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the custodians of this land, the Vndori people real, this the past, present, and future, taking care of this land.

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And, as I said, the topic of today is the normalization of the global far right

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first part of our book which we published last year. But with another subtitle from Global financial crisis to covid pandemic. So we wanted to also indicate that we see this part of the most recent development as immensely important.

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Before I hand over to the first speaker. I still want to pass on the word to Scott, pointing. He wants to say a few words about Stephen Carson's.

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You might remember him. He was very.

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and died last year.

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Thanks, Ricky. Yes, just to check

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a minute or 2 to

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to pay our respects to one of the elders of our field.

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Stephen Castles, who died far, far too soon. Last year the Australian Sociological Association

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 had a very nice and and an appropriate memorial to Stephen, but this is probably the first opportunity to to remember him at an Isa

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meetings. Stephen was one of the leading intellectuals of the sociology of migration, and very few people in R. C. O. 5 wouldn't have

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engaged with his work. He he! He was at the forefront of that field for 45 odd years. Some 2 generations of of scholars

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from his early work, early political economic work on

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 immigrant minorities in Western Europe.

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Right right through

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he came from Australia. We'd like to lay claim to him, but really he was the epitome of an internationalist and a cosmopolitan was was Stephen.

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He worked for About a decade, I think, in Frankfurt, before coming to Australia to have the center for multicultural studies at the University of Woolenong, where he was for about another decade.

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and then went to Oxford for more than a decade, I think, to.

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but where he was the founding director of the Institute for Migration Studies.

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And returned to Australia, to the University of Sydney. From 2,001 to 2,017 when when he retired.

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Stephen, was

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I

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not only committed to to research about immigrant minorities, but research for imminent immigrant minorities, the the the people most disadvantage, and

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 Exploited

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were

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Were people for whom? Stephen was researching all that time, and he was also a very generous colleague, a an unassuming, quietly spoken. A good-humoured man, a generous colleague.

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And and a a fine example, I think, for for us all. So.

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so byly, Steven.

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Yeah.

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thanks, Scott. That was important to us. To name him, because to name him means

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Yeah, at least a minute thinking about him and his work, anyway. So the format is, we have 5 papers, one unfuntery remote.

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So. But we start with an in-person paper, and each of the speakers will have around 15 min, and then we have 5 min for an immediate question afterwards, and then we will see how we're going. Okay. So I invite the first speaker, and I try to remind you, then

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the time

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I feel like the most difficult part of the presentation is finished. Good to be with you. My name is Ross Hendler. I'm here from the U.S.A. On behalf of myself and my research partner, Jennifer Snook, and I'm really inspired by both the topic of the conference and of this panel, this notion of resurgent authoritarianism and the normalization of the global far right?

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So, as I think we're all well aware, we are witnessing the resurgence of far right authoritarianism.

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movements and politicians, and likewise a normalization of the global far right. But where do these movements come from? How do they emerge? What are their roots? Where and how does that normalization occur? And implicitly? How do we then fight back? Where do we look for answers to these very profound and important questions.

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and I'll argue that this this resurgence and normalization don't just emerge from nowhere. And in many cases authoritarian authoritarianism isn't simply top down, generated by a party or a reactionary group that sees its power.

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And, in fact, in many cases there is popular support for these kinds of movements. Far right movements, including in democracies. And I'm wondering, where is that support? Cultivated

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people aren't generally interacting with political elites.

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nor are most of them consistently protesting in the streets. People instead are living their relatively quotidian lives in families, local communities, work places, subcultures.

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and so on.

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I'll do just a very brief and and relatively shallow. overview a superficial overview of some of the explanations for the rise in the normalization of the global. Far right.

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Of course, there are theories of recruitment and and conversion, such as Kathleen Blee's classic work on becoming racist

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thinking really about the networks people are embedded in how they get socialized, taught to to harbor racist beliefs. There are also theories of individual prejudices that the far right in some ways is a coming together of individuals who hold prejudicial views.

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There are theories of engraved entitlement, which, judging by some of the the presentation titles here, we may get into more with other presenters.

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This notion that there are declining prospects for relatively advantaged men, that the reactionary right is in part a backlash in an attempt to hold on to a perceived declining power, particularly in many contexts, by white advantaged, heterosexual men. There are also theories of isolation and radicalization. The so-called lone wolf theories, particularly popular in the mainstream media, in in the Us.

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Where, as you may know, we have mass shootings perpetrated on virtually a daily basis. with people connections to these kinds of groups we're talking about in this panel. And then there are also theories that explore the engagement people's individuals, engagement with social media, with digital media thinking about algorithms that might funnel people. people. I should say, typically Cis hetero, white men in many cases

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towards these kinds of ideas, those all encapsulate. What I'll say are just a tendency to try to explain the individual level recruitment into these groups. Then there are also theories of what is that try to explain the macro background of this resurgence, global migration and immigration, armed conflict, climate or migrations, capitalist inequality and procureity, I think, alluded to in the title of this session, the global economic crash of 2,008, the recession, the anti elitism that then shows up on both ends of the political spectrum.

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There are concerns with demographic change declining birth rates among some native-born majority populations creating a kind of a fear amongst some of those groups

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And then we could get. We could zoom out even further and think about neoliberalism, late modernity, and individualism in a general mistrust in institutions.

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But what about groups.

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How do groups mediate between the micro and the Macro? How do Meso cultural groupings intersect with those macro structural forces that form the back backdrop? And with political opportunities

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that emerge in a given time period. And how do these groups both reflect and contribute to larger socio-political changes, including the resurgence of far right Populism.

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So to day I'll give you just a very brief window into a case study around self-described heathen groups, and how these groups lay the micro-foundations of ethno-nationalism.

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and in turn how they also responded to the election of Donald Trump

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implied in all of this is also seeking some explanations as what but what's behind political actions, such as insurrection? The January 6, 2021 insurrection at the Us. Capital. And here I've listed just a few of the many groups that were a part of this.

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So theoretically, I'm relying on a recent book that I am trying to explore here. By Gary Allen, Fine, a sociologist at Northwestern University a book called the Hinge, and he starts with a couple of very basic premises. Most of social life occurs in groups, and therefore what happens in groups matters.

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He writes about groups as the foundation of civic life, and he talks about in the title of the book a hinge that groups are the hinge, the linkage between external structures and personal interest, or another way of putting it between the micro and the Macro. Fine rights, politics and active consideration of policy and policymakers

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never occurs in isolation. but as part of an embedded community.

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It requires a cadre of social citizens activated by family and friends. Intersecting groups have the potential to develop expansive networks.

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creating the possibility of organizational recruitment through whom one knows and how one knows them.

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This is just a quick, you know, just sort of justify the exploration of groups returning to the January sixth. Insurrection at the Us. Capital.

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The circles are all represent individuals who are eventually charged in this insurrection with crimes. The other shapes

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represent the groups to which they belonged, and then all of the lines represent the intersections of all of these groups, so that action

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was the summation

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of individuals connected to a vast array of groups.

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I'll say just a few words about heathenry in terms of this case study heathenry is also called as a true, and it's the broadest umbrella term for a number of related pagan new religious movements

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trying to revive or recreate the religious practices and world views of pre-christian Northern Europeans think the television show the Vikings but pull back to the from that to the modern sense

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as a true heathenry, has a long history, but had a resurgence of interest in the 1970 S. And many groups are are organized around self-described local kindreds, led by a Gothi or Agiffya, a spiritual leader connecting individuals, interests to as they describe it, the gods being Thor, Freya, Odin that now show up in comic books and marvel movies. But for this particular group hold religious significance.

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heathenry is divided broadly and speaking into 2 opposing camps, since its resurgence in the 70 s. A Universalist camp. That says, anyone who has an interest in these gods in these folk ways should be welcomed.

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and a folkish camp that ties interest in this, in, in this, in participation in the, in this new religious movement.

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to ethnic identity, to perceive connection to a land to this Northern European heritage. So you can imagine that within this broader umbrella term there's considerable conflict.

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So this work is based on over 15 years of research on these groups, including ethnographic, participant-based research at a whole variety of gatherings in heathen's homes in in various

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religious community gatherings all over the United States.

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We've also done some survey-based research distributed primarily through social media and other organizations. And finally, a bit of social media analysis. Looking at the memes used by these groups, Facebook posts and organizational website data.

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So I'll walk you through kind of the the local or the micro the macro. And then I'll return to the Meso level to make my argument. So what's attracting people to this particular new religious movement? A variety of individual interests.

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ancestry, friendships, connection, creating a sense of fictive kin. Chosen family seeking some kind of community ritual belonging. They often frame themselves as being tribal in some sense.

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and and also just a real desire for meaning, making a connection to traditionalism, the idealization of pre-modern folk ways. spiritual seeking, and in some cases kind of a recreation of a warrior culture.

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So just a few examples. This is a picture, from the as a true folk assembly, which is a folkish heathen group Twitter Page. it's the graphic gathering of heathens in Georgia. So there's a real sense of leisure. This they're just hanging out in a pub. But as they're hanging out in a pub, they're thinking about what it means to be heathen. They're talking about politics. They're exchanging ideas.

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and they're also sharing their other interests, things like interest in brewing. Blacksmithing, fiber arts! These somewhat archaic and less practiced sorts of things now, as well as just their interest in mythology and folklore.

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Here's an example of a celebration. So at the local level, heathens come together for various celebrations.

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And so you can see they're they're getting a sense, building a sense of collective identity through these holidays. And finally, and maybe most poignantly.

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heathens come together in ritual

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seeking that that sense in the Durkheim in sense of collective effervescence. This, this ecstatic, intense, embodied interaction with the sacred that reminds one of one's connection to something greater than oneself. So this is a group called the Wolves of Finland, participating in a and leading a ritual howling has. There's lots of deconstruct here in terms of masculinity.

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Again, coming back to the backdrop in which these heathens are interacting. In the Us. Context, we have the election of Barack Obama and the formation of the Tea party around 2010, 2011. We have a whole variety of social movements, including progressive movements, occupy me too. Black lives. Matter. Lgbtq, I. A plus activism, indigenous activism, land, back movements. All of that serves as a bit of a backdrop. And then we have the election of Donald Trump and the widespread polarization.

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We also have the structural shifts of which I think we're all aware. I've listed just a few there. including the ubiquity of unregulated social media. So here we have conspiracy theories abounding, and a space for the so called digital hidden spaces of hate.

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I wanted to put this quote up, even though it's not from a heathen a participant in this group, because it reflects a lot of their thinking prior to Trump's election.

