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Okay? So I'm going to just read this before we begin acknowledgment of country on behalf of everyone gathered. I pay respect to the spirit of country. Here in Nam, where we are meeting, I acknowledged the past and present, who, in national or in Jerry, or as the sovereign people. Here the cultural knowledge holders who maintain and promote the num aboriginal law, customs and custodianship, responsibilities for country and the people that country continues to sustain generation after generation

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into the future. For all of us I recognize the important contribution that first nations, thinkers have made to sociology, including challenges to our dominant ways of thinking. We thank all first nations delegates in the room today for their contributions to knowledge. In the discipline.

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On that note I welcome all of you to this session. And maybe we can just say that each presenter has 15 min.

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Then. okay. okay.

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so 10 min for presentation, and then a few questions and answers and comments by the audience and the sheriff possible.

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So the first presenter is Galvi.

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Yeah.

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you have a pity. Right?

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You know that.

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Okay, a very good morning to you all. So the title of my paper is examining the idea of self within gendered spaces.

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And this study is based on my experience as a teacher in an open and distance, learning system and discovering new patterns of discovering reproduction of gender inequality. So, as we all know, higher education has been associated with empowerment, and when we talk about empowerment, it takes into consideration 2 aspects.

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One is a availability of choice, and the second is ensuring decision, making part. And it's been long that scholars and policymakers around the world

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has echoed the need to ensure higher education to those sections of the society that has remained in the margins due to various structural inequalities in India. At the present, since higher education has become a site of private profit. A considerable section has remained outside the pur view of higher education which is reflected

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in the current. Ger. In order to mitigate this issue open and distance learning was introduced during 1,800 s. In the similar lines, Krishna, Kantah, Hendic, State Open University was opened by the Government of Assam, a State in India to break the barriers and reach the unreach, and I'm happy to announce that the last topper in the M. A sociology program is a jail inmate.

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Now coming back to my area open and distance learning system was found founded with the ideology of independent study at its at one's own pace and space.

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In the audio system there are 2 important aspects. One is the self learning materials which is supposed to be the teacher to the learners as things needs to be provided in a conversational style different from academic writing. Another aspect is the study centers.

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In order to cater to the immediate needs of the learners, as well as to retain connection of the learners with the university across different geographical areas. The study centers are required to conduct sessions, discussing concepts that has been not being understood through the self learning materials, and to dispel other information.

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However, during the pandemic this, the the structure became dysfunctional. But then, as we all know, there came a point where everybody was saying that this is the new normal and one needs to resume online classes. Conventional education started online classes with around 3,200 students at the Max.

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But our learners are scattered. We had around 50, a thousand to 1,500 students

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for a semester itself. And since The number was huge, we all were given random numbers to contact them, and surprisingly, the the numbers that I got most of them were women. So when I contacted these numbers most of the times, it was men who would refer themselves as guardians would attend this call.

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Some of them even scolded us when we wanted to talk. It was at that moment that I was totally taken aback, I could see that the whole exercise of reaching them at the dole step becomes nullified, and rather it is manipulated to design the choice of women in a manner to make them earning members rather than making them equal partners in the decision, making process in an already unequal society.

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So after some time when we had developed some kind of connectivity, created Whatsapp groups?

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So we had a kind of some kind of connectivity with an anonymous group. The system was new to both the sides, and the Whatsapp groups keep kept ringing with grievances. In my group there were women learners who would bash the system, which, of course, has problems

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that it is so difficult with little babies and work, and then completing assignments. Exam. The man, too, had grievances with the system, but they never mentioned about the private sphere. So in order to have a preliminary understanding of their socioeconomic background and their choice, I had circulated online forms.

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 now, we all know that question has its own advantages as well as disadvantages. I will not go into the details.

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for most of the women it was their choice to resume again. Some are working, some already married and not working for some, since there is no higher educational institute around, or there is no There is limited seats. So they opted for Odl for the question, who has supported their decision to continue higher education. Most of the women have stated is, it's their spouse.

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Now this response can be interpreted differently. Looking into the statistics, one may say that this is an indicator of attituding change in the private sphere leading to empowerment. But then the learners from various districts also come to the headquarters for discussing anything according to their convenience.

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and many women learners. Were accompanied by their husbands. But the problem here is that these women learners would generally keep quiet and meek, and the questions are from the husbands, and I generally tend to politely

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Discourage this pattern and try to direct the questions to the learners itself. But the husbands would snap at me, and would speak on behalf of their wives.

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And these women, it was observed that where they belong to the relatively backward areas known as the Chore areas. and some teachers are fine with this pattern that the the the the the husband of the learners, tend to be more comfortable with them.

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During the introduction with with particularly the language teachers, it was apparent that the husbands were keen. Their wives get the Master's degree as soon as possible, so that they can apply for the vacant jobs that are available in language teaching. Now I would like to mention that in some a number of posts for the language teaching is now available.

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Now, this makes one question whether higher education and subsequent employment would ensure decision making power, or will they be just the custody of the wage salary that they receive? Or will they have autonomy over the money, or it is their guardians who will continue to decide that

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there is another section of women who are very motivated, and they are concerned with getting the degree to elevated away their career.

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So they hustle a lot. Often they would ask us to make things easier, as they are managing a lot of things.

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Many young women I have interacted also are concerned with their biological clock. So their idea of Odiel is that with less effort they can be do. They can do both the things that is of giving birth, rearing the children, and getting a degree simultaneously. Now, the important thing here is that to acquire any degree one has to give time

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for a conventional system. One has to have minimum attendance to earn the credit

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in audio learning or audio learning is based on the philosophy of hutagogy, where learning is self-directed at their own pace and space. But since the idea of self as well as space

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is gendered, So when women learners say that their family or their spouse is supportive, and wants to complete higher education. But with all the Chores care work, she does not get the requisite time to so to do the self learning.

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In that context, we need to examine how support is understood by these very motivated women. Now, when I was trying to understand these contexts, I came across and excerpt by Inranui.

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She is a picture of empowered movement, and in an interview she told how important the role of parents, and the home is for children, which is indeed true. She points out an instance that once she became the president of Pepsico, and she happily came home late to announce that.

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but her mother was not interested to listen to that, and asked her to get me.

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She went back, but brought the milk little agitated, but after coming her mother explained that home is at home. She is somebody's wife, mother, daughter-in-law, which she confirms to and considers to be a key to her success at the present time.

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So the point here I want to make is that as an empowered woman, she acknowledged, acknowledges the fact that private space in the private space the priorities of the women's self is predetermined.

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And so these motivated women who read these excerpts becomes more motivated to undertake double burden.

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and in this process learn less and just earn the degree and continue slogging. It is also observed that in nations like India there is a feverish endeavor to empower women, but nobody is preparing these men for the empowered women.

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so either there is a clash that who will undertake the care work, or in most of the cases, women continue to do the double burden

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so inculcating the care ethics as a trait irrespective of gender, might make a room for self leading for just society. So critical social sciences has a key role to theorize the new ways through which gender is reproduced in a way era where gender equality has become a buzzword.

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In the policy discourse, but has refrained from the critical dimension of the same.

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Thank you.

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The next presentation is by for yamana.

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Good morning, everyone. As you see that my topic of my presentation is bound by patriarchy, internal migration, and women's experience in Bangladesh.

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So migration has increased manifold both internationally and within. Nations of these women form a very large number.

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Feminists have look at the relationship between migration and women's empowerment differently. One viv is that migration of women and their entry into the job, Marc, you would necessarily rest in than women's autonomy.

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The other wave is that.

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given the patriarchal structure of both the private and public? spheres, women's life possibilities still rest on male members.

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So I conquer with the later argument and draw for my field work. To support this. This matter of intersectional patriarchal structure is centered to the feminist analysis, both class and gender matter here

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in keeping with the central tenant of the concept or not. My findings, as you will see in my next slides, from the importance of looking critically at the structure of society which may not be immediately visible.

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in my presentation, the central social institutions that one looks at critically at the family, in the personal spheres and the workplace in the public spheres and the in extricable close connection between the 2.

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So here is some migration facts about Bangladesh that Bangladesh has experiencing rapid growth of organizations and also migration increased by the 84%. And interestingly, the women. the significantly.

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a number of women is increasing. It is almost every 31%. And as you all know that 90% women are working in garments factories, and they are contributing almost 80 4% of Gtp. So here is some some other facts that how the migration dynamics and period of migration and distribution of duration of migration actually is a significant development issues in Bangladesh.

