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okay. So the first presentation we have today is by Sediya Tudor Shui, from Istanbul University in Turkey.

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in sociologists, so sociologists rebelled, and Los Angeles Prasylenos, they clothed Levi Strauss.

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if you want to share your screen.

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ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: this is

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ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: justice.

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ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: Oh.

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ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: this.

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ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: Put it. What is the multivo

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ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: is? Stop provoking

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ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: pencil in in

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ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK:  see the embargo

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ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK:  and liberal the city.

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ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: the Robert Isra Park, he as borges

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when I say that

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the second.

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which is Gratius.

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Ok. The next presentation we have is by Philip Altman from the University, that center of the Ecuador in

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Keep, the Pinch engineer, and it's a particular tradition in sociology in Ecuador in the Latin American context.

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Okay.

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what am I supposed to do?

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I'm sorry.

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This thing that would work

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the

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 a

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hi, everyone, how are you. I just late realised that I'm the only one speaking in English here, but while it was announced as an English presentation, so it will be an English presentation. It would be like

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sad to have people around that. Can you understand me? For the debate? Obviously Spanish is perfectly fine, and if you want to human span if there is a lot of

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possibility to him in Spanish, too. And I first of all, well, obviously we have to to acknowledge that we're here on a on the territory of the indigenous nations of the region. And well, that we actually a sociologist actively silencing and invisibleizing the knowledge of indigenous people. I was, I'm thinking, especially about that, quite obviously. But it's a general tradition of sociology to be colonial.

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But here I'm speaking about what happened with sociology in Ecuador, how the cell genetic was developed in relation to Latin America, while sociology is like the the odd one out

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in relation to Latin America. It is a late discipline in many other places. Columbia, Peru, Argentina. Sociology develops in the late nineteenth century, century, with chairs of sociology popping up since 1880 S. And 1890 S. All over the place.

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In a quado? During the time sociology was actually forbidden by a radically Catholic President Yasia Moreno, who had a censorship against everything Liberal, Communist, sociological, and Positivists. So there was nothing like a on Spencer, or Court, or whatever in Ecuador around until the last years of the of the nineteenth century, like around

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1,890 something. the first text were legally so circulated in Ecuador.

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So when you yeah, when sociology starts in Ecuador, it is really late in comparison with the other countries of the region. It is in the 1915 that the first shares of sociology are established in the 4 university of the country. The most relevant share of theiology is the chair of the Central University of in in Keto, because it's what we where most debate happens.

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and you can look at the first professor of sociology on the left side. It's Augustine Quiver, Augustine, whoever science.

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his son Augustine Cueva Davila, became a same sociologist a few decades later.

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like a half a century later, and well, at the moment sociology was established in in Ecuador, it was established in A, in a debate, I mean for a foundational debate between. On the one hand, I was in Queueva, and, on the other hand, the guy in the center is belly Sarah Cavado.

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He was not a professor of sociology, but he was the introduc of positivism in Ecuador, and he engaged in sociological debates. And well, you have the biological factor. He died really early, with 38 years of age. So

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well, you have a a debate cut short. But the debate what's happening in in mainly in in 3 or 4 years, between 1,913 and 1,916. This this debate was on servitude on the asciendas in Ecuador, in the situation of where debts indulged.

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the peasants, indigenous pads of patterns that were basically tied to the aciendas due to a ever-increasing debt they had with appropriate.

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with a person that was managing the thecienda, and they and other people more. But the other people, with more legal arguments, not sociological arguments those 2 guys were debating on how to understand the indigenous servitude.

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Both agree that there is a problem that Ecuador cannot develop with servitude and servitude affecting a big part of the population. It's not like a few guys. It's like half of the population, or more

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so. Well, Kevedo was was more radical, and he said, A servitude is a form of corruption of society.

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There's a servitude that starts with a servitude of indigenous peasants on the archienda, and it replicates, As a servitude of The voters to the political leader, a servitude of the university professor to its book, to his books, and so on and so on. So it's like for me, the first step towards a decolonial theory of servitude.

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Only that

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Cavedo didn't call it coloniality. He called it corruption. But well, the idea is is, this is quite close. Augustine Cueva was a a bit more away from us and a bit less radical, and he talked about the need to abolish the font of servitude in order to allow an integration of the indigenous population as one important step towards national unity

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in this debate.

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They were using a lot of the pre-classics of sociology they were especially using Spencer and tart the idea like, The society has a natural form of development of this natural form of development. Like, you know, diversification, and this growth and diversification are connected to each other and to a certain laws. That was it. the guide, how societies develop! Maybe you remember Spencer, from?