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And so here you have Bradley Dean Griffin of a pro secessionist group. The League of the South, imagining what that election result might mean, might mean for

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for his group and other groups that have racist leanings.

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And I want to point out that this is occurring in the context in which that election came as a big shock to many us commentators, journalists, political pundits, and even mainstream politicians, which to me suggests a profound misunderstanding of what was happening at the group level

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that that could be so incredibly shocking.

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and that what's happening at the group level, the sum of that created in some ways the preconditions of conditions for a trump victory.

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So to come back to that middle space, that group level, that mezzo level. There are 3 themes amongst many others that I'll I'll mention today

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that are emerging at that group level, this sense of white tribalism.

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the appropriation of indigeneity as those discussions, including our land acknowledgments and so on, and so forth at this conference have gained steam. These groups have appropriated that language and said, Well, I'm indigenous as well. There's a sense of liberal intolerance. So a reframing of it's not

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us that are intolerant. It's actually those who are opposed to us. And then, finally and most significantly, perhaps, is a shift from ethnic pride to avowed white nationalism.

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So here's a statement from Steve ATM and Stephen Mcnallen. One of the most important figures in heathenry, has a very long history is served as a leader of the as a true folk assembly, claiming that they are just as indigenous as these other groups. that they are indigenous Europeans. And so we see this kind of building, this kind of language, this reframing.

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the same thing comes with liberal intolerance. So an Afa member posts on Facebook.

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sort of a complaint. White people just can't be selective anymore without being called racist. And so this whole conversation in this backlash of social justice warriors impacts heathen re as well.

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Likewise another post in Odinia International. We know who the real Supremacy Center Press and oppressors are.

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I'll leave you before I wrap up here with one more little bit of data here. This is the Afa's statement from their website Pre. 2016. Now, it's troubling enough as it is.

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but it's it's only becomes more troubling a

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as Trump's campaign and election ensues.

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So what we've noticed in the data is an acceleration of this rhetoric. But then, that hinge in this case being the election of trump, the campaign election of Donald Trump

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starts pushing this group, some of these groups over into more explicit white Nationalist rhetoric. The same occurs around gender identity and sexuality. And so we have a much more avowedly and explicit essentialist notion of gender

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just a couple of examples of some of their posts.

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and notice the the the hearkening back, you know, to the 14 words children, or our folk, or shining future legacy, and so on.

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even to the point of having a group called heathen women who are warrior women against white genocide. So you see the interactions at the group level between these larger rhetoric.

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This has extreme consequences. Here you have one of many. I could give many examples of mass shooters and plotters who's wearing a Thor's hammer.

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That's a symbol of this group. And I could again give you example after example.

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So to conclude to come back to find thinking about these hinge points.

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these hinges connect the personal, the institutional, and the local.

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We're reminded that mass publics are inevitably built on the amalgamation of tiny ones. So he's calling us back to think about those groups.

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Heathenry may not be such a big group. But what about proud boys? What about all these other groups that are out there. All of them, in their local context, are doing some of this work that creates both reflects the dominant discourse, but also creates it.

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These are the kinds of things that people are getting from this group.

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I don't have. something profound to share around these things. I just think they need further investigation. And finally, we see here what we call a trump effect.

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that trump created political opportunities for these groups as well.

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One last image is the Qanon Shaman. who was part of the insurrection. On January sixth.

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Each of those is a heathen symbol. a Thoris hammer, the top one a symbol of Odin. So here you have this connection. What's going on at the group level

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to outright and yeah, insurrection?

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Thank you very much. I'll end there. I'm out of time. I really appreciate your attention. This afternoon

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we back.

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You have the

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students in.

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and I'm happy to hang around. A few minutes afterwards. I know we're pressed for time. Hey, Ross? Thanks for your talk. These groups are clearly sort of self-indigenizing.

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as you know, sort of European indigenous people. Could you speak to how they

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relate that to their position in a separate column?

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I mean by and large? I don't think that they do, or if they do.

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what they're doing is appropriated the appropriating the rights language and their recognition language to their own purposes. So they're willing to grant. You know they're not. They're not going to talk about the power relations of settler colonialism over much.

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but they're willing to grant. Okay, well, if this group can press for rights and recognition.

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Why can't we? It's a false parallel to my mind because of the center settler. Colonialism in here and there.

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Thank you very much. It's really interesting. I just wonder how are they interacting with Christian white Christian Nationalists? Because presumably this will standardly be Christian

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people. And these are obviously not Christian white people. So within the internal kind of far right tensions, how do other groups react to the emergence of the heathens? This is like a competition. What a fantastic question! Because heathens typically juxtapose themselves against Christian domination.

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I mean even the word heathen right is meant to be a pejorative. So in a sense, that's a bit of a a reclaiming, I suppose. And so these groups should be very much in tension, and in many cases they are

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seeing, casting Christian groups. As as the dominant group and the oppressive group.

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However, politics matters more in some ways than these particular identities, and how those politics manifest. So I think they're quite willing in some ways for certain political ends, to find common cause

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with their religious opponents, so to speak. Yeah. thanks again.

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I.

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I just start by saying, great paper. I really enjoyed it.

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 so this this paper that we're we're talking about today is from the Australian Research Council Discovery Project titled the Australian Far Right intellectuals, masculinity and citizenship.

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and it's Pam myself. Brian Turner and Mario Poiker. and I do want to acknowledge in particular work of Pam, who really drove this particular paper and presentation today. So around 2,015, 2,016 in the lead up to the Us. Election.

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we saw a a stark increase in the re emergence of an Australian far right presence and profile. We saw groups like the True blue crew united. Patriots, front and soldiers of Odin are protesting in the city. You'd see them come in from the outer suburbs in in convoy, and then protest at our Parliament House.

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and they they eventually evolved. They became the lad societies who were modelled on the proud boy, for example, which fused racism, misogyny and fighting, and they'd set up club houses out in the suburbs

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and to to point out the I suppose the violent potential of these groups. Cross-church terrorists are.

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Brent Tarrant actually contacted them, attempted to. They attempted to recruit him. He sang their praises online. So there there was a bit of a synchronicity, I suppose, between these these different movements and and far right groups in Australia

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that really started to jump onto the radar of our security agencies in particular

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and and and a common across the more was this belief in the security of the right race hatred of minorities and immigration, hatred of Lgdb IQ communities a belief in the need to re domesticate women and and bring men back to the 4 as breadwinners and as as men.

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and then that intersection with many new forms of violent extremism. So they were influenced

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over time by Q. An. On and by other other groups, and very much influenced by trump and the Us. Context.

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So these groups fell apart under the way to their own contradictions over time. Everyone wanted to be fewer, and so that there'd be constant in fighting and struggles. And so there was an evolution. So we now the the lad society would emerge and become the antipodian resistance, so merge with the Antipodium insistence and become the National Socialist network

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which anyone who's followed news in Australia would see black T-shirts and shorts, and Nazi is making Nazi salutes in town, seeking to the boat, and so on. So that's jumped on to our national security agencies radar and about 40% of their case load now from almost 0 a decade ago is primarily is is focused on the far right and far right extremists.

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There are many push and poor factors, and

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when you go backwards to go forwards here

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There are many pushing pool factors deep deepening, as you were saying before deepening economic inequalities, the cost of living. that again, that re-emergence of masculinity, that that need to reclaim what they believe is being lost

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and flat lining or downward social trajectories. But we're also talking about pool factors, including social media feeling a void that's been created by the decline and destruction of key societal institutions.

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Trade Union membership has gone down from 40 to 53 to 4 decades ago down to about 10%. And it's primarily women.

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When we're talking about church attendance has again gone down from about 40 or 50%, 3 to 4 decades ago, down to about 9 to 10 to 11% depending on who you you listen to.

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So what we see here is that that vacuum filled by social media and a skilled narrative messaging, offering an alternative source of meaning belonging and an upward trajectory.

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There's an urgent need to understand the appeal of these movements in particular, amongst men, to order to develop evidence-based policy and to address the root causes that are shaping.

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That participation. So to this extent this study is situated in that context, and seeks to make your contribution in that space.

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So this particular paper, which Pan will speak to for the majority, is an online survey of 330. 35 men! Quite a few were apparently anti-government, and and many actively promoted the discourse of white male victim. Who.

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we will see. We we started out, attempting to recruit far right extremists for various issues, for various number of factors that shaped that being quite difficult.

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In particular, the increase in government attention in the space.

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But as as we as we spread the survey and it snowboard, and and so on, we actually got a really good sample of men who were angry. We were looking to talk, looking to share their opinions, and in some way, shape or form, whose ideas intersected

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with far right extremist narratives. So the performance primarily worked, and in in our case in blue collar sectors of the Australian labor Force.

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Now we acknowledge that our white column men are also attracted in many ways shaped, and forms too.

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the far right! But this particular segment give you that insight into the blue collar. blue collar workers, and the and the majority were nostalgic for a stereotypical form of masculinity. This white Australian male that somehow been lost

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because of

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you know, not only weakness, but government policy making the economy, and so on.

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And so, while what our right wing Populist movements across the world differ, they do share that discourse, particularly around gender roles, but also around that sense of reclaiming masculinity, reclaiming not only men, but again, immigration being the major problem and so on. I'm going to hand over to you now, Pam, to to really delve into this in in depth.

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Did you ask for? Okay, thank you, Josh. I'm going to sort of skip through to the data.

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I'll just go back. How do I go back? Can't be, Bill. But anyway, look most the majority of our informants. Our 335 men said that they got most of their news and information from social media. Very few of them named any other source for the provision of social media. So I'm just going to that sort of confirms something that that that Ross just set up. These were the attributes of masculinity.

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Now, I'm not going to read them, but one of the things that I'd like to draw your attention to is the idea of a true Blue Australian man, and in the data overall we got lots of references to the loss of what they called True blue.

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The the sense of. you know, an authentic working class, Australian white masculinity.

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And we locate this within the kind of politics of a settler nation where that kind of men against the frontier, which I think is very similar to other settler nations like Canada and the Us. And certainly this hegemonic ideal of the breadwinner and provider that the true man is the hero. Now I'm going to pick this up as as I go on.

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that the true man is, in fact, the hero. So, as Ross, as sorry as Josh said, generalised white male victim, Hood was ubiquitous in our data, and these are all fairly predictable kinds of things.

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and you can read them. However, I think it's interesting that it mirrored Pauline Hanson, who was the ultimate appropriator of anybody's right wing viewpoint, who said, I think the most downtrodden person in this country is the white Anglo Saxon male. I think they're at the bottom of the barrel now. Clearly, someone like Pauline Hanson is trying to address herself directly to that voting constituency to bolster up her own political party

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moving on. Now, what we found was lots of homophobia, transphobia.

