded. Nadia revealed. Working in childcare was my preference as it allowed, bringing my younger children with me to work, but upon my return I have to work all the unfinished home chores like cleaning, washing, and preparing meals without anticipating any help from my husband.

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Hence, despite choosing a profession that was presumed to be manageable with her inevitable childcare responsibilities. The extensive home roles had turned her home care trajectories into a challenging in their work.

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Rafia's emotional state was affected by her husband's discouraging and humiliating attitudes.

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However, she articulated that even though her husband provided negligible assistance with household responsibilities, she proficiently fulfilled the crucial duties of a wife mother and an employee which had fortified her sense of self as a woman.

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 Moving on to the strategized Home Rule negotiations. It was commonly found that the respondents were using mainly silence rolls, modification, and Verbal negotiation as main strategies to negotiate there.

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Responsibilities with their husband

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among the 4 participants Nadia utilized the tactic of silence as a role. Negotiating strategy, since displaying obedience to her husband was an inseparable aspect of her identity that was governed by the patriarchal norms. Rafa claimed that she used tolerance towards the patriarchal attitudes of her husband, and hence chose silence and rules. Modification

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she shared confronting him was not an option for me as my visa. I just depended on him, and going back to Pakistan was out of question. Despite his bit biting sarcasm, I stood firm because of my inherent determination to achieve something. I changed my everyday practice by switching laundry to the weekends, cooking breakfast earlier to accomplish the online courses I had joined to advance my education and professional progression.

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Somalia and Arctica employed verbal home role negotiations with their respective husband and established equitable division of domestic labor or domestic work at home

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conclusively, it was common to know that all women participants had arrived in the Uk with limited prior knowledge about British culture, and had been referring to some unreliable sources like our films and their fiances, which otherwise could have aided in their settlement processes and professional trajectories.

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Female participants experienced a sense of empowerment and independence and their transnational lifestyles as compared to the home country because of limited influence of traditional cultural norms.

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Migration to the yeah. Uk, and a nuclear family system had fenced off the interference of their in-laws to much an extent, and that gave them an adequate share in the family decision making process.

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Similarly, women's troops and role negotiations. Strategy was also responsive to the petriarchal attitudes of their husbands. For example, women who were married to husbands, with rigid patriarchal attitudes, lacked the capacity to contest their gendered rules, and henceforth resorted to silence and rules. Modification

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correspondingly urban negotiation was common among women whose husbands were cooperative and on patriarchal, which indicated that patriarchy subsists as a complex phenomenon even within migration context, as when at weekend women negotiation capacities to challenge gendered norms became stronger, and when Petriarchy grew stronger, women preferred adopting silence and bargaining with the patriarchal differentials.

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Apart from the challenges this woman had been facing. They were highly satisfied with the transcendential lifestyles, and to real strong intentions to stay in the Uk because of the independent lifestyles and better growth opportunities for the children. They appreciated the a liberal multi-cultural environment of the Uk that gave them the freedom to practice their religion and socialize with local Pakistani community members.

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this study has certain limitations like it involved women whose average age was 36 years. However, inclusion of younger women could aid in comprehending the impact of age on the negotiation processes of women roles at home. All women participants had arrived from urban backgrounds, whereas inclusion of women from rural backgrounds could have added to the findings of this study

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unlimited sample size of the study precluded in inclusion of women participants from diverse socio-economic and professional backgrounds which might have also added depth to our data and restricted length of the project and limited resources narrow to my capacity to include more participants. However, these limitations can be overcome in the future research. Thank you.

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Thank you. So we have our last presenter, Dr. Ayella Danie, from Ankara University in Turkey.

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It's too late. He had to update it in a much. I'm sorry to

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if you can stand here so that you go visible on the camera. Thank you. He. Okay. Hello.

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My name is Eileen from Turkey.