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My research, actually based on a a a respondents from a selected slam in Taca. Those who are living in slums for more than 5 years, and some of them actually return to their village, and I would like to understand that what are the experience of both the respondents, and it is based on qualitative methods based on in-depth interviews. And of course, the participant observation.

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The central question is, how have women been experiencing new challenges because of internal migration? And how are they coping with it?

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The experience of women found in this study demonstrate their hope as well as despair due to internal migration. So I illustrated my findings with the some quotation, or some voices of women that how they actually feel, or what are the experience they have been going through because of, you know, migrate from rural to the urban areas.

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So the most of the respondents actually coming to the Dhaka, I mean the capital city of Bangladesh, because of the poverty. And they have the basic amenities is better. And they these are the new opportunity for them. This is the, you know, common thing we have seen out of, you know, migration in any places. It is also reflected in my field. report.

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So. I would like to read out the you know one. quote from here that We are now having 3 males a day after coming to Taka, and came to Taka so that I could save my family from poverty.

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But on the other side that gender relations actually matter, there is a patriarchal resistance starting from when the women have decided that they wanted to migrate from rural areas to urban areas. And that is the common experience of low wages in terms of gender relation. And also they have.

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actually having a deteriorating the health condition because of unhygenic working place and the long working hour. So there is a many research actually have have all these findings. And my one respondent actually having a serious health issues

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and domestic violence is also is a one perspective which is.

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or more or less all respondents are sharing with me.

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and I would like to quote from one expression that quote, we are living in a slum and have water crisis. One day my husband came back early from his work, and I did not reserve water for him. He got angry and grabbed my hair and hit me. Afterwards I cut my hair so that he cannot grab my hair again.

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and also the other respondents! Saying that since the beginning she actually not being able to use her own income rather than a husband. Actually took it from her, and also that is a serious, healthy Susan's middle of the work without salary. She has to leave her job.

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and Interestingly, in other important findings. Is there that? male support matters because a good relationship with main members, particularly with husband, has played a significant role to bring positive changes in life.

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So

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In Most of the cases I have found that the if the husband or brother, or any male member supported her, then it is very, you know. positive Changes can be a possible in in women's lives because of internal migration.

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and we all know that family is always source of security, affection, and love. But it is not all the way the same. So many of them experience in a better experience, because either their brother or husband or father actually cheated them either. They have used all their, you know, the total money they have earned, and they sent it to the village, and they have used it.

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or they have bought land or resources by their name. Not for I mean, they actually nothing in their hand

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and in in Monovara she actually got married to ice and lost more than one lac. That is very, very high. you know, amount for a very poor women living in the slum, and her husband took the money and deserted her again.

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and also This is another! Experience of women are having that they are actually not being able to, you know, bring their children with them. So One mother actually saying quote, I left my daughter with my mother in the village because me and my husband were both and unemployed when we migrated to Taka.

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my daughter used to cry every night when I called her. I used to cry with her, too, as a mother. I know how it feels to stay away from my own child.

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So there is a opportunity cost also there. So finally, I, you know, compile the whole findings that the economic opportunity has social and emotional cost. Money cannot buy love bush, and poor factors encourage women to migrate from rural to urban city for economic benefit, but it caused many social challenges, and family actually become a source of insecurity.

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The domestic violence is there, and the fading out the keen relationship and changing the family dynamics and child with the grandmother's, and that is the extra burden of the old age on the grandmother's, and we may contribution, become invisible because they are using all their money for the house or welfare. But, on the other hand, the mail actually is in their money for buying land and etc. So finally, the you know, power in the hand of the head of the household as a man.

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So my concluding remarks is that the women's position and dignity have not changed, though they have access to the cash income, and internal migration has bought physical and emotional vulnerability. In Bangladesh there is a lots of laws and regulations still there, but still they actually not accepting the Sitos article 2, which is very much in favor of

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a female. labour, flavor, force, and finally, I could. I would like to say that the changing economy condition of women has not bought. has brought some way of hope for poor women. Nonetheless, patriarchal structure hindered women to achieve her agency and power to ensure that her dignity in life, however breaking public private dichotomy, is not a sign of women's development, particularly in the context of internal migration in Bangladesh.

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So I finally conclude with sharing with the 2 case studies, distinct case studies, both of them actually return to their village with the empty hand. And then again, They are actually negotiating with patriarchy and Belly actually working in 10 more than 10 years in Taka and her he has spent most of the her savings on her father's welfare. So now she is actually again wanted to, you know, settle in her life

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in the compromising her freedom which she has got while she is in Taka, and she actually get married to a 60 years old weed, and she

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wants to a male support again in her life. And on similarly, the other women, the Hajjara Bakom, actually worked very hard, but she cannot save her money, and her husband actually treated her very badly, and because of her misconduct he cannot save money. And finally, Her son is supporting her now, but at the because she she is actually taking care of her grandson because her daughter in law had died.

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and She is saying that because I'm taking care of my grandson, that's why my sons is supporting me so finally. it is. It can be concluded that internal migration immediately at can be. Seeing that it is a the as I argued in the initially, that

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the one group of Prime ministers arguing that economic empowerment is changes of women's life, but in case of internal migration they are access to the cash and having the, you know, economic freedom.

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quote on court. And then, later on, we can see that ultimately they are having in the dominated and discriminated by the social institutions. Thank you very much.

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I think questions right?

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Oh, thank you.

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Thank you for the

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Next presenter is presenting remote today.

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 absolute.

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Just 1 s I was in. I'm trying to increase the studies.

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and I appreciate the organizers of Isr World Congress of Sociology and a group organizer, Rc. 32 women and society and the session organizers

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terrorizing gender in Populist times. Understanding the challenge.

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I think this is the maximum volume we can have. So

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Hello! I am Afsanitar as well from Hazara University Department of Women and Family studies. and I appreciate the organizers of

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is our World Congress of Sociology, and the group

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organizer are C, 32 women, Gender and Society, and the session organizers. So editorizing gender in Populist.

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And well, my paper is about. I wish to understanding the term. I want to start with the history

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about feminism in Iran. You know that feminism is a social phenomenon that has started activities in the form of social movements during the past 2 centuries, maybe in the last 3 centuries, but with the aim of eliminating existingate qualities and women's rights in the era of social and political changes

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in European and American societies, and demanding equal rights for women and eliminating gender discriminations. And these efforts have been going on for years. but the history of feminism in Iran, and may go back to the constitutional time

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and

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That was maybe an 1840, and after that, for a hundred years after. and

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The coin signed with the first wave of feminism in the vest and the beginning of Antioch here and movements. But it seriously began with the establishment of new schools and the entry of new ideas in Iran

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and this developments well. coincided with the beginning of the Ajar dynastic. and therefore modern politics was imported from France to European countries and then to Iran, almost 42 or 45 years later, and 100 years ago new schools were established for

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in Iran, and after that for the girls, and before that education was not universal, and was in a traditional and homeschool form. and and until many years Iranian did not send their Gros to schools, and after not so in short speech in support of these schools, the number of girls went to

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girls school, and the establishment of these new style schools was one of the first signs of the existence of new ideas in Iran which caused opposition from the side of the traditional community that was brought.

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I will

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somehow the term Feminism has always faced different interpretations and meanings.

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 and different historical periods. The main reason for this diversity and pluralism and the definition of feminists is that this school has a relatively wild charity, and a a relatively long history, in which many and diverse philosophical, social, and political schools have

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emerged in this time and place. The association of feminism with different schools, has caused the feminists to borrow from humanist schools, and is considered a strong point for feminists in using the available opportunities and resources, and it can also be considered as a defect, weakness, and lack of intellectual and theoretical support of feminism.

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I'm struggling between different schools. Well. this misconduct is one of the most controversial, social, and intellectual movements of the tenth century. Although the feminist movement in the West has not reached a pic of its social fortune.

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it is still being pursued as a social concept in the developing country. and, on the other hand, in many societies the transition from tradition to modernity has always been a campaign by great events, and develops in their cultural, social, political fields.

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And one of the most important changes in this so-called modernist societies is the change in the vision and the change of the concept of women's civil liberties, or another research in presenting different interactions.

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Well. some how men or women use the word families as auntie men. It seems that feminist is seen as a type of auntie man. I'm confrontation with men in the stereotype ideas of society and the mental space of some people, and favoring a feminist that just brings a stigma of anti-men and fighting against the male gender people. And that's why, as Simon the worst is, I'm not a family store somehow.