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and men. I'll just draw your attention to that final quote at the end of the top paragraph. Good white men are being overrun by girly boys and Lesbians with blue hair and non-binary dickheads, and I'll just say sick, and it's a trigger warning, and I apologize for the language. However, it seems to me that it encapsulates a particular dis. You know you can imagine this man in particular are one 2, 22 single.

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Sorry! Yes, he single a job-seeker walking down the road in Brunswick or somewhere, and somebody walks by with blue hair

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and and 2 boys holding hands, and he just spits and sneers, and thinks how dreadful! So the idea is that if you're a typical male, you get to sing in, sit in the corner. Now, others like Copland and Ging have written about what they call the manosphere, the entire network of sites, groups, and

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various threads online that do this manosphere stuff that real men have disappeared, and that men have to stand up for their. This is the aggrieved entitlement

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Michael Kimball's phrase.

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Now, certainly the United patriots front in Australia urges online followers to engage it. Even the name True Blue Crew is trying to get that idea of the True Blue, the lost manhood that is bringing forth. And it's a very much a Nationalist and and almost quasi-military kind of an idea that men protecting women and protecting the vulnerable, protecting the white population, in fact.

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and it may have as many as have said, and Ross mentioned himself may have compensatory value for white men who feel that somehow missed out in almost every aspect of their lives, or they feel they have, whether they have or not. It could be argued.

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Now I'm just going to move to something that really intrigued me, that we asked a question in the survey, agree or disagree with this statement. Really, you know, agree greatly, or whatever it was

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to disagree entirely. I support Australian democracy.

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and almost everybody who completed the survey agreed either strongly or agreed with. I support Australian democracy. Now this is fair enough, but we wondered how the word democracy was being understood by the people who completed it. Obviously we don't know for sure, but it seems first, the survey statement I support Australian democracy could be read as a proxy, for I support the Australian way of life

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because we didn't. We should have just put democracy. And then that would have been interesting. But we didn't. We put the Australian where it's second, we note that there's a new, far right and anti-immigration party called Reignite Democracy, Australia, that contested seats in the 2,022 Federal election, and then also they also agreed with the Government should protect working class men.

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I'm going to move on to a quote on the next.

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okay, this one from R, 1, 60. And I want to sort of. Look at something here. The working every day. Man is just disposable. You've probably seen this before, thrown into the meat grinders with a very sensational language of war ignored.

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But it's our job to always be there for our loved ones and community to take the reins and push forward when everything gets too hot to handle, and you know it's that poem. If by Rudyard Kipling, if you can keep your head when all about you and you're losing theirs, etc. Now what I'm looking at here in this discourse that he's evincing in this statement is the victim as hero trope.

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where a kind of self, pitying, melancholic masculinity, white victim would turns into the hero within within a couple of sentences. You've got the victim transformed into the redemptive hero, and certainly I wasn't present at it, and I'm not from the Us. But what I saw at the Capitol Hill was a lot of that. We are the heroes, and we have a legitimate. We are the victims. And now we are constituting ourselves in this action

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as heroes now, notably 160, had a trade or technical qualification that he was unemployed at the time of the survey.

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and he draws our attention to the Government, making callous use of unappreciated working-class men, which it does, however.

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I'll just go on to my next point and my final point. Just if I got a minute Josh might say something extra.

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so the men who responded to our survey wanted to complain about the undoubtedly difficult circumstances of their lives. They did have a lot of problems in their lives because they describe them at length. In these all come from the written statements. We had both open and close questions, and they used the discourse of white male victimhood.

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and we can see that there's some evidence of who and what this subset of aggrieved Australian men blame women, feminists. Lgbtq plus non white people, weak men a government that doesn't look after the interests of working class men.

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and we acknowledged that this persuasive discourse of melancholic white male victimhood slash herohood is much easier to embrace compared to complex explanations of how transnational capitalism has driven the decomposition of local labour markets, and we argue that that gap

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in preparedness to understand their structural situation is what is exploited by right-wing populism. Josh, do you want to add anything? Yes.

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that's good.

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Yeah, very last very last point on this obviously been really well articulated.

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is that we? We were interested in the fact that this is this is occurring locally.

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But when you, when I've done field work in in North America or the Uk or other context, we're seeing the exact same patterns emerging.

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And so the question is, to what extent. Is this a truly global phenomenon? What about the developing world?

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we're we're seeing the support for for these far right Populist leaders, also, prim up, stemming from me angry men. So the question that comes back to deeper C questions about economic inequality, the entire nature of our economic system, and so on.

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But really there's a research agenda there in terms of looking at that global dimension

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and and making direct comparisons. And we, Australia is very much situated as part of Asia.

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and we look at our region, and we see what's going on in India. We see what's going on in the Philippines and in various, many, many, many other nations in our space.

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What about your what about North America?

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This is something we need further understanding of going forward. Thanks.

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The

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your research confirms things that I've been thinking about for a long time, and at last these ideas are being confirmed.

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My question is

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the understanding of this? a grieving process that the white males are going through

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in Australian society. The non-white males are also going through this, I understand. Now.

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is there research. Are you planning research that intends taking these particular qualitative observations to the idea of which jobs are actually disappearing

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and from which

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sectors, my understanding here is it? It's working class. It's blue collar. It's not white color. We are undergoing a tremendous

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change, and jobs are being lost. They say jobs are being created. Oh, yeah, right?

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and but not this is a cohort that maybe hit the worst. Thank you. Your comments, please. Yeah. I'll just say that in the longer paper. Obviously, we, we actually do nominate the work sectors in which we've seen the greatest job loss.

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And from memory the greatest job loss has been in large-scale manufacturing

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so, and processing of minerals, I mean, Australia's got huge mineral wealth, and whereas Australia used to pro are the steelworks have gone, you know. So Australia used to process some of its minerals, and now that's gone. manufacturing in Australia has virtually died.

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and we always think of manufacturing as garment manufacturer, but, in fact, Australia is to have a huge manufacturing sector, and it no longer has one.

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There are jobs available in unskilled blue collar work

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they are, however.

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some of those require relocation.

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and relocation is a whole problem for men in themselves, in itself, especially if they're in relationships. If they've got family networks, that people are dependent on them. So certainly with some of the far-off distant mining corporations. For example, in the North, west of Western Australia or in North Queensland. There are jobs, indeed. However, do people are people really in a position to do that? There's jobs available in fruit picking, and we're bringing in. I mean, it's okay. It's fine. We're bringing in pacific workers to do it.

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In other words, there are certain jobs available, but

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there's either a reluctance or an in a mismatch between the kinds of jobs that men want and the kinds of jobs that are available for them. We don't have a huge unemployment in Australia at the moment. So, yeah.

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yes, I

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just just just very quickly, very quickly. You touch on an important point also, though, about the multi-ethnic dimension of far right politics. Now.

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I think there is. And maybe there's some talks about the I mean politics of the far right. This idea that we were here first.

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 but there is. There is, I mean, the if you look at alt right actors in Australia now we have a wide diversity.

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and many are coming from highly religious communities on the subcontinent. So it is a new phenomenon we're really interested to hear in the question of white nationalism.

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the Tifla But it is. It's It's an emerging issue. Where by? You see it in the Us.

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There's a mobile ethnic, far right? You said, in even in Europe.

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I think the person who stormed the White House potentially was in the background. So there's some really interesting

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politics emerging. But if you go to Western Sydney.

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where I'm from. Originally there is a lot of racism in amongst communities as well, and a lot of emerging far right politics.

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So there's there's a lot to be studied.

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 Natalie, and how that is currently at term she is asking. Thank you for a very interesting presentation. I have a question. The word intellectuals appears in the title of your project, and I know this wasn't the focus of your presentation today.

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But I wonder if you could say a few words about the role of intellectuals in this sphere. As this is an area of the online right? I take a particular interest in.

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Okay? Great, thank you. And great question.

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So we are, we are spending a lot of time also, beyond beyond the interviews, looking online and looking at self-appointed leaders of these movements, and and what they're saying and doing.

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and and what we see is the emergence of this sort of foe, intellectualism.

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where people position themselves as intellectual leaders and and leaders, and they they effectively will hold seminars online and telegram. In particular, they will hold

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meetings where they they share their views in a particularly interesting case. Not maybe. About 8 months ago one far right leader

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still got there with a with a whiteboard mapping out. He. He's You know.

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of the intersection of religion and a national Socialism.

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and how how men should live according to these values.

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That is, it is very much a far-intellicialism. There are key gatekeepers we use. and we are going to eventually. This is one part of the new project we'll be using Patrick Bao's idea of intellectual gatekeeping.

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So to look at the way that different individuals shape these movements and the ideas

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they are very much run by charismatic individual leaders at this point. There's not communities. There's not conferences where they discuss these ideas. They're very much run through strong alpha male type, individual leaders. And that's something that we plan on exploring as well.

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Okay.

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on that.

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It's good

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online.

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I with us.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: Hi, I'm able to share my screen. Now, is that all right.

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Okay, we have someone here assisting.

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Thank you. Can you see that?