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So I have a presentation about the Ukrainian diaspora and diaspora institutions in Turkey. So in this presentation I aim to explain how the empowerment experiences of freedom brides expand in relation to transnational politics through the example of Ukrainian rights in Turkey.

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I don't want to give any. You know information about the gender and dias proteins, because I know you all know that so directly I'm coming my case.

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So it is important to understand the the gender and practices of the diaspora institutions. This is not just a fine and bright Ngos. This is the general diaspora in Jose, but

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all of the founders of that institutions are the marriage migrants. So

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I will focus on 3 questions in this presentation. One is why female marriage marriage migrants hey become actors in the, namely, form, Ukrainian diaspora in Turkey. The second, the second question is, what kind of relationship network they have created in their own. From being mage margins to being diaspora actors. And 3 question is, what is the agency? Position provides female migrants, and how this position affects the construction of ties for us.

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There's an academic called Circuitfeld who notes that such questions might help build a frame that could be used in comparative approach to the formation of diaspora, and determine similarities and differences in different cases, and thus provide a general understanding of the formation of diaspora institutions.

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So

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For this is to be.

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He focused on 8 cities in in Turkey, between 2,018 and 2,021. Now, although the number of so women associations, Ukrainian and Diaspora associations are in 21. Today there were 18 Ukrainian associations at this time of the field work, so we were able to meet with representatives of 16. Of them.

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All the women were highly educated. Many of them speak Turkish, English as well as Russian. Half of them were in active working life, while the other health were interested in part-time work and other voluntary work. In addition, we participated in virtually and physically organized activities of the associations.

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so When we talk about the Ukrainians, we have to focus on the the migration flows from Ukraine to Turkey. It's possible to consider the margation from Ukraine to Turkey. In the main periods the first of the exil of to Ukrainian Tatars. In this way hundreds of thousands of crimin Tatars came to Turkey often the form of family migration, and these migrants of Muslim and church distance quickly became Turkish citizens.

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and opened some institutions in different studies by owned access of hometown advocacy and cultural identity protection. Secondly, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, after the 19 nineties, migrants, mostly women, came to Turkey as part of circular labour mobility, and these mobility has turned into permanent margation after a while, especially when margation reasons, diversified and mixed measures increased.

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and since the Ukrainian and migrants saw themselves as a part of the Russian community. They did not feel the field, the needs any, and open any independent institutions after the migration and became many, became the main accompaniment of the activities of Russian associations. In Turkey. The first Ukrainian Association was established by a marriage. Margaret, in 2,009, and remained only association until 2,017.

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And so the third and the last wave

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migration happened after the Russian annexation of Ukrainian lands in 2,014,

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and a tens of thousands of people came to Turkey.

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but not all of them are woman. Some of them are the young men who escape from the war conditions and elderly people and some family members of the marriage margins and the young people.

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So the characteristics of the margation change, but the When focus on the institutions, we can understand that it. It does not reflect the institutional crack characteristics, because all of the founders of the associations are still managed margins.

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So

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The most of the associations are just, and you know they they they are in offices in central cities and heuristic cities in the west part of the country.

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and where the population comes from, the Ukrainian population is concentrated.

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So When we come to. The first question of the study is why I manage Margaret's woman, Tony into diaspora representatives. First of all, the fact that women establish family bonds with Turkish society, in the expectation that Turkish society can become the natural party of

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partly matters concerning women.

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At the same time, Turkish government has some conflict with Russia during the Syrian war also do not want Russia to get stronger in the Black seauration, so Government declared its support to Ukraine after the Russian invasion. This makes it easier for Ukrainians and Turkey to access to material and moral support they seek while they they open some institutions.

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For example, they just find some free office, allocation for association and free holes for the events to be held and activities to respond to a ship can be done in this way

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and this practice we started with the support of the Ukrainian Embassy in Turkey.