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Betty Friedance says that I'm not a feminist, because, you know and especially in the Middle East country, is that family is very important. So you have. If you want to have a woman as ent to men in your family. It means that there is someone who is against his brother, or father, or husband, or son, or

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all the men, and so it's

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suitable that and The fear of the label, and the fear caused by its application sometimes causes many people, especially among women, to pursue the demands of women and their rights with a kind of fear, and many of them may refrain from demanding their right to benefits, and their social rights should be

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be drawn due to the fear of this labor. and. on the other hand. and on the opposite side, some people that are an understanding of the food feminists may be in the direction of including the extreme and directional thoughts which seems to be the growth of such thoughts on tendencies among the educators.

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student groups more than others.  So when we go through the waves of feminists in the middle is in the middle of 1970 s. To 1990 s. There were changes that created the ground of the emergence of the third wave, including the changes in the capitalist system, the emergence of critical terrorists, such as post-modernism and structuralists, etc., in response to the extremist of the second wave, and one of the important features of this wave is the emphasize and differences and the criticism of

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one sideness and absolutist which led to the emergence of many families, such as a black feminist, homosexual, feminine, etc. So we don't have just one feminists. We have many schools of feminism. We have many categories that many of them are in in conflict with each other, so All of them are not intimate

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of them are not

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like post. Modern, or all of them are not

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focusing on cultural and academic institutions, publishing many articles, books criticizing the male-centered nature of science and trying to replace science with women, are among the activities of feminism that are the way

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and so

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many approaches and many researchers about all this. We have some rich researchers in Iran, that. and and also in other countries, that it's on my reactions to a woman called herself of remedies, and who acted like a feminist, maybe sometimes by challenging sexes, and and the section related to the work. Environments, being a feminist, had no effect on acceptance or rejection for employment in Iran or in other countries. But in the second part of the all the researchers that showed that telling about being a feminist

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in everyday life makes people not to communicate with the person. In fact, the results show that sometimes being feminist shows itself as a stake. Mark.

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as Gosman says, talks about in its social environment. So it is a stigma. Not all in all the places, but it's stigma and the everyday life.

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or some and other researchers show that at digit's blood terminus, and they perceive relevance of chemistry to social work and understanding of feminine student groups is diverse and differs from

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the elder generation to the the original generation, and it is important to define what we mean by feminism reviews correct definition of feminists should be clear, and this, but for a broader conversation about our power, agency, and structure, will open up.

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and well, many other.

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so that where we maybe have post-modern. positive thinking and post feminist as a new social movement how to construct a dual human subject.

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I mean, if you have a and and it is, it's bank and although oh, this

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We

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had done a research and qualitative research, and as a phenomenological study, with the purpose of phenomenological research to describe life.

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They happen to be a largely emphasize the meanings through which people construct reality and facts, and this method deals with a discovery and understanding of human experience about all kinds of phenomena. And it's

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purpose is to describe the experience as they happen. and well, we used the in-depth semi-structure interviews during with similar questions that were selected in the majority of interviews with the participants and with the target, that accessible sampling network.

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the collected data we reach to the saturation point, and then we stopped. And so we had a semi-structure question with

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that were designed with 23 questions, and the concepts after that expressed in the interviews were were coded and classified, and we had

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20 universities with different levels of education, and talking with 24 participants, male and female, and which were single or married, and

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each interview lasted about half an hour to an hour, and we had 3 main categories, 9 subcategories, and 15 primary codes a well. There were some main categories like definition of feminism and subcategories, that understanding and describing feminists, I have no time. So I just

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and say one or 2 of them like objection to men. A woman started driving for a living. or someone said that

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At first my father was not satisfied with my education and top categories, not 9 subcategories and 15 primary codes. And well, there were some main categories like definition of, as they considered feminists as a misogynny and being auntie woman. But the problem of the feminist schools that's poorly

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so, and the conclusion was that if we talk about traditional life and religious life. We see that the intersection of prejudice, and in in female, in female participants, they cut gender in the subconscious of people which affect the acceptance of people's thoughts on the way people look at this.

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and thank you very much for your.

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The next presentation is also remote. It's by Doctor Christine Ashraf.

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on digital feminist activism. And you look at them.

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Christina: Hello! And can you hear me? I'm here.

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Christina: Can you hear me?

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Christina: Yes, okay.

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Christina: all right. Let me just see whether I can do the slides

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Christina: no. I share my screen instead, if I can.

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Christina: no, I can't share my screen.

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Christina: maybe I can share my screen. Now. Yeah, okay.

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Christina: The to one

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Christina: second. Okay. can you see that? Yes.

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Christina: okay, thank you so much. Alright?

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Christina: thank you. Everybody. in particular to the organizers. it's I'm I'm based in London. my talk is going to be based on digital Feminist activism mainly done by activists who are based in the Uk and Germany. So Western Europe. So the time zone, as you can see, it's dark, and it's just after midnight.

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Christina: So I give my talk, and I won't be able to stay on to the end for questions. So I don't know what that we can take questions right after. If not, that's not a problem, but just to say I'm very tight. It's very late in my talk today, I want to talk about research. I'm I'm currently doing. I'm I'm about to finish, which was based on

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Christina: a study on digital feminist activism. And to say broadly, there's been a lot of research on hashtags, hashtag activism, digital feminism. whatever you want to call it. And this research has provided a range of perspectives on the ways in which that so feminism operates on a global level and also on a local level. And it has highlighted the benefits and pitfalls of digital feminist activism. I won't have time to go into this research, but I want to acknowledge the wealth of scholarship that there is

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Christina: What I want to explore today are the ways in which a nearby rationality shapes digital feminist activism, particularly at the level of subjectivity. and very briefly, I want to recall Wendy Brown's work on neoliberalism.

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Christina: where she talks about the ways in which home or politicos is becoming a home more economics. So she. She talks about the ways in which homoeconomic is in the market, and then we are home. Open it because when we are acting politically. she says that that's no longer the case. She says. Neoliberalism produces us relentlessly as a more economics.

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so that's just a very brief recap of much longer, and probably much more complex.

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Christina: theoretical his not history, but one approach to neoliberalism. And of course there are many, and I'm aware it's a contested term that works differently in different contexts. And I want to focus on my study. which is based on 30 in depth interviews with feminist activists who are mainly they're not exclusive, active, online. They were active on Instagram. I did the interviews in early 22.

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Christina: The activists were based in Germany and the Uk, though they had different national backgrounds, they were in their late thirties, and from a range of racial and class backgrounds.

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Christina: they identified with a range of marginalized groups.

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Christina: and I won't go into this. But the theoretical framing of my study looked at the parallels between digital and reproductive labor, and I therefore focused on feminist activists who were active in this fear of care work so mainly looking after children, but also looking after vulnerable people and campaigning for more visibility of carers for different issues. affecting carers.

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Christina: how carries themselves might be affected differently if, for example, there from a marginalized group, and so on. So this was a very politicized space.

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Christina: and I did interview with this group of feminist activists. partly because of my theoretical framework, but also because it's a very wide space, really. it's very varied space

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Christina: in today's presentation. I want to demonstrate that the workings of neoliberalism and digital feminist activism play out on an economic level, as one would expect, perhaps, but also on the levels of aspect and subjectivity.

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Christina: So first of all, on the effective level, there's a passionate attachment to activist work. a lot of the activists talk about how they were, I'm drawn to doing this activism because of anger, and and they wanted to do something. They wanted to make change. But this effect and passion then also became mobilized and subject to market principles.

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Christina: specifically, in relation to the monetization of feminist activism. so the ways in which income could be generated through this activism. So I conceive of monetization very broadly.

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Christina: There was also neoliberalism also operated on the economic level. There was an intensification of monetizing feminist activism.

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Christina: and talk about that more and also neoliberalism works on the level of subjectivity. So my argument is that meolable subjects are performatively produced through a focus on safe branding and also authenticity, though today I'll only talk about set branding.

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Christina: So this process is absolutely not absolute. I regard neoliberalism as a structuring first. It's not a fully determined name force.

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Christina: so there were moments of rupture. I won't have time to go into these today, but I want to acknowledge that

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Christina: Given the time constraints, I probably will only have time to focus on 2 aspects. and the first one I want to talk about is the how emotional investment and passion and have become mobilized.