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Yeah.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: okay. Great. thank you very much. Hi, everyone. Thanks for accommodating me today. I'm really sorry that I can't be there in person. my name is Natalie Andhole. I'm a postdoctoral research associate at Lesb University.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: and today I'm here to talk to you about research. I conducted on a pro Brexit Facebook users, particularly what I call the pro Brexit Facebook media, and how this acted as a vehicle for mainstreaming transnational far right ideologies. During the period following the 2,016 EU referendum in the Uk.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: So the referendum over the Uk's membership in the EU, and it's after month, as soon as Brexit has been cited as a particularly crucial moment in racism and right wing populism. The campaigns, messaging featured Rapist insinuations not only about migrants from the EU, particularly Eastern Europe, but also There's from Turkey, the Middle East, and Africa, with particularly Islamophobic undertones.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: But the relationship between support for Brexit and support for the far right has received less attention.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: The lead campaign we're accused of having employed at Cambridge Analytica, and having spent 90% of their funds on social media advertising. And of course, social media are often implicated in racist, far right reactionary and right wing populist mobilizations

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Natalie-Anne Hall: because of the global connectivity of the Internet and social media. These mobilizations are also now highly transnational. But meanwhile sociological research on support, for Brexit has mostly treated this as a national issue at most, acknowledging the parallels with support for trump across the pond, but not exploring this transnational connections online.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: Meanwhile, research into the topic of Brexit on social media has mostly been conducted by political communications condes, and it's been dominated by questions that can be answered by scraping data, and this, of course, reflects the excitement in social sciences over the availability of huge volumes, of unolicited utterances and behavioral traces on social media.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: but social media data and not windows into social reality. They shaped by the norms, coaches, and affordances of platforms as well as people's awareness of their audiences there. So the meaning that social act is described to online content and experiences can't be meaningfully understood by metrics such as likes or shares.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: No can their motivations or the way that their online behavior fits into their daily lives, their value systems and relationships. And just finally, research into support, for Brexit has also focused on lead up to the referendum in an attempt to explain the vote. But the post-res referendum period was a huge flash point for right wing. Populist engagement around Brexit online.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: Brexit was a consistently dominant news issue at the time. As Prime Minister Theresa may struggle to negotiate an exit deal with the EU. Theresa May, and the majority of those in Parliament were self confessed for maintenance, and this fuel suspicions by Brexiteers that Brexit was going to be sabotage derailed, or at best warded down.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: So this was a major discuss of opportunity for right wing populism. Political actors were able to claim that the democratic will of the people for which they now had concrete evidence in a form of referendum, a result they were able to claim that this was at risk of being undermined.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: So this also meant a window of opportunity for the far right which overlaps and intertwined in many ways, ideologically and organizationally with right wing populism, particularly online.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: So I researched at this by examining online engagement with brexit and surrounding right wing Populist projects through in-depth qualitative field work with 15 a pro Brexit Facebook users during this post referendum period, and this involved interviewing each of them about their views values, social media use, then observing their Facebook post for a period of one month and then interviewing them again.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: using findings from these observations to inform these interviews. And also sometimes there's Prom to list the interpretations in the interviews. These individuals were part of the tens to hundreds of thousands of Facebook users who are following pro Brexit groups and pages on Facebook during this period.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: and, as I demonstrate in my book, which will be published later this year, this media represents a microcosm of transnational, far right and right wing populace engagement on social media.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: These individuals have become heavily engaged in right with politics relatively recently, including far right ideologies and far right conspiracy theories. So they told me. They hadn't been political people before. They hadn't used Facebook for political purposes until the issue of Brexit came about, and in particular the perceived threat to the implementation of the referendum a referendum result.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: So speaking to these users about why they use Facebook to engage with pro brexit and rightly politics, and the impact that this engagement had on them revealed which issues were most important to them which ideology spoke to them the most, and how they interpreted the connections between these and other ideologies.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: So I argue that this reveals how Brexit provided a vehicle for the mainstreaming of transnational, far right sentiment in Britain using the technological opportunities provided by social media.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: The pro Brexit Facebook media festival was, of course, ostensibly mobilized around opposition to Britain's membership in the EU but unsurprisingly. Now it is about migrants and diversity featured prominently here these narratives drew on a variety of racist ideas and troops that were by by no means new, including those associated with cultural racism, nativism, and some phobia.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: But in this many of these ideas were blended into, they were extended and augmented by far right discourse and conspiracy theories, and these included references to far right ideal logs like you know, power, and the idea that different races shouldn't it together or couldn't live together. And Islamophobia. And this familiar was focused mostly on the alleged threat of Islamization, which was seen as being carried out by Muslims deliberately.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: At the same time, many of the participants believe that the EU and other globalist actors were deliberately trying to promote racial mixing and white racial displacement by facilitating immigration.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: And this was the whether or not they articulated this as a wholy conspiratorial phenomenon.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: The participants mentioned things like the E at the UN. Migration Pact as a key threat, and this was being mobilized against in far right fears of mine at the time, and they often spoke of the plight of white people in other countries within and beyond Europe and emphasize the shared persecution or transnational white victimhood.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: So I'm just gonna give you a couple of examples of quotes that were typical of the different races. Logic that say, and how far right narrative blended into more mundane, everyday racism and also blended into support for Brexit.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: So, for example, we have Eileen, we said in one of our interviews, that there was another user who was sending her messages about how the Bulgarians come out at night, and they all sit in the street, and they have resting matches, and quite often they're drunk and they fight properly and Dr. Nice on each other. That's why I believe in Brexit. We should control who's coming. So this racialization criminalization. Masculinization of Eastern European migrants won't be surprising to scholars of racism

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in Britain, and neither will the link between that and Brexit. But let's look at the example on the right hand side, which is the image posted on Facebook by Beatrice.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: And it's reference to a conspiracy theory called the Klaji plan, which is a sort of European version of the great replacement theory, and it talks about bringing out a new breed of people and forced mixing of Europeans with Asians to make people easier to control.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: And then it says, this is what remain as voted for

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Natalie-Anne Hall: great replacement theories are far right. Conspiracy series. And the collagic plan version was gaining popularity within the far right at the time as well, partly because it had been picked up by the outright in those fears.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: So Lawrence provides another example, and he emphasizes this shared transnational white victimhood when he says it's a global invasion. Right now, America's got it. France. It's overlooked with it. Greece is ruin. Italy's ruin. So many of the I mean even Australia. I see on Facebook, the yellow vest protest marching in on Australia, because everybody's just had enough, and you're the best of a French movement at the time.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: And then he says, Why, why are we having Islam for it. Why is everything about the Western world having to change right now to suit everybody else?

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Natalie-Anne Hall: So he's demonstrating this clear Pan Western consciousness of Pan European. Why consciousness, which is interesting? Because in other points the same participants also constructed an opposition between the Uk and Europe and the Us. Us. Skeptic narrative.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: and then on the right correct, gives a disturbing description of what he sees as an Islamization agenda. When he says they all go to one area. I feel like it's a cancer. They get on the council and they start running it. And they get more Muslims. I think I was thinking that. And then, lo and behold, I think on social media pops up with an imam, and he's saying to another guy, we've got to get more Muslims in here. They've got to have loads of children populate the area. It's a hidden agenda behind what they're doing.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: My head. A lot of my motivation was sort of the thought that in used to come my grandchildren. So you know, I've got to stand up and say something now to try and stop it. So there's a progression here from representatives of Muslims as as terrorists sympathize, and the refusal refuses of cultural integration. And these stereotypes about, you know, having this many children, etc.,

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Natalie-Anne Hall: to these more sinister representations as invaders. and I do that this is evidence of the absorption of increasing the extreme forms of racism from the fine populace right via social media.

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But

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Natalie-Anne Hall: 5 min. Okay, thank you. So the growing ethnic diversity and perceived incorporation of cultural demands of minorities were not the only change that was procedures concerning that was also this was understood as really a symptom of a broader left wing push, a push towards becoming a more left wing society and the left work, construction, villains!

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Natalie-Anne Hall: And this is

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Natalie-Anne Hall: not only an extension of this really old lonely left for devil and moral panic, but it also shows incorporation of of conspiracies like cultural Maxes. And

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Natalie-Anne Hall: and what's really interesting here is that the EU was also portrayed as Communist

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Natalie-Anne Hall: and as totalitarian with super state ambitions. So this extension from the decades old looney left for dev will to the far right from cultural maximum conspiracy theory was also very closely linked to the Us. Skepticism. so I'll just skip a few things here about the demonization of the left. But I might show you is this stuff about the EU. So.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: for example, Eileen had this analogy with the hunt games, and she said, in the hunger games. There was a path to take a lead, living a great life. And then each section was theverted to industry, farming, Cado. The people in these areas were poor, they had nothing. That's the only way the EU will go if it's a vice, because it's Communist and Communism doesn't work

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Natalie-Anne Hall: so obviously, there's a start contrast between the new liberal roots of of the EU. But I think that this really shows the strength of the power of this Communist, for example, within the familiar

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Natalie-Anne Hall: So to some up Brexit as an event, a political topic, a course. It was a powerful vehicle for mobilizing far right ideas by connecting them with new audiences. People who wouldn't otherwise have become engaged with these sorts of extreme ideologies. And this was facilitated by the global connectivity of social media. Brexit provided more legitimate discourses and justification for racist ideas. But the demonization of the EU and pro Brexit

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Natalie-Anne Hall: Cs. Was also right for exploitation. By the far right online we were able to claim that the EU is another actor in a broad, sinister agenda, to feel that facilitate undesirable social change and most culturalism, and that leaving the EU as one important step towards mitigating unwanted liberal social change and reclaiming control over the direction of British society. And I argue that this does is a cautionary tale that could help us identify for a future 5

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Natalie-Anne Hall: right mobilizations. There are many avenues for the trans industrial far right to build on and learn from their relative success in the pro Brexit Facebook menu to continue extending the reach of their ideas by similar right, we pop this causes around the world. And and just finally, some examples of how we can see that the impact of ideas, like cultural Maxism, have had on mainstream politics

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Natalie-Anne Hall: and the war and work that we have in in Uk politics today. So, for example, this picture the bottom right is for the Government. Who's the Home Secretary.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: so she's Mp. For the ruling Tory party of the Uk. Talking about the Workarati being disruptive of climate protest.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: and at the top is another Tory Mp. So he's also a current serving Mp. For the ruling Tory party at a National Conservative Conservatism Conference.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: talking about how this transgressive ideas is like a new religion, and naming that new religion as Marxism, and talking about that as a a massive threat to the basis of Western civilization. So I will end on that happy note. I thank you very much. for listening to me today. And my.

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thank you very much. So we have space for questions.

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Okay. on

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the

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thank you for your presentation. I mean, I I was amused because Nigel Farage was a main player here.

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and then he decided what? Not to lead Ukip, or sort of, but out of it. And what do you make, or what do the followers make of the fact that

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he is now blaming the politicians. For why a Brexit didn't work the British politicians, and that there is a work now aiming to re join the EU for the British to rejoin the EU. I imagine that your Facebook followers would be very upset about that. Thank you.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: Thank you for your question. just to to note that after this research finish, I haven't been still following these people on Facebook, because it's a consent based approach, whereby, you know, they gave consent for me to pull them. During that period. I do sort of follow these things going on on, Twitter and I, of course Nigel fresh made his new party the Brexit padding. It's interesting that after that you kept sort of collapsed in a in a blaze of

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Natalie-Anne Hall: super Islamophobia. and no charisma chasmatic leaders to succeed Nigel, French and Nigel Farage is very clearly still just grasping at straws of whatever you can for Populism. And it's working in a way, because he has new audiences, not just online.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: through things like Gb, news, which is like our sort of new version of Fox News. it's it's an actual TV channel. And it's also very active online. And I think he has a show on there. He's just very recently claimed that he, one presenter of the year. But that's been revoked that all of his bank accounts have now been closed, because it's a control from above. So he's playing into more and more. This idea of this.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: this control, is sort of conspiracy

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Natalie-Anne Hall: against him, and all these very increasingly extreme ideas and that are being picked up by the far right, like across the world, that

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Natalie-Anne Hall: of this crisis that's happening. And this global control. so I couldn't speak to exactly how my followers feel about him. I know that a lot of them did that for my for the people that I followed.