458
01:28:30.500 --> 01:28:56.259
led an increased in the visibility of woman in the role of representative in the community, and even a representative from Turkey was a subject to the word Ukrainian Congress in Canada. That is the largest global diaspora organization of Ukrainians. So this situation. In sparks, Ukrainian women in different cities, and even in Rivoli, develop a monk woman while maintaining the common goal for a goal of working for Ukraine.

459
01:28:56.260 --> 01:29:09.269
And here the expectation is that is To improve advocacy for Ukraine, and to find new ways to solve local problems that persisted during the war, like the violence in the family, like the the

460
01:29:09.270 --> 01:29:32.310
children of the mixed families. So in this, in my month to local problems that Meesh Margaret's address to solve a difference in this situation. A Ukrainian association can be functionalized as a consulate for the citizenship procedure of a child's born from the mixed marriage in a city where there is no consulate

461
01:29:32.410 --> 01:29:55.729
or violence against Marg and Fomon in under another city can be on the and and of another association. So in this way the Ukrainian Embassy allows margins to reach some true and intermediary rather than directly reaching them, and, if necessary, to reach the Ukrainian human resources, in short, it through the connection of your associations, and to solve some of their problems themselves.

462
01:29:55.830 --> 01:29:57.150
So, finally.

463
01:29:57.310 --> 01:30:12.980
another reason why the Embassy supports to open some institutions of the Ukrainian message markets is the issue of encouraging women more than men to engage in voluntary activities that are not seen as an income-generating job. Directly.

464
01:30:13.130 --> 01:30:33.370
On the other hand, those who want to do business between 2 countries who are looking for stuff in fields such as translation, education to reason. apply to associations and enabling the Association to increase their economic resources in different ways in a short time, and not to be seen as just a voluntary, full-time job.

465
01:30:33.430 --> 01:30:55.639
It's an advantage that women already have multiple capitals that can provide these connections, and some women, despite all their qualifications, were able to earn independent income only after establishing in associations. So this increased the support of Turkish husbands for association. Lastly, and women's associations, on the other hand, are less threatening than men's

466
01:30:55.640 --> 01:31:13.469
and their activities are less regulated. This affects the structuring of the associations which work like a school with foreign language courses. They have opens and started to make some transactions, such as translation, Investment Council without registration.

467
01:31:13.770 --> 01:31:28.410
So the second question of the study is, what kind of relationship Meesh margins establish as they turn in the dice for a representative. First of all, Ukrainian associations are in close with close connected Ukrainian foreign affairs.

468
01:31:28.470 --> 01:31:40.109
representatives, and receive encouragement and support from them by shipping their activities. Also, they they have a role model role model called World Ukrainian Congress.

469
01:31:40.420 --> 01:32:07.640
So they're just copying their activities online activities and trying to be, and their regional representative in galaxy region and Mediterranean at the local level they get help when they develop activities from the Korean Tatars and open some doors by using their Turkish and Muslim identity. They're expanding their support through connection with church local authorities, business people, universities, and other Ngos.

470
01:32:07.640 --> 01:32:25.550
They established colos ties with other Ukrainians and Russian-speaking migrants, in in order to increase their field of activity and show what they do, and bring the Turkish to his relatives and the State officials together in their activities through the

471
01:32:26.040 --> 01:32:30.900
out. For by marriage. So, referring the the last question of the study.

472
01:32:31.630 --> 01:32:36.010
a woman through all these networks, said that

473
01:32:36.070 --> 01:32:42.339
being a part of an association gives them just not just income, but also prestige.

474
01:32:42.540 --> 01:32:51.220
and that they feel like a council. In this respect they think that the diaspora can be only stretch, and by stretching themselves in order in a balanced way.

475
01:32:51.350 --> 01:32:52.789
For this reason

476
01:32:53.040 --> 01:33:00.349
they that they chanted this, using the digital area. They all have active social media users.