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Christina: So activists talked about deep emotional investment and activism should, he said. It's to let the world know that an all the Indian women also belong to that world of social media. It's a place to set myself, I love social media.

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Christina: The research participants frequently and employed the term passion to discuss the activist work. So far, says Nina. it's never, ever been a mess about any financial gain or anything. It's just something I feel passionate about. And I feel that people need to know.

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Christina: Several research participants discussed the passion for their activist work in the context of monetizing their activism. So Jesslyn, had turned her activism into an income stream and then shared the following reflection. It's nice that I have found a way to use my interest in those connections as a form of work. I wasn't sure how that would work out. I knew I want to do work for myself somehow, and work around doing things with parents and mothers and feminism.

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and I feel very lucky that I'm able to connect with people like that and to work doing something that I love.

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Christina: My argument is that by first underlining the research participants, emotional investments in the activism, and secondly, exploring how the passion for the activist work is, or maybe monetized.

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Christina: I seek to bring to the for how deeply felt. Political concerns become en meshed with income generation. Whether that's an actuality or potential. This kind of thought about income generation was very much in the air. The research participants talked about that a lot

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Christina: so emotional investment and passion have become tethered to income generation. and activism and effect have become embedded in the market logic.

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Christina: I don't want to spend too much time on the intensification of monetizing feminist activism, but I do want to acknowledge, of course, that feminist or activist in general earning an income from the activism is not a new phenomenon.

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Christina: but what I do think is a new. Our trend is that this has intensified. So digital feminists can leverage their activism and various ways to generate income. The ability to generate income as it was at their fingertips. And my argument is that this in income generating ability has intensified. I talk here about the different ways in which research, but the system that make money from the activism. But I won't have time to go into that.

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But my argument is that it's intensified.

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Christina: okay.

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Christina: so I want to also focus on the level of subjectivity, specifically looking at self grounding, and how this produces, how practices of safe branding, constitutive performative act, formatively producing a new level subjectivity.

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Christina: So a brief definition of self branding is that it involves individuals developing a distinctive public image for commercial gain and our cultural capital. And it's a facet of doing feminist activism online that's became a parent that became apparent in my study, but also in several others.

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Christina: 2 research participants said that they did not engage in practice of self-s branding, but most regarded it as a facet of the activist work. According to Julie, she said, a Judy, she said. Branding is very important. It's incorporating the capital structures to make yourself stand out grounding in both spending time and effort on running campaigns, professionally becoming visible, engaging with one's followers and entertain self promotion.

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Christina: Crucially the research participants were also very aware and critical of the capitalist logic underpinning their branding activities on social media, as Tamara put it when discussing her online activism, I have become an enterprise in self and in its worst form. Yes, really. And I sometimes have to say that it embarrasses me. In fact, there's a component of shame because I find it very problematic, and because I don't want that. Others think that you have to go about it in this web.

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Christina: So against this backdrop of the re specifically, the backdrop of the research participants, critical self awareness. it is interesting to note the extent to which branding practices and compass the same

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Christina: citing. 2D. Again on safe branding. I use branding, and I brand myself rather than a product. I'm branding myself, and how I brown myself is to work out what my values are, what my belief system is what it is I want to get across and what I can get across that will make me stand out in people's minds.

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Christina: So the self was mobilized in these branding practices. That's my, that's my argument. It's not a branding of a product of something that is external to oneself. But it's the very says, that is part branded

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Christina: in tracing the mobilization of self in the context of monetizing feminist activism, I do not propose that a complete or authentic self is drawn upon and seamlessly integrated into practices of safe branding. Neither do I propose that the activists engaged in these practices. I've said that they were very aware.

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Christina: What I want to highlight is that the monetization of feminist activism does not only and compass various ways of generating income from one's activism, but that it also involves the mobilization of the set, however partial, stage and reluctant

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Christina: as is the case in the wider digital economy, the self is tapped into to generate income in the digital economy. Feminist activism does not only economize the passion for making change, but also draws on the self

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Christina: by bomb, by mobilizing feelings, sessions, and the neoliberal zoom works at the level of effect, but also at the level of subjectivity. The Sales programming self is a neoliberal set. It is the self that is both mobilized, but also and at the same time performatively produced in the context of doing activism online and talking about it in the interview.

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Christina: So my argument is that the into play between digital feminism and neoliberalism does not only take place at the level of feminist seeking to generate an income from the activism, but also crucially also at the level of subjectivity.

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Christina: So some concluding remarks, so it's on your level. Why does that matter? Very good question. and I'm very sympathetic to these kind of arguments. I do think it matters I think there's an ongoing need for critical engagement with the context within which activism takes place. In this case, in the case of my study, the wider digital economy and

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Christina: ask questions about the extent to which the context in which activism takes place affects the kind of forms this activism takes, and also the sense that I to do produced when doing activism.

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Christina: I also think it's question to explore the kinds of subjectivities that are called forth in these contexts. So self branding self, but also an authentic self, as I show, as where a technologically skilled self and the client, and to ask about the kinds of exclusion that this does generate. in relation to race in relation to class.

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Christina: for example, who has the technological skills to do this? not just in relation to access, but also in relation to having the cultural know how? how to communicate effectively online. how the kind of tone and that's something that is closely related to class context

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Christina: class background. I also hope that my presentation has shed light on the different ways in which neoliberalism structures and still feminist activism. I showed how neoliberalism works on the level of effect and subjectivity. which I refer to as the psychic life of neoliberalism. So not only seeing your level as message, kind of why the economic structure, but really exploring how it works? through the subject and through the set.

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Christina: Thank you very much.

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Christina: Yeah. The screen sharing. Now.

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Thank you. Hi, Christina, thank you for the interesting presentation. because you have a time zone constraint. So we have decided that we'll take the questions now, and thank you. That's very fine. So let me open the floor to questions. If anyone has a question, please come here and now, so that the speaker can see you.

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Okay. I'll request. Professor Choudary, to come and maybe give some comments. Yeah.

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Christina: thank you. Oh, she has a question

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here she can still also see.

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thank you very much, Christina. This was a wonderful presentation. Yeah. I was sort of curious when you mentioned at the end about the context. Within which this is done. So in your research. What was the context, I mean, who are the people that you talk to. And

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Christina: yeah, and thank you. Yeah, I'm aware I really didn't give you very much context. So I spoke to feminists who identified as feminists and as activists, all of them also identified as women. And they were mainly active online. So they may have done some, you know, offline activism, as it were, but they were mainly active online organizing campaigns, online creating educational materials.

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Christina: running courses, workshops. This is also, of course, the research took place, you know, in early 2022. So the pandemic was also still going on. So a lot of them weren't able to go out and socialize. so these were the kind of people I spoke to more specifically that were involved in feminist activism, that highlighted care work and concerns around care work.

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Christina: So a lot of them looked after children, but also valuable, and the elderly, and they wanted to make care work more visible. But they also wanted to highlight different tariffs. in relation to marginalized. So it was a very politicized sphere. But I focus on care activists, as I call them, because I'm also interested in parallels between reproductive and digital labor. So therefore, that

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because in digital platforms the context have to be looked at differently, right? They're all online. But you know, where are they located? Physically, because that would be a difference to the online, right? Yeah. So maybe later, we could carry on this conversation.

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But you know, or if you have something to say to this

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Christina: well, they were. Yeah, they were located in Germany. And the Uk, probably. Okay, yeah, yeah. Sorry. I missed that. Yeah, thank you very much. And thank you so much. Yeah.

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any, yeah, sham share what you do. Okay.

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Christina: so thank you very much. I think that's all that we have. But we could carry on this conversation. Thank you. I'm going to lock off now. But thank you so much. Yeah.

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I think we need your head.

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the next presentation is by Shamshire, Singh and Jagmati. Someone yagmati is not here. Shamshed is going to present the paper. It's called Women's Participation in protest against the 3 farm laws in India perspectives from the ground.

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So good morning. Everyone

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just to

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mentioned, as Rituana pointed out that my co-author, Jagmati Sangwan, could be with us, so I will be presenting on our behalf.

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I would like to start by thanking the organizers of this session, Professor Chadhri and my colleagues from India.