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I know a lot of them did stop using Facebook sort of because they were finding it too tiring. And all of this but in general, you know, Nigel Farage is still going strong in one particular sphere of social media, and it's all about the 2 questions. Sorry, that's a lot to say on that, I resisting also to say something.

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Thank you very much. If you could just explore that team you were talking about how, on one hand, they are expressing the real concern with white victim could all over the world, and how terrible it is, how white people are suffering! But then, in the same time they were complaining about these awful Bulgarians. We really need to go back to Bulgaria. So it it seems like there is a real tension between kind of this emerging white racial identity on one hand, and then more traditional English plan

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as British identity in which those people are white. But literally they need to get out of here, I mean, so how do they manage that?

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Natalie-Anne Hall: That's such a great question. and I would say that in this via, well, I'm sorry.

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Yeah, okay, great. And see us. So yeah, so mine is kind of a bit more of a methodological kind of question. So so I have, you know, like I understand the examining far right, but in terms of making claims about it being mainstream.

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Obviously we can look at perhaps certain popular people, or some politicians, and so on. But what is the kind of niche here? So how do we? How can we actually effectively say something has become mainstream.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: Thank you. Okay, thank you. So I'll address the first question first, that's okay. yeah. So in this fear there was a lot of contradiction that they.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: their sort of ideology, was like a loose coagulation of different narratives, and it was very incoherent. And I think that's the most interesting thing about it is the point that you've mentioned that

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Natalie-Anne Hall: it comes from a place of view of skepticism, and it comes and it starts at a point of us versus Europe, and they sort of located the Uk outside Europe, which has problematic in itself as of us. There is Bulgaria, Us. Versus France, Germany, the EU,

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Natalie-Anne Hall: but that lends in like in the seamless way, without acknowledging on their part any of the contradictions into this idea that it's Europe. It's the West against

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Natalie-Anne Hall: the rest is us against Muslims. It's a pan. You're Christian White national at sort of what it's by white transnational identity. and I think that's where social media sort of comes in for them, because it wasn't

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Natalie-Anne Hall: so much. Of course the demonization of Muslims was a big part of the the undertones of the leave campaign.

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Natalie-Anne Hall: But this idea of the shed. why, victim? But it's really something that's been facilitated by things like Facebook, I think. And so I don't think this is a sort of idea that they would have been interacting with so strongly if they hadn't been engaging on social media. And I think that that's where this sort of insidious idea of

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Natalie-Anne Hall: of the far right disseminating inside. It's new audiences comes in, and that links into this the the question about mainstreaming so I wouldn't. I mean it. It depends how we define something

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Natalie-Anne Hall: being mainstream. That is mainstreaming. So the idea of mainstreaming is this sort of using of different ways and structures of of of racist discourse to sort of build those into something that

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Natalie-Anne Hall: becomes useful for mainstream politics, and it's not necessarily to say that it's mainstream in the sense that most of the people in the Uk believe these ideas, or that many people in the Uk. find that these ideas speak to them necessarily. In fact, the Tories campaign on work, the war and work isn't really speaking to people in terms of the financial crisis that's happening here. You know, people

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Natalie-Anne Hall: there are surveys that say that the culture was appeal isn't actually very effective. But I think we can see how

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Natalie-Anne Hall: these ideas of cultural Maxes and the far right conspiracy theory are being incorporated more and more into

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Natalie-Anne Hall: mainstream politics, into the the, the ruling toy parties, for example,

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Natalie-Anne Hall: rhetoric and policy positions, and they're grasping at stores to try and get back the voters that they don't think they will be able to get and I think that that sort of grounds well for this. So coming from what's going on in these Populist and far right spaces. that sort of coefficients online

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lost.

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So I'm inviting the next speaker.

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Main state.

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Okay to

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yeah. Well, we figured this out. thank you for having me. Thank you, everybody for being here just shortly. My name is Lola. Okay, from the University of Copelands in Germany, and I will be focusing.

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I will be focusing on the role of gender in the context of writing Populism in Germany today

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and within the past 10 years. a lot of research on what role sex gender and sexuality play in right-wing populism and its recent successes have been focused on anti-gender mobilizations and the weaponization of the concept of gender by not only right-wing Populist politicians and parties, but also journalists, religious fundamentalists, and Ngos

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and some scholars. Scholars have argued that this opposition to gender ideology serves as symbolic clue, for example, to connect all these different actors, or as a mere vehicle to get a true agenda across to the masses. I would argue that all of those hold true, depending on context and vantage point.

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However, I would also argue that beneath the discursive weaponry that is connected to anti-gender mobilizations and the rhetoric of gender ideology, gender, sex and sexuality are pivotal in understanding how many of these actors

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construct belongingness and otherness within their ideals of the collective

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which is why gender ideology is such a tender spot for many of them. To begin with.

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in Germany. Just very briefly, Zabini Hak and Paula Irina Villa must be credited with bringing a broader awareness to these anti-gender mobilizations in 2,015, when they coined the term anti-genderismos, or anti-genderism, at least in the German context, for these different iterations and anti-gender politics, rhetoric, and mobilizations.

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and while their publication makes it clear that the opposition towards gender ideology in quotes was not an innovation of the at that time newly rising pigida, or alternative for Germany, and the letter can almost be credited for popular popularizing terms, like gender, gender, mainstreaming, gender ideology, and I would say, even gender studies to a broader public.

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And the I've d as many of you know, despite starting out as a anti-euro party, became quite quickly known as Antigena and Anti-immigration party, and from 2,015 on when foul compete regained first chair of the party, their pronator list.

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her attitudes, and the defense of a traditional concept of heterosexual marriage, and the nuclear family model became alongside their anti-immigration stands front and center of their image.

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for today I want to take a step back from the anti-gender discourse and focus on how the different concept realizations of sex, gender and sexuality are used to convey a societal ideal. And in what way

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a day! And I able modes of in and exclusion into this idea both overtly and covertly.

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And by doing this I want to argue that gender sex and sexuality are more than opportunistic gateways to mainstream political discourse or voter sympathy, but are, in fact, as I mentioned, pivotal in understanding how the I. D. Constructs ideas of belongingness and otherness of the as cornerstones of the people.

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 wait. Sorry. but to be mindful of time.

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I will skip this part, but we'll just shortly say that I conduct a discourse. Analysis, sociology of knowledge, approach to desk discourse, analysis, on twitter, order off twitter material by the I've d. So if there's questions we can go into it later.

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today I will focus on 2 central modes of the collective that were present in the data which were the family and the people which I will refer to as the folk in some parts

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as well as the gendered and sexualized subject positionings that were connected to to these concepts of the collective

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d. If D is a strong proponent of the nuclear family model, which they consider consider the ideal image of family, or what family should be, and they also call this the archetype of family or denatural order

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of society. And it's based on heterosexual married couples with one or more preferably biological children, especially pioneers, emphasizes the biological part.

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and this kind of a family model to them serves different key functions. I hope this is large enough

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for society, or, more specifically for the folk, which is the procreation, the reproduction of values, as well as to provide a space of protection against an outside world.

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most notably against those that are deemed as predatory

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for harboring harmful knowledge, such as the gender ideology. So when family is referred to as the nucleus or germ cell of society. Procreation is only one aspect that this refers to

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family in this notion is also supposed to reproduce cultural aspects that are seen as crucial to the identity of the fog.

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And one of those cultural aspects is the gender order that is composited within this family model. A strictly binary quote unquote male father. I think Gunn Herker said this.

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or husband and cordon for female mother.

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so

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And they take complementary roles that hold and hope. I translated this correctly. Reciprocal role expectations very German. Well, I think what these expectations are I won't spell out. Instead, I'll show you to pictures that the I've published a few years ago. Oh, sorry.

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So They both say that I think they're self-explanatory, but they say gender or gender identity identity is not a social consort, and here manish kites and viplish kite can both be translated, either a man or womanhood or femininity and masculinity.

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So the heterosexual family model model offers concepts of identity and belonging on a micro level, but also a micro level. By giving the participants the purpose of preserving the nation or the folk, or defending the nation in the upper case.

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excluded from this identity

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and space of belonging, are same-sex couples, non-binary individuals, or other LGBT. Plus persons.

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But not only that they are deemed dangerous for the very idea of the family.

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and this danger is twofold. For one thing, homosexual people are construed as potentially in here inherently Pedophile, and therefore a threat to children, but also the simple knowledge of homosexuality, or Lgbtq people is treated as dangerous knowledge that could confuse or unsettle children

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where? Within their own gender identity.

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traumatizing them, making the easier target for paedophiles, and ultimately forcing them to repeat the cycle. So this is the fear

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of the Ivd. And in this way sexuality becomes a matter of destabilization for the family, and a way in which the integrity of the family and the values it represents and reproduces can be harmed.

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So within this family, intelligent, intelligible gender identity is amalgamated with national values, and put at the core of the people

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by the folk.

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which I think is a little bit more fitting because of its essentialist notion.

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and the institutions of marriage and family legitimize this coherence and organize belonging and otherness

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on a basis level.

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And anything that might challenge this union is seen as a threat to the people as a whole.

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Yet in the narrative of the if the elite and an ominous Homo lobby are trying to do just that by forcing values of gender ideology onto the people undermining the family and the heterosexual union and their supposed natural privileges.

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Okay, the idea of what the folk is supposed to be

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so. The second collective I want to focus on is not as conclusive. Sometimes it's used so anonymously with the nation, other times it is framed as an ethnic entity, like the others, have already said, the word indigenous is also brought up more and more often.

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but it what is always understood.

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is that it refers to a community of shared values

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and identity, and that at the core of its demographic and cultural production is the heterosexual nuclear family. We just looked at

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this core of the people.

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it's embedded. I forgot it again. I'm sorry.

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it's embedded in a variety of what I call reference frames that limit the folk based on different sets of values.

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Most importantly is the German basic law, which is seen as rooted in shared European, Occidental, or judo-christian tradition, which represents the notion of continuation of the enlightenment of reason and civilization.

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and the German basic law which is essentially Germany's constitution is seen as a signifier for these civilized, liberal, and democratic values, and is often referenced regarding the equality of sexes.