477
01:33:00.430 --> 01:33:25.360
All these situations have some accounts, because, all the material source can be, you know. they may lose these kind of materials, but this is free. This is free to use these kind of areas. The other thing is making it good work, family balance to get support from the the family and some create some strategic relationship, and that is the center of their lives.

478
01:33:25.600 --> 01:33:50.859
So As a result, it's understood that for more are in a tactical position, they emphasize their for and bright identity than approaching Turks and their ethnic identity when reaching other Ukrainians and Tatars. In this way they get support from qualified human resources to financial support for their own empowerment and institutional and empowerment as well. In this respect. The Ukrainian associations in Turkey means the Association of Foreign Rights.

479
01:33:50.860 --> 01:33:59.949
However, there is a guides for composition image. The demands of other Ukrainians and post-avit margins like especially young men, elderly

480
01:33:59.950 --> 01:34:09.579
people, parents and children arriving the last migration rate are also taking into account when they create some activities. So for this reason.

481
01:34:09.580 --> 01:34:30.449
association programs that start with teaching Ukrainian to children born from mixed marriages in the morning are followed by by job opportunities, seminars in Turkey for young men, and various hobby courses for elderly. This tradition eliminates the unicured representation. Hierarchy, observing the association established by other migrants. Thank you very much.

482
01:34:33.650 --> 01:34:38.370
Okay, so now let me invite all the presenters coming to the

483
01:34:38.450 --> 01:34:49.319
in front, and we are lucky that we don't have anything scheduled next in this room, so we can extend for another 10 min discussion if we have more questions. So.

484
01:35:01.010 --> 01:35:02.790
okay, any questions.

485
01:35:06.500 --> 01:35:08.419
Susan Banki: Hi, I'm on the zoom.

486
01:35:09.190 --> 01:35:10.530
Oh, okay.

487
01:35:10.760 --> 01:35:14.549
 okay, please, please.

488
01:35:15.150 --> 01:35:27.770
Susan Banki: This is Susan Bankie from the University of Sydney. Thank you so much for a wonderful and rich set of presentations. I wanted to put forward a kind of a general question

489
01:35:27.790 --> 01:35:31.869
Susan Banki: to the group. and particularly maybe to

490
01:35:31.890 --> 01:35:41.570
Susan Banki: Retika and Sajo and  Well, maybe to all of them. And and that question is.

491
01:35:43.620 --> 01:35:46.870
Susan Banki: there are some data in your

492
01:35:47.300 --> 01:35:49.460
Susan Banki: in your presentations which

493
01:35:49.690 --> 01:35:58.730
Susan Banki: could, when published, have some secondary consequences. So, as a sort of a simplistic version would be.

494
01:35:58.900 --> 01:36:00.500
Susan Banki: you know.

495
01:36:01.110 --> 01:36:06.419
Susan Banki: Japanese men see that there are Filipino women that say

496
01:36:06.490 --> 01:36:11.190
Susan Banki: that Japanese men are backfighters. It is not to say that that

497
01:36:11.500 --> 01:36:13.340
Susan Banki: shouldn't be published. But

498
01:36:13.450 --> 01:36:23.260
Susan Banki: I'm curious as to how, and it's really a question for all of you how you have given thought to in what ways you would place your data

499
01:36:23.510 --> 01:36:30.079
Susan Banki: in context and specifically for Ratika, because it's my area, the Bhutanese refugees.

500
01:36:30.120 --> 01:36:39.649
Susan Banki: I wonder how you have considered what it means to publish on a topic which would essentially

501
01:36:40.820 --> 01:36:45.800
Susan Banki: frame people gaining citizenship as manipulative.

502
01:36:45.860 --> 01:36:55.569
Susan Banki: and we know that immigration services in the United States looks down very deeply on that. To my knowledge there has not been any rescinding

503
01:36:55.600 --> 01:37:05.259
Susan Banki: of citizenship. I I think a report that talks about this strategy so openly, even though we all know it happens.