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Thank you very much for giving us this opportunity. Now for those who are not familiar with the context of what these 3 farm laws are in the title of the paper. quick. you know, context for for you to understand this mobilization that in in 2020 and mid of 2,020. Now, if you look back, it's been almost now 3 years

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June was the first time, June 2020, was the first when the Union Government in India brought out 3 agricultural laws to in a way intervene significantly, legislatively, change the basic fundamentals of the Indian Indian agriculture, the 3 piece which are known as production, pricing and procurement, and they were also significantly supposed to alter the food security system in India. So now this context

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is something which became the triggering point for large-scale mobilizations of farmers, especially belonging to the North Indian States of our country.

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And Since This paper has been already published, and it is available for For all the people here, those who can download it from the session. Session also, as well as It is available on epidemic and political weekly in the

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October 2022 issue. So I have saved ourselves for from like looking at more slides, etc. And I'll be quickly taking you through from through the some of the important points and arguments which we are making in this in this paper. Now. the first, the first question arises when we look at the the term farmers and the farmers mobilization. The

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usually the norm is that when we think of a farmer

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persona, or an image of a male, you know person with the turbine or some kind of handcraft. You know this hand gear appears in front of us now. We were also struggling with with this question of identity and definition of Who is a farmer

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and a large scale participation which was initially also noted by the mainstream media from women sections. In in these protests marked quite a, you know, visibility. So the the first question for us was to address the issue of why women were such a, you know, significant, active participant in these protests when the there is a large scale exclusion of women

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women, those who work with land, but they don't own any agriculture land, and this is not only true for India, but for many, many South in the South Asian countries as well. So in terms of land ownership. Women are significantly and and to a large extent are excluded from land ownership. Now they that does not mean that they don't associate themselves with agriculture. They are active.

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you know, a participant in most of the agricultural occupations, and they derive their sustenance. They derive their identity, and the land operation

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holdings are somewhat, very, very central to their identity and subsistence. So what has happened over the last few decades in India, after, especially on after the introduction of the new economic policies. A. A major onslaught on Indian agriculture has made agriculture is a is a very is is a is a, you know, an entrepreneurship of of losses.

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The incomes and the livelihoods have have been on decline deaths and suicides, and entertainness in among the farming households are on rise. Women bearing the disproportionate burnt of of all these negative outcomes has led women to in a way feel frustrated and also to you know organize themselves in in large numbers. women continue to be deep, you know, devalued. If you want to look at some of the the work by. You know the

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work by Professor Pram. So there is is available. So this these are. This is the the first major triggering point where women, in a way, came out in large numbers to to you know, save their land, save their livelihood and save their, you know, food security from the from encroachment of the corporate. So this is where we we also start noticing that okay, women coming and sharing these experiences is something which is very central to this. You know the

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these mobilizations. Now there is also.

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what has happened. That you know, first wave of of women protesters here. The second part of our chapter primarily underlines. what have been the major factors in terms of major forms of in in which women have participated in in in these protests. Just before going to that, I would like to point out that the most of the research in this paper is primarily based on participant observations, by

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by by Jagmati San Juan, who has been an active mobilizer and organizer throughout the the protest, which were which lasted for more than a year, and the second source which we used is is is an archive curated by some of us titled People's Archive Farmers protest which is available online for for those who are interested in looking at us.

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So we we have documented this protest very extensively on on in real time basis. So these are. This is primarily where the you know, Major, you know, resources for this paper have come.

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Now, women who have

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primarily absent from most of the social spheres and political life of North Indian State, and we talk about particularly of this State called Co. Called Haryana, which is notoriously known for women's absence in electoral bodies in you know, having a but really, really bad sex ratio. So this is a location which is is critical for us to understand that. Why this this participation was historic in many sense.

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So here women took the lead in the beginning, when they saw that the police has created physical barricades and obstacles for mar farmers marching towards the national Capital city daily, and they came in large numbers. some of them has been exposed to the organized form of unions and women's organizations, and they confronted the police, and they were initially also

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arrested and later released. So this is something which also made to the news in a big way.

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Now, the another way which we have noted that by how women continue to be a backbone of these protests is by.

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and also seeking a

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seeking and claiming their you know, presence and the right to protest and and space and to be in the public sphere. So this is something which has also been noticed in in various instances, in specifically particularly in the in context of the Society of Haryana, that, you know, Trias, marriages which are particularly on rise in in the state of Ariana. Given all kinds of challenges, and you know, uncertainties

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Women in sports have come in a big way, and women in cultural spheres also have marked their way. So this kind of

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you know, in a way, opposition to the and very active opposition to the patriarchal norms in that society is something which also triggered. You know, the women's who have been associated with some kind of political consciousness that we need to now claim also to a larger take in in these protests. So

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I think I have only 2, 2 and a half minutes, so I will. I'll just, you know, move on to the to the next point, which is about how, as a strategy, and the farmer unions which are primarily male dominated patriarchal bodies, have also, in a way understood this significant

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presence of women, and they also wanted to kind of sustain those mobilizations, and they very actively and in a strategic manner, gave calls to organize specific events. We have listed down a number of events which became very, very particularly women centric during the one year long. Farmers protest. On eighteenth January there was Myhila Kissan diverse. There was also kiss on census of which 2 days were specifically dedicated to the issues related to the women farmers.

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And then, on International Women's Day women took on the stage they carry, they basically organized and operated all the affairs on the protest sites. And these protest sites were massive. And in some of the cases there have been a participation of lacks and lack of 80,000 to one lack women at a single purchase site in in Tikree, near Baghdad, in on the borders of Haryana.

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where women came, and they they sang songs. They, in a way, like, you know, delivered speeches. So these kind of multi dimensional and very refreshing. you know, ways of innovative mobilizations and methods have marked the you know, a a very sustained participation by by women in in these protests. So so you know, Kissan Morcia, which was the central body to

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to lead some of these to lead these These protests made very specific and very conscious attempt to retain women, and they, in a way, also promoted women leadership in some of their you know my bodies and their decision making this thing. But it is not to say again, you know to to, you know say, and glorify or romanticize the idea that when it was all very easy and rosy.

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you know, a journey for for women to specifically become you know decision makers in the, in the, in the Farmers movement there were very serious problems with how male you know, leadership of the farmers who woman treated the concerns raised by women activists, and for the first few days of of their presence at the border protest sites. There was a significant absence of

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of amenities which were really needed for women for you know. to carry out, you know, various kinds of you know, daily affairs. So this only after a significant you know, insistence by by active women. Leadership from women organizations was something considered and addressed.

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Now again, there were also issues that how we men were treated while they went on to the stage to speak, and how the male dominance in in in, you know, arranging and operating those affairs continued to be remain, you know, in a way a norm. Unless women organizers and women leaders from central leadership of the women organizations very actively and in in a very, you know, sustained manner

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challenged and confronted their you know their dominance. So

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one of the you know things which I would like to conclude by saying that even though we see that there has been a some kind of progressive and positive change in the in this particular context or part of the part of the country where we have historically seen women has been marginalized not only in the economic affairs, but also in the political and social affairs, spheres.

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There has been some kind of change in how women have

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come and participated in the subsequent protest. Now, recent example of that was the the women wrestlers which for more than a month protested in in the national capital of India.

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a one can, you know, discuss and argue what has been the fate of of that that protest, but it has given a a voice, some kind of support, some kind of strength to those who in a way, want to protest and want to raise their their issues. However, the the the main mobilization and main participation in these farmers protest protest from women Sections of the population continues to be from the

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vocal sections, and the dominant sections of the Jat peasantry, especially from Punjab and Haryana, where land owning, and the

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and landowning households have encouraged women folks to go and participate in the. So it is also on the condition of male patriarchs, that women were also encouraged to go and participate in these protests.

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However, the women Organizers and and jigmati, who is the in a co-author of of this paper. have noticed that for women activists who earlier used to go to villages have they have experienced some kind of positive positive change in the attitudes of of these, you know. Feudal! You know, patriarchs of the of the rural society in India that

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earlier. They used to innovate, demean the the work done by the women organizations. They used to call them names, and you know, in in a way, look down upon and even comment very negatively on that. So According to some of their experience, it has been noted that now there is some kind of positive attitude towards women participating in the activities of the women organizations.

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but primarily limited to the economic concerns and the economic demands of these households. So one of the things which the the last point which I would also like to point out make here is that

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there has been also some kind of presence and representativeness among the farming Ph farmer organizations where women have now become, not only members of the unions, but also in in some level. They have also started taking part in the in the union decision making bodies. So this, you know, is is A is a large you know change, and also is something which has to be sustained in the in the times to come by very active

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efforts, by different sections of the society. So this is something I would like to conclude with, Thank you very much.