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and especially an emancipated perception of women.

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and the same applies to the acceptance of acceptance of sexual minority species.

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and the idea that they should be able to live freely without legal repression, at least. This notion of legality of the sexes and sexualities.

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as being rooted in enlightenment, excludes those who reject those values of who are made out to reject those values and to the if day that is mostly Muslim men.

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The Muslim in this context is used as a race racialized catch all for different nationalities and ethnicities that are framed as the other.

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And

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I'm sorry.

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and who sorry?

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Oh, and this mostly Muslim other is depicted as patriarchal, oppressive, violent, sexually deviant, transgressive, and abusive, and on top of that is said to be homophobic, misogynistic, and pedophilic.

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So pedophilia is very important today. on top of that they are portrayed as having a muddled large family system, in which violence and oppression is reproduced, and which produce a large number of offspring. Therefore, posing a threat to German demographics. So again, sexuality is seen as a tool of steam stabilization.

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And yet again the elite, and this time a multi-coolty lobby is not only importing them, but is also propagating anti-racism and cultural diversity, which are all supposedly making room for

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and legitimizing those foreign values which are fear to weaken the integrity of the German people. I'll hurry up. So if we look at these spheres together.

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a more complex, but in some areas paradoxical picture of general subject. Position arises. German men and women are clearly seen as Cis binary and heterosexual subjects were linked, almost combined in marriage and family, with the purpose of reproducing the people

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both biologically and culturally.

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and this at first seems to convey a very traditional idea of womanhood. But women are also seen as emancipated, knowing their rights and living a liberal lifestyle. So they

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dress freely, and I go out to Cardi.

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on the other hand, are supposed to protect this freedom of their women and daughters. however, their ability to protect is seen as weakened by changing gender relations and gender ideology which leaves German men with a diminished masculinity and ability to compete with what they see as archaic masculinity of Muslim men.

423
01:21:31.080 --> 01:21:45.389
So this almost creates a just a position of women's rights and emancipation can only be protected if men go backwards and revive some old sense of masculinity, like denied and shining Shining armor on the picture.

424
01:21:47.950 --> 01:21:51.129
I jump to the conclusion.

425
01:21:52.300 --> 01:22:13.809
I just leave this like this, and the results show that gender as well as sexuality, are key pillars in articulating super ordinary constructs that are at the core of right-wing populism, such as the people, and they are pivotal for the articulation of social order inside of the nation, state as well as configuring a clear demarcation to the outside other.

426
01:22:14.240 --> 01:22:20.599
Those demarcations are supposed to protect the people from a dissolution of boundaries and borders.

427
01:22:20.680 --> 01:22:24.080
which is a central motif within the ift discourse

428
01:22:24.380 --> 01:22:36.459
and by keeping up the clear demarcations that relate to the continuity of sex gender and sexuality. They want to ensure that their cultural hegemony and certain social order stays intact.

429
01:22:36.630 --> 01:22:45.519
and yet they create certain paradoxicalities that seem to occupy spaces between the different demarcations. So the

430
01:22:45.650 --> 01:23:04.770
Lgbtq a plus people, and yet they create so sorry, so. And one argument is here that this is simply opportunistic or an instrument is the like instrumentalization of homosexual people. And while I do again think this observation is true, I think this is a third interpretation.

431
01:23:04.850 --> 01:23:14.309
and that would be that they are trying to reconcile traditional values with a pluralized, globalized and highly individualized society.

432
01:23:14.410 --> 01:23:16.440
Yeah, thank you. And sorry for that.

433
01:23:21.490 --> 01:23:22.800
No answer.

434
01:23:24.660 --> 01:23:25.500
Well.

435
01:23:32.250 --> 01:23:34.820
for a very

436
01:23:35.360 --> 01:23:38.260
I'm from the Netherlands. And I

437
01:23:38.390 --> 01:23:40.050
it really resembles

438
01:23:40.210 --> 01:23:41.710
all right.

439
01:23:43.130 --> 01:23:53.040
Second point most. This is very oh, no, no. not she.

440
01:23:53.360 --> 01:24:02.359
Very out there. He has an kind of A and Muslim relationship. It's fast, so it does nothing. From what it is

441
01:24:08.430 --> 01:24:09.310
me.

442
01:24:09.530 --> 01:24:20.089
I agree with the comparison to the Netherlands, especially in the placement of the Lgbtqi plus community. There are a lot of similarities regarding

443
01:24:20.960 --> 01:24:34.660
the continuity to the Nazi past. I skipped this because it's not as much linked to the ideas of sex, general and sexuality, but there is a strong.

444
01:24:36.780 --> 01:24:47.240
They bring it up a lot in this way that they are trying to separate themselves from it and create the discontinuity of the German writing. Now to the German writing.

445
01:24:47.250 --> 01:24:56.120
If we look, for example, at the All I group that was founded a few years ago. Juice in the Ivd. That's a big topic to

446
01:24:56.540 --> 01:24:59.290
ever made Jewish Germans.

447
01:24:59.520 --> 01:25:17.450
and by impuding it into their policies, separate themselves from the and Nsdf and also shift other groups into this position of continuity. So their narrative is that it's not a right-wing past. It's a Socialist pass, and also

448
01:25:17.450 --> 01:25:33.819
somehow they bring in Muslims as the new Nazis. So this is something that comes very comes up very often in my new material that they are trying to say their Muslims are the new Nazis, and they're trying to precipitate a second holocaust, a new holocaust.

449
01:25:34.280 --> 01:25:40.839
and that's why juice and the Ifd need to be allies and work together. So I hope that

450
01:25:46.530 --> 01:25:53.580
this intention it kind of august me in this discourse.

451
01:25:54.550 --> 01:26:00.910
If you're going to bring 1 million experience to your country.

452
01:26:02.280 --> 01:26:03.120
and

453
01:26:03.260 --> 01:26:05.110
this is a way of

454
01:26:05.240 --> 01:26:07.230
that. You have no racist.

455
01:26:08.480 --> 01:26:18.130
Then you go and pronounce that what you produce to. and and that's

456
01:26:19.420 --> 01:26:21.949
the multiculturalism this day.

457
01:26:22.450 --> 01:26:25.430
How are you going to include

458
01:26:26.600 --> 01:26:28.680
such people? Groups

459
01:26:28.830 --> 01:26:31.469
into the Agricultural Society

460
01:26:31.640 --> 01:26:36.710
when you don't actually have social policies of inclusion.

461
01:26:36.760 --> 01:26:42.940
and the fragmentation is already happening. They're already being demonized.

462
01:26:44.410 --> 01:26:47.360
So your question is more on the

463
01:26:47.460 --> 01:26:48.370
so

464
01:26:51.460 --> 01:26:53.870
so how a million Syrians

465
01:26:54.300 --> 01:27:02.019
having to. Gym, yeah. But I mean, I'm persuaded to see that they're in need of parties stimuli.

466
01:27:02.120 --> 01:27:08.010
And then they're back in the next 4 of the

467
01:27:16.480 --> 01:27:19.299
thinking about social policy.

468
01:27:19.710 --> 01:27:23.760
and we see the output already being genuine.

469
01:27:24.150 --> 01:27:31.809
The idea is that these people are not going to be less certified. So how? How would you

470
01:27:33.110 --> 01:27:38.779
you already, and showed us how they are being alienated and denied by the right.

471
01:27:39.410 --> 01:27:44.629
But these people don't guess so. How will social policy?

472
01:27:44.670 --> 01:27:49.500
I can't.

473
01:27:50.620 --> 01:27:51.390
Yeah.

474
01:27:54.430 --> 01:27:55.860
The

475
01:27:57.450 --> 01:27:59.080
in the.

476
01:28:00.190 --> 01:28:04.680
It's interesting. That's

477
01:28:06.550 --> 01:28:14.790
resource. So there's There are things that mission nation, sexuality. religion.

478
01:28:16.250 --> 01:28:17.980
the second

479
01:28:20.520 --> 01:28:34.469
one of the please. This is a in the what I'm trying to get to is that you think that's still the of the

480
01:28:35.790 --> 01:28:37.160
I that's

481
01:28:37.210 --> 01:29:02.950
I think that's to do with the time constraints. You're absolutely right. A lot of things that are present here on the not on the surface are very important, because all of these connections go deeper, and I would have to display the discourse as a whole. I would have to add a multitude more of these little boxes I tried for today to focus on

482
01:29:03.300 --> 01:29:09.919
mostly what is connected to gender sex and sexuality. I unfortunately had to skip a few parts, because we

483
01:29:09.970 --> 01:29:18.149
I apparently time for you badly at home. But you're right. These are all interconnected, and they are present in my material. So

484
01:29:18.150 --> 01:29:46.220
I don't think it's a methodology issue. It's just that I somehow had to choose what to present. And it's actually a big issue in not just this part of my research, but the research as a whole, trying to make a coherent sense of it, and also somehow displaying it in writing form, so that a reader will be able to understand and follow without getting confused, because the intersections of

485
01:29:46.790 --> 01:29:57.609
so many topics are extreme. It's really hard to display. And I think actually on Twitter, it's especially present because the pulse that this is why I work with soda.

486
01:29:57.810 --> 01:30:07.679
even though they're so small they're so fragmented and intertextual like in the after. It's very good at using this medium and putting

487
01:30:07.680 --> 01:30:32.149
a lot of sense, a lot of meaning into just 100 for 140 characters, sometimes even less. And connecting all of these topics. And we could take a lot of the parts of the presentations that we have seen earlier here. and also include this. So I think this is just an issue of that I had to. Maybe I didn't choose. Very good. I tried to kind of

488
01:30:32.260 --> 01:30:35.630
get as much interconnections in as I could.

489
01:30:35.720 --> 01:30:40.769
but you are right there. There's a lot more under the surface that it plays about you.

490
01:30:47.330 --> 01:30:49.320
I'm a

491
01:31:02.180 --> 01:31:25.580
thank you all for this staying so long for this graveyard shift. It's nearly over. Well done. I just want to note that this is collaborative work with my colleague, George Stefanovic, who's handing out an aid because we are conscious that it is late. It's the end of the week, and there's a few things going on so hopefully that might assist in keeping the threads together.

492
01:31:26.140 --> 01:31:42.670
The ground has been prepared really? Really? Well, so thank you. That's very useful for me in all sorts of different ways. I'll take you through very briefly the rise of right-wing populism, and this notion of generational replacement as a kind of cure to what we've been talking about.