504
01:37:05.310 --> 01:37:08.680
Susan Banki:  I I wonder.

505
01:37:09.090 --> 01:37:34.410
Susan Banki: I wonder? And I'm I'm I'm a little I'm a little concerned about it's consequences. So you know how you would frame that. And the last thing for Ratika is, you know. Thank you so much for that rich work. I would advise you, please, to look at the work of Alice, me Kirk and Ei. K. I. K. She has actually written on Bhutanese women in the camps and marriage, so I think that will be a really important reference for you.

506
01:37:34.450 --> 01:37:35.559
Susan Banki: Thanks so much.

507
01:37:35.850 --> 01:37:38.600
All right. Thank you. Are there more questions?

508
01:37:39.770 --> 01:37:43.689
Okay. So we will have Retika to answer the question.

509
01:37:44.390 --> 01:37:46.659
Hi, Susan, can you hear me?

510
01:37:47.660 --> 01:37:49.009
Susan Banki: Yes, I can bye.

511
01:37:49.180 --> 01:38:09.589
oh, so lovely! To see your face. Nice to see you. I hope you're in Sydney. If you are, I might come see you soon. I'm actually in Melbourne. I'm just at my hotel room, but you'll see me later today. I have been actually thinking about it quite a bit in terms of

512
01:38:09.630 --> 01:38:13.520
how does one frame questions about

513
01:38:13.590 --> 01:38:30.669
refugee navigating the word you use as manipulation, although I don't see it that way. But I think, for me the bottom line has been to be critical of the State, and to be critical of the humanitarian apparatus. So

514
01:38:30.920 --> 01:38:37.969
if I, if one, were to frame the question of how refugees are forced

515
01:38:37.980 --> 01:38:47.239
to navigate these sort of already extremely rigid international refugee regime policies. I think.

516
01:38:47.389 --> 01:38:53.319
thinking about refugee subjects through that framework might

517
01:38:53.459 --> 01:39:03.439
allow refugee Bhutanese refugees in this case to come across as those who are

518
01:39:03.480 --> 01:39:17.769
who are at the receiving end, and therefore having to navigate the system in ways that allows them to feel a sense of fulfillment, and allows them to have a sense of

519
01:39:18.719 --> 01:39:33.870
what what would be the opposite of dispossession allows them to be fulfilled in life, so I think my approach pretty much has been to be very critical of the U. S. Refugee settlement apparatus.

520
01:39:33.870 --> 01:40:03.279
the Iom, the the Nepali State, in which the ways, the the way. They are very informal, of course, as you point out in the camp, it was an open secret. People were getting divorced in order to go to the Us. So yeah, I want you to rest assured that Bhutanese refugee women will be well protected, and thanks for that other reference, I really appreciate it. I I didn't know the scholars were so thank you. Thank you. Good to see you.

521
01:40:03.660 --> 01:40:05.029
Susan Banki: Good to see you. Thanks.

522
01:40:05.910 --> 01:40:06.969
Okay.

523
01:40:07.049 --> 01:40:10.639
Anyone else want to answer the question. I think

524
01:40:10.690 --> 01:40:14.009
maybe it's to show us there with us.

525
01:40:20.590 --> 01:40:45.199
Seiko: Do you want to answer the question. Hello, yes, I can answer the question. Thank you very much for raising the question and for the comment, because actually, my topic is super difficult to work with, because when I was working on it for my undergraduate thesis, I had to advice a lot of things because the terminologies were very difficult to find, because some people would find, like

526
01:40:45.200 --> 01:41:07.649
Seiko: certain terminologies, to be very offensive, while there were some sometimes like they would use it as the term, for, like other publications, would use it so it was difficult. I had consulted my advisory recording a lot as well. But it's it's also like one of the things that I've been thinking about, and with regards to Japanese people being backfighters, it's more of like.

527
01:41:08.400 --> 01:41:09.129
Seiko: oh.