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thank you. Shares And

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that presentation our next presenter

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is to be Dr. So be there. and she is presenting in person.

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Good morning, everyone. My name is Sylvidal. Currently I'm working as a faculty at Indian Institute of Management indoor.

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I would like to thank the Organizing Committee for providing me opportunity to present my work here.

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The title of my presentation is Masculinity and culture community.

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This paper Bay is based on multi-sided atroography by by the nomadic nature of the community's work. See to understand the role of man within the country community. Conjures are nomadic and notified tribes. The term de notified tribes has been used for the

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certain communities. Those who were notified as criminal tribe during the colonial period under the criminal types, at 1,871 after the Independence, though they have, they have been de notified from that list, so they are known as de notified tribes, or Weim of Javis.

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Tunes are traditional entertainers, and their main occupation is dancing and singing. They are patriarchal in nature, but the entire family economy of congest is based on the labor and earning earnings of unmarried sex workers, daughters, and also the dance by girls.

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All the work within and outside the household is done by the women, and the division of labor is almost among the women or not, and not between the man and the women all the domestic work, like cooking, cleaning, washing, filling water, fetching, word, taking care of the children is generally done by the wives of conjurement, or the women who are too young or retired sex worker.

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So structurally, we can say that the economy of the consciousness are totally dependent on prostitution. It sustain, and 2 level of women

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2 levels by women's label. At one level. Women sustain the family by selling their sexual label at another level. Women contribute to the family's needs for domestic labor. Dungeon man contribute nothing in the family life, and also to earn family economy. In this context the present paper explodes the role of Kanjaman within the conjugate community. what is it? A status and role in decision making in the Ppd. I have just kept a few pictures which I will show you later.

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In this study the field of study was chosen as Rajasthan. There is a oldest helmet of traditional entertainers in Rajasthan knows, known as Culture of Calcada, which was established around a century ago. by one traditional entertainer who used to work in Allegra in the brothel areas known as chucklas, which were maintained by the Britishes during the colonial period. Kansada is located at the highway, and it's around 3 kilometers

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away from the main village area there is around double female population, then the male. The reason behind this is number of women coming to the family is higher than the women living. The family, as my duty of the daughters and sisters are working as 6 workers or dance partners. The overall literacy rate among the community is quite low. It's around 35%

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majority of the families are joined families, women in this community work from their household itself. If we talk about the matrilogy the central method is using as ethnography due to the nomadic nature of their occupation. It becomes a multi cited ethnography. I try to follow my correspondent wherever they went. So they were from 4 major sites where I followed my respondents. Important to mention here is with the size there type of work that changing.

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For example, in Rajasthan, they are working as tradition entity entertainers or sex workers. If you go up much of and they have an area. They are working as artists in the not at Mondays and the not in case if you go to the Maharisha reason, they are working as dance bargers, and can just also go to Dubai. Country women go to Dubai, where they worked as dances in the parties of shakes of the way.

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If we talk about the findings of this study! If you like, if we take the history of conjugate during the pre-colonial era, conjured man used to give music, while women used to dance on that. So they used to entertain the large public or things during the colonial period. The position of traditional entertainment

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tennis underwent tremendous change. A new kind of brothel or red light district was developed in India as a result of the British colonial policy. If we take one example. in nineteenth century there were around 280 prostitutes who served 11,000 soldiers in 3 cantorments in Umbala, Meredith, and Lucknow. All women in these containment were from traditional entertainers, community, namely, nuts, Banshada, Kanjas, and the Sasi.

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So these all women were from the de notified tribes interesting to mention here that British always claim that they are keeping these women to cook the food or take care of the or housekeeping, but the main ail was to fulfill the sexual needs of the white soldiers. If we talk about post colonial era.

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plunges were left with no votes of earning their livelihood. They were leveled once criminal, but after the independence, though they were de notified from that the stigma of being criminal left is still haunts them, and solely after the independence they lost, they lost their traditional judgments or feudal lots, and they became solely dependent on prostitution and the sects

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and the dance, for the man stopped working for 2 centuries around.

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and now they doesn't do any work, so is male indolence. A tradition among men among crangers. When I try to check this with the community. One of the old ones said that I room from one place to another, and occasionally escorted our women to perform. My father did the same, and my son is also doing the same. He just wandered around, or and he spent the money which is owned by his unmarried sex workers. Sister.

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during one of my interaction with the sex worker, she said, what man could they do? Mandate nothing for generations, and now they have completely lost interest in the work. Another thing in the community. When I have spoken to certain men, they said, even if we are working what we are getting ₹2,000 or 3,000, we should get a good job or good money then, only we can work otherwise how we can maintain our lifestyle.

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If we talk about this was about the earning money. If we talk about contribution to household work, Tanjay man do not perform any kind of household work according to them. It's a women's job. Man should be away from this. A man who does household work or take care of children is not money, and he doesn't get any respect in the society to put an exponent from the field.

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How can a man do household work? It's a women's responsibility. The conjurement, drinks wife to do the household work. Wives, parental family receive high bread price as they use the prospect of their daughter's earning money by Thehanda. We are paying money to buy their daughter's labor for our household work. He asked me if I have ever seen any man performing household work in the community.

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That, was the answer of the man, if we talk about it, taking care of the children, conjure monthly with the children, but they do not take care of the children. So we can say that, Tanjam, and why not performing the supposed male role? Do not adopt the female role either. According to them all works are women's job. It's not a man's job while it comes to a decision making where you are not earning, not contributing anything to the family. But if you talk about decision making

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Kanji men are one of the main decision maker in the family of the money which is earned by their sisters and daughters. They keep hold of that. They get houses on their name, and also the land. But the land which they are getting by the money of their unmarried sex or their daughter. Their wives have to cultivate that money.

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that land, basically. Now, if we talk about how they are getting a bright, there is a tradition of getting

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brides by paying bright price. So Bright Price and Kanja community is quite high. Last time, when I went 2 months back to the field by price was 80 lacks to 90 lakhs, Indian rupees. So if a, the reason behind this is, if a woman goes into the sex launch work. She earns lots of money, but if she gets married her biological, the family can't get this benefity

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benefit. So the bride price is really high. This bright prize is earned by unmered sex worker or dance. But girl in the family those sisters are doing big sacrifices in earning this money, Tanjin man considered that this is a duty of their sister to get their, but others married and provide financial security to their families.

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As they may have to be bright price to get the wives and daughter-in-laws husband and the in-laws have complete control on their dotted-in-laws.

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Daughter-in-law is supposed to take care of entire work. Including domestic agriculture and reproductive responsibilities, as the bright prize is high. She have to do whatever they say. Another thing bright price becomes higher. If a girl is good looking, or her complexion is good, or her height is good because she have more chances to become a sex worker.

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So most of the tunnel men in the community were married and manage their lives. as they were having their life before marriage. They do not take any responsibility of their wives, children's parents, or even themselves, they solely are dependent on the earnings of their unmarried sister.

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who board all the responsibilities. Wives worked hard to run the house in return of the financial obligation. But still, if you see these men behaved like they are the head of the family unmarried sex work. Your daughter have also landed on her name, but she have to take my mission from the community. She can also buy a house.

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You can see the Tanja family in the conjured family relationship between the brother and sister is very unique. If you talk about unmarried women, then brother is totally dependent on her. Sometimes they used to accompany her.

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while she is going to see any client entertain client or going to to settle in Mumbai to Perse dance. But okay, so occupation. But if you talk about the unmarried sister dungeon man doesn't like unmarried sister, because, according to them, she is of no use, and

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she's of no use, though they have got a high bright pies while she was part of. So, to conclude, I would like to say that Kanjalmans seem to nurture the self emiss of a class of people who idealize and value laser and indolence over hard work and labor, namely, a class which has the option of praying on other set of people.

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They do not work or earn. Money does not necessarily diminish their standing in the family and the community, although not always regarded positively, it does not employ a reversal of gender roles or position of dominance and subordination within the family

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conjure. Men, on the other hand, have all the advantages of someone who leads Armad unconditionally, with little responsibility on their part.

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That was about the paper. I would like to show you some of the picture. This is the family structure. In the conscious we can see the blue

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circle represents a retired performer or sex worker. The pink one is dance for girls who are migrating to Dubai or Mumbai. The red one is 6 workers, and the green one is the married women. So in a majority of that time there is no women who gets married in the house or the Green. One is the married women who is coming inside the house, so their family is. Structure is totally different from the largest society.