493
01:31:42.930 --> 01:31:57.849
And then I want to introduce you to Kimmel's idea about aggrieved entitlement, which is something that many of you may be familiar with, which is again very good. We have some additions to this. I quickly go through our pilot study and then focus in on our findings, and I've got some

494
01:31:57.850 --> 01:32:15.259
some implications that fall out of our findings. I'm not going to dwell on this, because, in fact, we've even had some of these images already in this session. But in case you've been sleeping under a rock. for the last few years, populace and extreme right politics is on the march.

495
01:32:15.450 --> 01:32:28.830
One influential response to this is that younger cohorts are drawn less to conservative side of politics and right wing, right wing, populism as well. And so the data on the left-hand side

496
01:32:28.830 --> 01:32:47.309
shows that for some years now the millennial cohort has been much less likely to vote for the American Republican party, and on the right hand side something you probably all know, to death. But we know that younger age cohorts were much less supportive of Brexit as well, you know, usually understood as a Populist

497
01:32:47.350 --> 01:32:48.520
project.

498
01:32:48.980 --> 01:33:01.689
We can see something similar in Australia, older age groups much more likely to support the Conservative coalition parties in Australia, younger age groups more likely to be voting for the greens and labour.

499
01:33:02.510 --> 01:33:11.929
You've probably also seen this, but it is a kind of quite spectacular represent visual representation, and it adds to these divisions.

500
01:33:11.970 --> 01:33:32.190
by challenging the kind of political science, orthodoxy that as people age, they tend to become more conservative, and the data from the the Us. At the bottom and the Uk at the top would indicate that that doesn't seem to be the case for millennials. I'll return to some of that later on.

501
01:33:33.830 --> 01:33:35.070
So

502
01:33:35.130 --> 01:33:58.250
this is crude. But part of this very influential approach from Norris and Inglehart is that there is a process of generational replacement. So, as older generations die out. We have new, more open-minded, more tolerant young people coming into the electorate, and so that we're kind of in the throes of the last gasp of right-wing populism.

503
01:33:58.250 --> 01:34:09.330
We are, as I'm sure you are, quite sceptical about that kind of account for a number of reasons. One is that we know that young people are still drawn to right wing politics.

504
01:34:09.510 --> 01:34:19.309
and we also think, as has been suggested already, that the material drivers remain so. For example, thinking about insecure work.

505
01:34:20.770 --> 01:34:26.730
This, in part led us to think about Michael Kimmel's work on aggrieved entitlement.

506
01:34:26.900 --> 01:34:40.819
and I think it's Kimmel's work is useful in a number of ways, but one is that he draws our attention to the role of masculinity which we've already heard about, too, in right-wing Populist politics and support for right wing Populism.

507
01:34:41.040 --> 01:34:53.250
And this is about the way some angry white men feel that what they rightfully deserve has been snatched away. So you have these feelings of entitlement and victimization.

508
01:34:53.290 --> 01:35:07.930
and Kimmel thinks that these groups have misdirected rage, as he says. Was it immigrants who issued those predatory loans and lost in their homes? Was it feminist women who outsourced their jobs and created deals that let billionaires pay no taxes?

509
01:35:07.940 --> 01:35:31.039
Did Lgbtq plus people embark on ruinous trade deals, so he acknowledges that there's lots for a particular men to be angry about in this case, but he thinks that they're addressing their mail to the wrong address, as he says, they cast their eyes down for enemies, women, and minorities, but their allegiances upward at fictive allies.

510
01:35:32.140 --> 01:35:52.560
We think there's a lot that's very useful in this approach. And indeed we did find some men who kind of reflect these ideas very well, but we also think there's other things going on. We've got a couple of additions here in particular, we found men who don't display this kind of model of aggrieved entitlement, but do support right-wing populism.

511
01:35:52.620 --> 01:36:04.650
and we also found men, perhaps quite pleasingly late on a Friday who show neither aggrieved entitlement or support for right-wing Populism. So I want to try and help understand some of those things

512
01:36:05.110 --> 01:36:12.560
extremely briefly, this is a small qualitative study conducted in Australia. It was meant as a kind of pilot for some larger work.

513
01:36:12.580 --> 01:36:29.379
We aim to focus primarily on younger white men, mostly 18 to 30, but, as you'll see in a minute, there were some older men I can talk about that later, if that's useful. A mix of class backgrounds and an ideological spread across the sample. And so you can see, I've divided them up

514
01:36:29.460 --> 01:36:33.419
by university and non-university educated to give you a sense here.

515
01:36:34.670 --> 01:36:54.819
The first group to mention just in passing is those who we think haven't made a break with the neoliberal order, and this included graduates. but also those so students and graduates, I should say, but also those with vocational training, working as electric electricians or plumbers, for example, and in the main I'm

516
01:36:54.820 --> 01:37:12.580
kind of going through this quite quickly. But in the main these these men felt that they had good prospects in the existing order, even if they were critical about the existing order. They had, you know, kind of centre left politics one and a bit less economic inequality, they could see a future for themselves within neoliberal order.

517
01:37:13.980 --> 01:37:36.149
We did find some very strong examples of aggrieved entitlements. So Jeff is a very good example of this Jeff from a working-class background, working in mining and transport. He says, there's one culture in this country, the culture our fathers built and defended in 2 world wars. I feel like a foreigner walking down the street these days. The maggots in government have turned our country into the UN septic tank

518
01:37:36.300 --> 01:37:48.639
he was, I mean. I think you can see his entitlement very clearly here. He was openly enraged, used lots of racist slurs, lots of biological racism as he as he

519
01:37:48.700 --> 01:37:49.809
During the interview.

520
01:37:50.620 --> 01:38:08.369
Luke, similarly, just as another example, but from a different perspective, was much younger from a middle class background, had highly educated parents. He was unemployed at the time of the interview, and he had spent quite a long period of time homeless, due to the result of a family dispute.

521
01:38:08.730 --> 01:38:15.369
So he had real experiences of relative deprivation, but he had a sense of

522
01:38:15.560 --> 01:38:33.960
welfare. Chauvinism, I suppose, he says, here I was in a struggling situation, and all the other people in the Refuge were in a struggling situation. But then, all of a sudden, you're getting these fucking people rock over from fucking Sudan, or wherever and they're suddenly being housed right interesting to note that Luke was himself a migrant.

523
01:38:34.110 --> 01:38:53.739
but from England, and came over with his children. But he kind of smooths over that in these examples. And again, I think you see his sense of entitlement and anger here as well saying that he finds it particularly offensive that women in Australia, where the hijab he thought this was a political statement and a statement of You know I don't want to fit in.

524
01:38:55.370 --> 01:39:24.429
We also found men who didn't have this self-conscious or explicit articulation of entitlement. There was no biological racism, and instead, what they call for. We very skeptical about this, but they call for more equality, equal treatment. So Tony, for example, was a qualified engineer, and he thought that his career. Ambitions had been frustrated by what he referred to as unqualified women who had been appointed ahead of somebody like him to meet hiring quotas.

525
01:39:24.430 --> 01:39:46.699
and Sebastian and Eric give very good examples of saying that they want more equality. I'm pro-equality, not pro-eminism, not pro-male. Everybody should be treated the same, but they were both quite concerned in particular about feminists, making statements that are pretty wild, and Eric was concerned about feminist. Some feminists wanting reparations.

526
01:39:49.070 --> 01:39:55.149
Robert was an engineer, and as he says so, I'm an engineer guilty, a male engineer guilty.

527
01:39:55.190 --> 01:40:01.620
His defensiveness is really quite notable in this, and he told us about

528
01:40:01.900 --> 01:40:07.839
initiatives to support women working in engineering, and he saw these as harmful for women.

529
01:40:08.090 --> 01:40:29.949
So he's referring to this event where this woman's being awarded for her contributions to engineering. And he says, Imagine being given an award, not because you did something impressive. Imagine being given an award, not on the basis of the merits of what you have achieved, but because of your group identity. How difficult that must be for a woman to deal with that! And it would completely screw up any sense of moral worth.

530
01:40:29.970 --> 01:40:38.819
so that, thank you. The challenge here is, Robert thinks this woman doesn't is deny the opportunity to be treated as an equal

531
01:40:40.720 --> 01:40:46.029
lots of feelings of victimization. And we've heard about some of this already.

532
01:40:46.330 --> 01:41:07.250
but and another very nice story from Robert. That sort of encapsulates this really? Well, he's talking here about this sense of ever present danger from a PC. Culture is very strong, so he says people get in trouble. I don't think I've let that happen. It actually happened to this bloke last week. They're on a night out with work, mates.

533
01:41:07.250 --> 01:41:32.409
I had to rescue him. The politically correct gang jumped on his back. I think he said something done. I can't remember what he said. This is at 4 A. M. He said, something dumb. The girl involved wasn't wasn't even offended by it. Then all these people were just piling in. It was literally as if these people were trying to get this guy fired from the company. It was as if the power they'd been granted this incredible power, and they had to exercise it. The drama of this is quite pronounced.

534
01:41:32.470 --> 01:41:51.079
There's 2 examples. I might just give you, one in the interest of time, but 2 examples of men that we found who had experiences of relative deprivation. quite significant, I think, in well, particularly in one case. But they didn't blame this oppressive PC. Culture.

535
01:41:51.080 --> 01:42:15.260
They didn't blame women, and they didn't blame migrants. So Matthew had spent a long period of time in continuous unemployment, and he talks about not being understood by the people around him the standard things that we hear from people experiencing long term unemployment, that he's lazy, that he just needs to try more. These sorts of things. He got married unemployed.

536
01:42:15.410 --> 01:42:32.930
and he talks about feeling like a failure as a provider again linking with masculinity. And at the time of the interview he was his housing. His family's housing was being subsidized by his in-laws, and he says, obviously incredibly generous, but like there can be a lot of shame attached to that

537
01:42:35.150 --> 01:42:48.660
depression and self blame did feature for Matthew as part of this, but over time he developed a systemic critique and an attempt, as he said, to stop judging himself by capitalistic standards.

538
01:42:48.960 --> 01:42:57.730
The economic system that we live in at the moment has kind of let me down so thoroughly over the course of my life that I'm kind of finally giving up on it, and I feel a lot happier for it.

539
01:42:57.830 --> 01:43:10.110
I'm not going to go into this, but this is just to say that for a range of reasons he wasn't opposed to migrants. It wasn't about a kind of PC conspiracy, and he wasn't homophobic either.

540
01:43:10.990 --> 01:43:27.960
A different example from Adam which relates to work, and so Adam was a teacher. But he had a very difficult experience of being a teacher. By his account. It got harder and harder every year. He talked about working 15 h days, working weekends.