528
01:41:09.230 --> 01:41:31.649
Seiko: like passing thought for the the the respondents, and I should have. I like thought about that more. But thank you very much. I'll find another better term for that, and improve my papers, since it's still I it's still work in progress. It's my first actual like paper I've written so it's nice to hear like comments from other people. Thank you very much. I really appreciate it.

529
01:41:32.200 --> 01:41:35.549
Okay, great. I think this is the question within thinking

530
01:41:36.290 --> 01:41:40.170
how to frame those actions and

531
01:41:41.040 --> 01:41:45.410
thoughts without offending anyone. Okay, any questions.

532
01:41:48.090 --> 01:42:01.540
Thank you. I'm learning one from the University of Melbourne. I just want to follow up on the first comment. And because this is the problem I'm grappling with in my own research on Vietnamese migrants in Australia.

533
01:42:01.550 --> 01:42:27.800
because during the process of conducting field work I also uncover a lot of narratives. It's a of illegal migration and sham marriages, and you know, even drug a tread, and so on. So you know, the question is, do we see ourselves as a scholar whose duty is to speak the truth, or as an activist who is

534
01:42:27.840 --> 01:42:32.860
bringing an agenda to our publication. So

535
01:42:32.870 --> 01:42:43.470
 I mean, we can selectively, you know, omit a few, you know details and accounts from our publications, but I think

536
01:42:43.880 --> 01:42:51.720
many people could look at the same stories like the first paper and the second paper, and from a different angle. It shows

537
01:42:52.260 --> 01:43:04.989
how 40 social policies public policies are, and because I think the price that these people pay the the mutaneous refugees. The price of being separated from their partner. 10 years

538
01:43:04.990 --> 01:43:33.290
is like is immense. So we could look at it from that angle, and we can show how ridiculous these policies are, and not about how manipulative these people are, you know, and the same with the Vietnamese migrants in Australia, because they have to try hook or by crook in order to obtain Pr. Because the policies are ridiculous, you know they change every year, and and by the time you graduate from the course that was eligible for yeah.

539
01:43:33.340 --> 01:43:44.629
3 years ago, now it's not eligible, you know. Now it's off the list. And so they have to marry a friend just to get pr, you know. So yeah, that's all for me.

540
01:43:44.750 --> 01:43:45.839
It's a comment.

541
01:43:46.120 --> 01:44:15.590
Thank you. Appreciate it. I remember there was a survey question in the South Korean. Questionnaire? It asked, did you? did you get a divorce right after you get a residency. So that was a survey question. I was so shocked. Right? They are trying to make sure. Oh, you are getting this Residency because of it, and then you you'll get a divorce. So I believe that Researchers and research on racial immigration have seen a lot of these. very

542
01:44:15.590 --> 01:44:35.430
Different perspectives! So we have to make sure the the reflexivity. Portion gets down well, so that the readers will understand where we're coming from. And then maybe that will make sense of whatever strategy or whatever agency we're trying to frame or theorize for our research participants. Okay, any other questions.

543
01:44:35.900 --> 01:44:39.699
or you have questions for each other.

544
01:44:39.790 --> 01:44:45.170
Yeah, maybe I can respond first.

545
01:44:46.240 --> 01:44:49.640
the audience. you know.

546
01:44:49.810 --> 01:44:58.319
it responds to the questions and comments. Actually, I didn't have time to mention, you know, in my presentation, because we only have 12 min.

547
01:44:58.340 --> 01:45:08.800
A very important point is that when I say that these women they use these wars as a strategy of empowerment. I do not mean that their marriages are big.

548
01:45:09.280 --> 01:45:28.669
Okay, this is a very important point. And because in Hong Kong, and maybe also in other countries. You know, there was all this stereotype about. You know these women? Why they married. They want to, as at least in the case of Hong Kong. Okay, you know these people from mainland China. They migrate to Hong Kong because they want to enjoy the social benefits.