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These are some of the pictures of the field. You can see. They have huge houses, while a Tanja woman works as a sex lawyer at her native place. She owns around one like rupees a month. While she is in Mumbai. She earns 2 Lake rupees while they are going, Dubai for dancing they earn around 5 laptopies monthly.

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These are the small cocas where sometimes these conjurements sit. And this copper, just to cater the needs of what customers need like colderings, shaped cigarettes, all those things.

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Yeah, we can see. This is a traditional type where they used to entertain the large community.

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These are the 4 types of the women, the first one which looks deep into the work. She is the married woman. The second one with the Doppata is a Dancebar girl, the third one sitting in the smiling. She is retired sex worker, and these 2 women, those who are standing on the road. They are the sex worker. They are trying to tempt the client. You can see there is a bike. Stop by now. Let's see how Pension Monthly.

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so you can see this is 18 years conjured. Man. He was following everywhere while I was doing the field work. This is another conjurement.

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Yeah.

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thank you so much.

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Right? So, yeah, we have a final presentation for today.

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I think our speakers joined us remotely.

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Right? yeah.

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So Rehana Java, I hope I pronouncing your name correctly. Yeah, that's right

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over to you.

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Reyhaneh Javadi: Thank you. And I'm gonna share my screen.

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Great. We can see the street

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Reyhaneh Javadi: perfect.

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Reyhaneh Javadi: So good morning. Good evening.

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Reyhaneh Javadi: In the midst of we have another political uprising in Iran, and it's correct down. And the question of how uranium demand or this discrimination is ever more relevant.

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Reyhaneh Javadi: what I discuss here is a working progress on everyday resistance series, and their application in Iranian setting. It is an analytical attempt to understand how the resistance literature is conceptually deployed to make sense of the everyday act of ordinary citizens.

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My main question is, does the notion of resistance in the theories of everyday resistance help us conceptually to move forward in understanding Iranian women's struggle for their rights.

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Reyhaneh Javadi: To answer this question I applied textual analyzers to discuss the conceptual application of everyday resistance to it in uranium related literature and assistance.

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Reyhaneh Javadi: and the everyday resistant, and is conceptual frameworks, including practice of everyday life. Everyday form of resistance and quiet encouragement have been widely applied in social sciences to a study. Various contents and contexts.

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they have dramatically influenced the approach towards social change by shifting the attention to silence sub all current agents of change.

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Reyhaneh Javadi: the less they are different in understanding the resistance, and it's relations to subjectivity, intentionality, and the political implications of everyday acts as well as the era, the subject and the subal trans. They study

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Reyhaneh Javadi: in the context of Iran. The literature on everyday resistance mainly focuses on women, and they rice. The works on Iranian diminished resistance can be divided into 2 sets once that applied, or refer to the theories of everyday resistance directly, and the ones that do not refer to the theories of resistance, but heavily

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Reyhaneh Javadi: rely on the concept of everyday resistance. Regardless in reviewing these works, I content that, despite the premises of the concept, and it's related to this to underscore the daily Resistance agreement. These words contained 3 main problems, including the issue of subjectivity, misconducting everyday resistance to these and the issue of methodology.

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Reyhaneh Javadi: There are 2 main problems with the how to this of everyday resistance have been read and applied in the works of Iranian scholars. First, the authors might be regarded to this internal integration, for instance, as scary, fail to acknowledge the 2 of of constraints and theories, constraint and disregard the internal specifications.

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Reyhaneh Javadi: The other problem. This discuss through in everyday resistance to this is when the outer through our resistance theories neglecting the different approaches we can this series, and through this critical conversation with each other.

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Reyhaneh Javadi: For instance, Abdullah Ii. Contents that the emergence of new fashion and alternative to us by some Iranian women is a form of resistance and opposition.

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She draws on both Biot and escort's account of resistance, without acknowledging what separates these 2. Curious.

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Reyhaneh Javadi: although she keeps her critical essence to our both theories. She disregards the differentiating elements in the Scott and by us theories.

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Reyhaneh Javadi: It results in her decision to cite with hood fire as she argues that Bio's approach to assistance as non movement results in a a political approach toward Iranian women's activities. This approach overlooks the origin of by Us. Discussion on the intended consequences of the actions of individuals which has been in a critical conversation with discussed theory.

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Reyhaneh Javadi: as Keri also bills the argument bills of her argument on both discuss, and by us accounts of resistance, yet she fails to address the differences between these 2 accounts.

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Reyhaneh Javadi: The next issue is at beating subjectivity, which is to some extent the dilemma, the series of resistance in everyday life, most of the works of under resistance of the Iranian women in the attribute and unsubstantiated subjectivity and agency to each act. For instance, as a review social development in Iran in the past few years regarding women's rights

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Reyhaneh Javadi: so heavily relying on by us works the out there do, does not address what they perceive as the resistance, and leave the issue of executing subjectivity to each activity and answer.

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Reyhaneh Javadi: who also views on the notion of politics, politics, updated resistance. Conceptually, however, it does not dial the arguments on the works of a Scott, or by that directly

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Reyhaneh Javadi: coining the term, doing hedgehog in the context of the green movement, who argued that the he, Job, has been a symbol of resistance against the ruling environment in the contentious political environment in Iran. Yes, crew face to offer any on it, justification for actually being agency to the mandatory act of wearing kjar.

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Reyhaneh Javadi: though choosing a color that conveys a political meaning can be interpreted as an act of resistance. To argue that it is H. Job itself that has been a political tool requires a describing a form of free choice. Considering the mandatory nature of, he drove in Iran this ascription, and calling the He job itself a form of resistance seems insulating.

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Reyhaneh Javadi: Mo Adam also perceives the different actions of Iranian women as a form of resistance, since they challenge the ruling government, she claims that, despite implementing Islamic discourse, women with their resistance find their place in employment and education. Yes, more. Adam does not highlight the issue of agents and subjectivity in discussing deployment patterns and fertility rates.

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Reyhaneh Javadi: The last issue is methodology, which is one of the of the series of everyday resistance in general.

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Reyhaneh Javadi: the vagueness of methodology affect the approach to defining resistance and attributing subjectivity to each activity. Therefore this is scholarly, was often failed to clarify the operational definition. And it's it's in considering each act as a resistance. For instance, cool, conflicting parties, and resistance fails to differentiate between symbolic fearing and the mandate for hedger. The same pattern is also manifested in the work of 2 being, as you are used, that

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Reyhaneh Javadi: the silence of women facing 3 to 6 child. Her husband is a form of resistance, same as other words, she does not clarify how she methodologically asses the agency of this violence and silenced women.

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Moreover, the other problem manifested in the World Cup. Is that why they rely on interviews with active women, activists and ordinary citizens. They overlook assisting the subjectivity and agency of their participant, and this regard. The issue of intentionality.

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Reyhaneh Javadi: leaving the Everyday Resistance series and works on Iranian women's resistance, makes it give evidence that this conceptual framework has the potential to broaden our horizons in a studying social change by focusing on the agents of change and illuminates the structural impacts of individual, a strategic client, nonetheless, how they are applied needs create a color revision.

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Reyhaneh Javadi: Empirical research projects need to acknowledge the internal imperative, so each of the everyday resistance as they apply they should highlight the intended and unintended consequences of their subjects, individual and or collective practices as well. They also need to acknowledge the issue of subjectivity, and clarify how they attribute agency to the activities of their study subjects and how they assist it methodologically.

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Reyhaneh Javadi: Finally, addressing the issue of performance. Relationship to resistance would be beneficial as the main areas of residence in everyday life are in conversation with who's understanding of power.

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Reyhaneh Javadi: There are my resources. And thank you.

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Thank you, Rihani, for the interesting presentation. So The floor is now open to questions, comments, sessions. So if you have any question, please either raise your hand in the zoom. chat! But Sorry in the zoom. signals, or you can come here, and you know, make your case

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also. Perhaps when you're asking the question, introduce yourself.

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Thank you.

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Yeah. Greetings. My name is Fred and Romani from York University, Canada. My question since my background I'm from Iran and a Kurdish background. I want to touch on the recent Evans Zhang, Jian Azadi movement or women life freedom movement. One of the most fundamental

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I I believe Aldo. Feminism is not my background. It's quality of life and Middle East. But I'm interested really in this topic, because it's a right now in Iran and Middle East is a movement going on.