541
01:43:28.130 --> 01:43:32.939
and he was a teacher for a number of years, and every year he changed schools.

542
01:43:33.220 --> 01:43:47.800
and as he says, this sounds like out of the textbook of aggrieved entitlement. My parents taught me. You work hard, you do a good job and you should get stable employment. You can buy a house. You can have kids, Yardiyada, that didn't happen.

543
01:43:47.950 --> 01:44:00.860
and he develops a systemic critique around the marketization of of education which he sees as the problem rather than it just being about himself. And again, he didn't blame migrants or women.

544
01:44:01.840 --> 01:44:04.029
as you see in this.

545
01:44:04.910 --> 01:44:15.849
part of what we think is really significant about these men is their ability to recognize their privilege and make these kind of structural analyses.

546
01:44:15.890 --> 01:44:37.440
I've got 2 examples here of how they did this. There are other examples that I could point to. But Adam both involve the Internet. But Adams is particularly strong on the Internet. He talked about joining what he referred to as intersectional groups, providing encounters with ethnic, sexual, and gender diverse peoples. Thank you. And vocal feminists.

547
01:44:38.260 --> 01:44:57.290
he says, I don't really comment. I take the time to read and listen. And Adam was from a devout Catholic background. He went to Catholic school. He had Catholic friends, so he, through this experience he talks about having gut reactions to these things, but he tries to treat them as valid experiences and work through his responses to it.

548
01:44:57.370 --> 01:45:08.990
I won't take you through Matthew's example, but he had this beautiful phrase of a process of de othering where he felt that he was able to appreciate the complexity of human beings.

549
01:45:10.080 --> 01:45:19.510
So we did find examples of aggrieved entitlement. These men felt that their privilege was natural and should be restored. We've heard quite a bit about that already.

550
01:45:19.530 --> 01:45:28.569
but we also found this. What we're referring to as a grieve egalitarianism. So no explicit sense of entitlement is clearly implicit.

551
01:45:28.690 --> 01:45:34.300
They talk about wanting equality, but without recognizing underlying structural inequalities.

552
01:45:34.650 --> 01:45:46.959
There's this assumption that we have already arrived at a meritocratic or formally equal society. So interventions to promote equality actually produce inequalities, particularly for men like them.

553
01:45:47.360 --> 01:45:55.269
is the idea. And in contrast, the the men that we've identified with a kind of progressive sociological imagination.

554
01:45:55.300 --> 01:46:02.739
we're able to recognize their own privilege. They want a quality, but they can see ongoing structural inequalities.

555
01:46:03.280 --> 01:46:10.300
I'm going to skip this. Yes, I'll skip this because you've you've got this in front of you, but we've got some different pathways here.

556
01:46:10.430 --> 01:46:16.600
just to go to the implications. So one is that

557
01:46:16.730 --> 01:46:34.860
aggrieved egalitarianism, maybe a more palatable approach to some of these issues for wider groups. So in our case, educated men. But you can also imagine women. Some women, perhaps, taking up these sorts of ideas, cause for equality without recognising underlying structural inequalities.

558
01:46:35.030 --> 01:46:42.859
It avoids this overt biological racism, sexes and homophobia under the cover of calling for equality

559
01:46:44.209 --> 01:46:55.970
at politically. One of the implications here is whether the right wing are able to appeal to both aggrieved entitlement and aggrieved egalitarianism to forge a new constituency

560
01:46:55.980 --> 01:47:03.049
that might help them amidst this wider shift of young people drifting away from conservative and right-wing Populist politics.

561
01:47:03.280 --> 01:47:21.810
And I guess the other question is, how do we have more people recognize their privilege? Well, here we think there's a role for sociology, because, of course, sociology helps us recognize our biographies within wider social processes and structures. So there's a nice happy note to end on

562
01:47:27.870 --> 01:47:28.709
more.

563
01:47:35.290 --> 01:47:36.070
Okay.

564
01:47:42.459 --> 01:47:43.219
there.

565
01:47:45.360 --> 01:47:53.759
thank you for. And thanks to the soul of the my question is actually to the sensation that it applies to.

566
01:47:56.570 --> 01:48:01.459
I'm from the American Republic. I'm based in the Us.

567
01:48:02.309 --> 01:48:03.250
Us.

568
01:48:03.480 --> 01:48:06.330
 this is.

569
01:48:07.590 --> 01:48:09.410
we're seeing the same thing in

570
01:48:09.920 --> 01:48:13.490
the scripts are the same.

571
01:48:13.600 --> 01:48:23.180
The tactics are the same. The communicational strategies are the same. And one of the things that we know. And we've been having this conversation

572
01:48:25.340 --> 01:48:27.270
very similar

573
01:48:27.490 --> 01:48:31.949
from here. I collapsed the last year. Basically, you have some

574
01:48:34.469 --> 01:48:39.300
in America. And one of the elements that that

575
01:48:40.540 --> 01:48:47.759
it was emphasized in that discussion is that there is a lot of very deliberate

576
01:48:48.129 --> 01:48:52.690
learning and sharing of this

577
01:48:54.520 --> 01:48:58.180
in the case of my country is in a war.

578
01:48:59.160 --> 01:49:00.000
because

579
01:49:00.450 --> 01:49:01.360
I

580
01:49:02.200 --> 01:49:03.840
last

581
01:49:03.889 --> 01:49:06.489
because they're actually importing

582
01:49:06.940 --> 01:49:13.080
people from other countries to serve. As you know, the messenger

583
01:49:13.680 --> 01:49:16.629
of this script. They don't have equal work.

584
01:49:17.230 --> 01:49:19.340
we announced the baters

585
01:49:19.570 --> 01:49:21.239
so wants to know.

586
01:49:21.510 --> 01:49:28.679
I don't know. Like at least 2 or 3 times a year. It would have big brain that was theed out from Argentina to

587
01:49:28.790 --> 01:49:29.870
make this.

588
01:49:30.260 --> 01:49:33.450
and he does all this in a course of the discussion.

589
01:49:33.680 --> 01:49:39.070
the lies and all the stuff. But he's a very good debater, and he's doing this. So

590
01:49:39.240 --> 01:49:46.499
I'm making this comment, and they can be the, you know. It's a regional comparison. Because I wanted to think more about

591
01:49:46.580 --> 01:49:48.480
those things happen.

592
01:49:48.860 --> 01:49:50.989
They strategies in it to

593
01:49:51.000 --> 01:49:56.949
for sociology, for everyone, and I love the becoming genuinely. And

594
01:49:58.090 --> 01:50:03.240
have you seen evidence of that in your work? How do you see evidence of

595
01:50:03.930 --> 01:50:07.060
those bar ones and shows

596
01:50:07.740 --> 01:50:13.649
shit strategy we can to be in the homework when they're thinking about it.

597
01:50:14.710 --> 01:50:15.510
you

598
01:50:15.810 --> 01:50:23.989
being the to to see that. But how I mean. how do you see that again. That's basically.

599
01:50:24.340 --> 01:50:26.009
And thank you. Thank you. Thank you. So.

600
01:50:26.340 --> 01:50:41.630
thank you very much for that excellent question. I think, in the field of right in Populist studies, we need to actually start paying much closer attention to the people that the right wing Populists see as their theoretical leaders.

601
01:50:41.630 --> 01:50:59.959
We think to lost with them, because some of their ideas are ridiculous, and it and we tend to off the prompts. Nonsense, and we have a point. But there are people whom they see as their thinkers, people who inspire them, and we still haven't seriously addressed their ideas. And I think this is our problem. We need to deal with this.

602
01:50:59.960 --> 01:51:26.209
for example, Jordan Peterson, to my shame as a Canadian, my fellow Canadian, who is their hero, because, of course, he has been, as you know, terrib, tremendous, but persecuted by the cultural Marxist in Toronto. then, there is Ben Shapiro. Great Ben Shapiro is done. Fantastic work about tower and volk, there in the academia and everything else I mean, the problem is, they are producing what is being perceived as intellectual material. This is not being challenged.

603
01:51:26.210 --> 01:51:44.410
systematically, I think. and as a result of that, people are doing these interviews telling this all, Ben Super really help you to understand. I went to drawn. We are Jordan Peterson's public talking. Finally. Everything makes sense. I mean, they are developing an ideology essentially, and we are, I think, not confronted with. Thank you.

604
01:51:55.710 --> 01:52:02.040
I's 2 questions, one about the in your month's day to.

605
01:52:02.390 --> 01:52:06.650
I thought that the in one of the products, when it's just, you know

606
01:52:09.280 --> 01:52:20.389
that the more security people have. the more solar runs that we form. So I think in each month we're saying that

607
01:52:20.490 --> 01:52:23.350
in some of them in a variety of

608
01:52:25.580 --> 01:52:28.840
a so this is

609
01:52:35.920 --> 01:52:39.360
all these men voting for far right

610
01:52:39.730 --> 01:52:41.009
from the

611
01:52:42.010 --> 01:52:47.590
it seems like way more little central lines kind of.

612
01:52:48.750 --> 01:52:58.440
I will take the second one first. They're not all voting for far right parties, and that's for a range of reasons. We tried very hard part of the reason. We included

613
01:52:58.530 --> 01:53:10.379
a couple of of 2 older men in their 50 s. Because it was very hard to find younger men who support kind of radical right parties, as we would understand. And in Europe one nation

614
01:53:10.530 --> 01:53:14.449
doesn't. They tend to appeal, at least in South Australia.

615
01:53:14.500 --> 01:53:28.560
doing most of that are recruiting them. Not all so. No, they certainly weren't all. And and their their views were as to what they actually told us. We're probably down the more mild end of

616
01:53:29.600 --> 01:53:56.470
sure. Yeah, in terms of in, of course, thesis, yeah. You see, we're really enjoy bringing in cards work. And I, we think this is really an important book to understand here, and said that I think there is a little bit of a problem, because in developed this post-materialist this is very long time ago, and the world is sort of moved on, and he's kind of still repackaging a little bit of that post-materialist thesis, and it keeps kind of coming

617
01:53:56.970 --> 01:54:11.499
in the ways in which it's kind of difficult to support. I I think that will be I I. This would require a completely different discussion about the book. So I I'm happy to stay longer to talk about the book, but I just don't want to take away from other people who don't ask us.

618
01:54:11.640 --> 01:54:14.000
anyway. Thanks so much

619
01:54:14.320 --> 01:54:16.269
to the end.

620
01:54:16.670 --> 01:54:21.080
Participating on some questions. So to.

621
01:54:29.230 --> 01:54:30.000
okay.