549
01:45:28.850 --> 01:45:34.820
And then these were fake marriages. They married all men, etc., etc.

550
01:45:34.830 --> 01:45:38.269
What I try to show actually in my study is that

551
01:45:38.590 --> 01:45:44.730
that is not the case at least the sample that I interviewed

552
01:45:45.830 --> 01:46:12.750
I would say, you know, 99% of them do not know anything about social benefits before they migrate to Hong Kong, you know. Of course, my sample is small, but at least you know, I can show that you know that is not the case. And also, I think, what I try to really show. as I mentioned, this is only part of my research. And actually, the larger project is really about marital instability of these cross-border step families which has been actually really under examined.

553
01:46:13.020 --> 01:46:15.280
And so one

554
01:46:15.310 --> 01:46:23.989
question that I have is, what about the policy impacts and what I try to really show in this study is that why these women divorce?

555
01:46:24.130 --> 01:46:27.329
Why these women ended up in

556
01:46:27.880 --> 01:46:37.610
that relationship with the husbands, etc. It has a lot to do with the immigration policies and the social. You know, policies. There are so many restrictions on these people.

557
01:46:37.630 --> 01:46:55.900
So I understand that I've told you that that you know, because of the political contest, particularly also in Hong Kong, because of the China Hong Kong New Conflict. You know, we have to be very careful. But I think it's also very important to show you know why this? Why this happens. It has to do with the policies.

558
01:46:56.080 --> 01:46:57.530
Yeah, thank you.

559
01:46:57.550 --> 01:47:20.750
Susan Banki: All right, thank you. So let me in the session, Lisa, can I just say one more thing? Sorry. I don't think you can me. I keep waving first. I just want to say thank you for those really thoughtful responses. And and just to be clear, of course it is not that I in any way view any of these responses as manipulative at all. My my concern is what that looks like

560
01:47:20.750 --> 01:47:31.699
Susan Banki: to other bodies. and so I I really appreciate both of you, those responses. well, actually, all 3 of the responses about that. I also wanted to say that kind of

561
01:47:31.800 --> 01:47:32.860
Susan Banki: it is.

562
01:47:33.790 --> 01:47:57.310
Susan Banki: it is not to hide the rationalization of marriage. I mean, we all know that marriage is an institution as pursued by love is incredibly modern, and is. It has nothing to do with prior ways that marriage works. So one should not feel that one has to demonize a decision in which

563
01:47:57.840 --> 01:48:00.810
Susan Banki: finance work career.

564
01:48:00.880 --> 01:48:04.110
Susan Banki: A new life, as you point out, are part of the equation.

565
01:48:04.400 --> 01:48:12.359
Susan Banki: It's it's. And so I think I think that's what we're all saying. It's the way that one frames that to make sure that everyone

566
01:48:12.700 --> 01:48:24.029
Susan Banki: what 1 one does not feel that one has to rush to justify it. And finally, one last thing before I forget, Sona. Thank you for your data, which we're quite powerful and and and

567
01:48:24.290 --> 01:48:36.180
Susan Banki: and and really quite driving, just to to recommend that maybe you think about. Maybe you already have to think about precarity and hyper precarity as a lens, because the whole idea of

568
01:48:36.350 --> 01:48:49.930
Susan Banki: migrants, whether it's because of marriage or work. Feeling like they can't leave the conditions they're in. Husbands or workplaces is very much about for charity and hyper procurity. So just wanted to throw that into. Thanks.

569
01:48:50.410 --> 01:49:18.360
Okay, I fully appreciate it. Okay, so let me end with a quote. I I've been using from Dr. Ona donas. The author of regretting motherhood. So she has a very simple definition of agency, which is the ability to act and to be in the world as an actor and a being. So I hope this will be useful for us to continue thinking about the agency and about marriage immigration in this globalization world. Thank you very much for coming to the session.