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It's called woman-life freedom, and I believe, the woman-life freedom movement is the most modern form of feminist movement in a history of the entire middle. It's an Islamic world. We never had that experience before.

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My question goes to my dear Iranian colleagues greeting San Salam to Iran, and Alberta and my home second homeland, Canada. I want to mention the names Dr. Kavasoli from as Zahra University and Dr. Jawadi

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from Alberta. How you relate your discussions of feminine to the most recent atrocities of Ayatollahs, based on Shi'ite 12 Umami Shariela.

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which led to imprisonment of tens of thousands, people, especially young teenagers, and killing of about 1,500 people in the last 6, 7 months, many of them, the young teenagers majority under 25 years, and many of them, even at the age of 7 and 8, struggling and voicing up

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for fundamental women's rights

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as a scholars is our responsibility to we to be their voices. Unfortunately, I did not have any understanding either of you. You raising this topic, or even mentioning the movement.

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I hope you can give your input on that. And thank you so much.

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If there are other questions. Maybe we can collect them together before the speakers respond

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also, Rihanna, I think Rafaela is requesting, if you can share your resources, slide once

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only, if you are okay. Of course.

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Reyhaneh Javadi: I think there are no questions as of now. Maybe I can answer that. Yeah.

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Reyhaneh Javadi: here my resources. I can send you them if you want like.

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Do you like to answer the question?

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Reyhaneh Javadi: Oh, yeah, of course.

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Reyhaneh Javadi: I believe I have a started with mentioning the operating, and it's crackdown. But to further discuss that here in this presentation which I'm focusing on, that everyday resistance for me is

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Reyhaneh Javadi: an opportunistic act to do so. I didn't like to do that. we can discuss the

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Reyhaneh Javadi: correct down that we if we men are facing in there every day our daily lives in Iran. I would be more than happy to talk about that here. But to further discuss The situation politically, I believe is not appropriate for me to do here.

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Reyhaneh Javadi: but I can't mention that, like my research personally, is on the codification of this one Fl in Iranian settings. So I am interested in the subject. And I am Fred there, interested in working on that. But yeah, I'm not gonna comment any

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Reyhaneh Javadi:  intellectuals and academic academians in

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Reyhaneh Javadi: general. But yeah, I'm not gonna comment further, because, like more than anything, I feel that it's catching out the other people's resistance, and it's not appropriate. Thank you.

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Thank you, Rhani. Are there any other questions?

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Yes.

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a knowledge of so just one of the

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I know my name away. But I'm saying that even one time certain representation of what

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and this is

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not is the optionistic, because I feel like sometimes you can only master.

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Actually, you can come here, then they can see you

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so

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So my question is, I mean particularly is to all of us is when I heard Jhani say, this is that so? Those one time moments is very opportunistic and correct me if I'm wrong on this, are we saying that those aren't powerful enough, and those are really only, you know, one time opportunities and takes away from, you know, somebody who, in especially within the feminist movement, have worked for like even when she's talking about it

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worked for years and months, and you know, at times generations, to bring out certain policy changes. But I feel like it takes away from even that, you know. It's I mean, at least I felt like it's not correct to say it's opportunistic, because sometimes it's the only time you might get.

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because within the gender argument I think a lot of women. And of course, now a whole bunch of people who are on the spectrum, I think, are also kind of navigating, that I have time only now.

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and I might not have the ability or the mental bandwidth to, you know, convince an entire bunch of people. So it's maybe only now. So

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I felt a little uncomfortable when we say opportunistic, because opportunistic becomes a little more moral.

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I mean, we are going into the phase of right and wrong. I think we are also like.

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you know, this time now only, and a lot of like whether you look at, you know, freedom movements, whether you look at issue-based movements. I think a lot of people have managed to do this.

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and I'm not talking about fatals that people will die after that.

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But you know a lot of women especially. I know. I know I'm not trained in the politics of Iran, but what we saw as as the outsider, I think women stood up.

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and they they face very serious, fatal consequences. So I think that one time is also has a lot of power, and and maybe it's only that that's the only time.

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and maybe they might not have the courage to like. get everybody together. I can do this only now. So

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I don't know. I mean, am I? Am I

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Reyhaneh Javadi: going the wrong way? Is this? yeah, maybe it wasn't clear that. But what I said was not about the those women. I salute them. I respect them. I appreciate their courage. I cannot.

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Reyhaneh Javadi: I cannot appreciate their card.

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Reyhaneh Javadi: But I was saying, was that to fare there a cash out their resistance for my own benefits, for my own self promotion here is not appropriate, appropriate. It's not a the call for me. And I too seriously thought of like I think about that. I can start my presentation with their how women are pressing around, how the situation!

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Reyhaneh Javadi: But I felt that it is not correct for me personally, and it is opportunistic for me to do that to fair did, because I started my presentation. This acknowledging the situation is run that acknowledging the political uprising, and it's cracked on. Maybe I was too fast but like fair there, I I think it's not difficult for me to like fare there, cash out and like built on their

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Reyhaneh Javadi: courage for my own personal. G,

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Reyhaneh Javadi: yeah, I mean, this is better, because for a moment it felt like, you know, we are all saying that even that one time is not fair. So like that. My whole research is on the like women's writing lines. So of course, I'm not saying that I was just mentioning that it's not appropriate for me to like caching out to like their resistance here in this discussion, which is about like the theory.

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okay, this makes most sense. Yeah, thank you so much. Thank you. Thank you. Rhani. Are there any questions for Gargi, who will be in some shape

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comments also, of course, for the

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I have a question for gargi.

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I actually wanted to ask, how do you think? Because you're working in a university? It's an open university distance learning, and there's, of course, like knowledge, that is, you know, disseminated to different remote parts of the State. So how do you think? the curriculum more. The syllabus on gender sort of reflects what is happening in terms of changes, because you've been working in this university. And of course you're also doing those you know syllables designing.

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And if you are talking about theorizing gender, so how does that theorization reflect the contemporary changes that have been happening.

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So

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in context of teaching learning. So, as I have said, we use the self-learning materials! And then, while formulating that, we try to take into consideration. The existing syllabus that has been considered by government of India and other premier institutes, and taking into that consideration, we tend to put those

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in the self-learning material. But of course, when we are talking about a book there will be constraints. We cannot discuss a lot. But when students Come for further clarification. We tend to discuss about those. But It will have limitation meet. We tend to have like In other, for example in the you. You will have a 5 year units we will have around 15 units. We try to cover edge-masting things. That

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these syllabuses for whatever is a positive, feasible, or considered for a bachelor's degree course or a Master's degree course, we try to include those in the syllabus as much as possible.

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Okay, thank you. Any other questions.

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The money?

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I had a question for Dr. Theal superior. So when you're talking about the Kanja community, you've mentioned, what are. You know how traditionally you know. women are placed in that society, etc. But you know, when we again talk about your rising gender in Populist times. I would also like to, you know. Ask you, how do you see them located within the larger Indian social context? Because, you know, say the State has a very important role to play there, and since they belong to a community which is

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also given the tag of a vulnerable community. So

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what is the State's role there in terms of you know? What is it doing for the women? And how far are they? You know, because I am curious as to

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whether there is not a single like a person or woman from that community? Or is there a handsome section of women from the community who have gotten out of the traditional you know the roles or the practices that you've just presented.

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So what

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you talk about, conscious of the notified drives. The status is different in different estates in India, so it becomes difficult to tap on one's policy. State government is not doing anything for them. they are marginalized. But if you talk about the community, I started my masters with them doing research in masters. We are doing several schools, playability, base 11 schools.

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And I'm happy to tell you that 4 girls are doing medical one that is completed. Her medical am so. She is a doctor now, but the thing is, they want options in the life and on.

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What we choose! What if

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is correct? If you talk about the pang of women, those who are pursuing 6 months. Their status is high in the family.

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If you see the knowledge of Indian society in married women's, the status is higher than those who are into the sex work, or don't. They are seeing lower, but in their family their status is higher, but now they are taking on other options, but still in that are not a study.

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So then we started, and I hope within 2 or 3 generations we will be able to see changes in that.

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And

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Since there are no further questions or comments, we are going to close this session. Thank you. To everyone who joined us. Thank you to all the presenters. And

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yeah, I hope to read some of your you know papers so very, very soon, and thank you once again. Those who, especially those who have joined from very different time zones.

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Right? So, thank you.