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I don't know your causes of introduction to sociology or something.

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and tarts was like the the micro sociological parts. All this development of sociology happens by people imitating each other.

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It's basically the main argument. So the problem of servitude is basically that society cannot develop because people cannot imitate each other because they are not in contact with each other, because indigenous people are completely separated from society.

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and with this they they put, and a lot of other guys of this first forgotten generation of the theology, like like Giddings and and Warts, F. Of the Us. American sociology, Gumplovich, a

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forgotten Polish pioneer of theology, Fouier, and so on, and so on. so you have

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you. You can notice there's a complete lack of Latin, American, or Spanish-speaking references.

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From time to time they mentioned, like like a Latin American sociologist in Kenya, Ros or Bunga. That was Poitivists, Argentinium Positivists, but they do not really work with them. They they work with

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well, those guys spent some time. Most of.

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Thank you

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most of all. But

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well, Spanish-speaking sociologists were basically absent from this debate. So the first generation basically stops in the in the 1920 S. Kevin dice Whoever stops publishing on sociology in in in 21, actually, and in 31 he retires

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because he was on the side of the one President. He has to retire, and he also dies. The second generation takes over.

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and the second generations of, but especially buff 3 guys, Victor Gabriel, I'm from the upper side, and a Lewis Bosana who's a serious looking guy on the on the lower side of the slide, and I couldn't find. I still cannot find a decent picture of the assess or logarithm imaging the This we 3 guys basically take over the the the chair of sociology since the 1,930 since 1,931,

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and most of them, that is, a paradise, and Bosano, follow the same carn. They work still with Spencer and tarts, and

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the idea of well, you have an organic growth, and you have imitation on the lower level, on the micro level, and while Garfields actually introduced something interesting and new. And it's quite a pioneer, and twice to build up a school rejecting Spencer and introducing Zimmer as

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as well as as main weapons and combining Zimmer, we start. So his idea is more like, we need like this, this. the slow, this, this, this, this, this, this tacit, the tacit contact between people.

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You know the I guess And if you go for for this, this is small structures, you can understand how imitation works, however, G. Says has not much luck. He twice to build a school as students, working with him and like 2 years later he's pushed out of the shell sociology. A few years later he's pushed out of the university, and he becomes one of the pioneers of indigenism. If you care about this school of thought.

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the thing is, the second generation introduce a new central topic. They're working on the indigenous population, not as a general problem like before, but on the indigenous population as a social phenomenon they actually work on them. They were, as is more more, a coat a guy. But Bosano, Gauss, and other people that are not so influential actually try to do as now. With fees. They travel around the talk to indigenous people say.

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do interviews. And and and so it's at least of the case of Gazette is really fascinating. It's really interesting work he's doing. So. The idea is how to understand what actually happens with the indigenous people.

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How are they living? How are they related to the non-indigenous part of society? And well, here again, you can see there's not really a connection to Latin America. They are doing their own thing. And this is interesting, because.

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on the one hand. those 2 guys

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are Co founders of Isa. They are in suicide in 1,950. They are part of the Swedish group. It's a group of, I think, 8 or so or so Latin American sociologists. They were part of the founding fathers of Isa.

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and they do not connect at all in the discourse. They do not push for an empirical sociology at all, and they do not introduce international debates in Ecuador. They are part of a moment of institutionalisation with conferences of Sociology in 55, with the Latin American

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Association of Sociology in Kito, and 57, with the first National Conference of the theology in quench. And

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well, they basically

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continued talking about the same thing as they did in the twenties. It's still a stand for and tart, and it is still the same manner to understand sociology, actually the

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maybe the the most representative case. And this is Paradis. His last book, his less theological book, is on the biology of social class. It's a book from 1,955, and in this book he actually engages with contemporary Latin American sociologist, Gino Jamani, a sredo povinia. He rejects them and says, Well, Jaman is superficial, and Povinia goes the right direction, but he doesn't really get it. You have to go to.

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Bands are in tart in order to understand what class this. That class is, basically a repetition of what spans I wrote 100 years ago. That social class is people doing the same thing, connecting to each other and reproducing, inheriting what they are doing. Biologically.

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So it's like

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you are interesting. And those guys are around until the 1,900 sixtys, basically, they only ceased to be sociologists when they were tired from the university.

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So the attempt at the attempt at modernization does not really work out.

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You only have a degree course, and not in sociology, but in political sciences. Since 61, you have a military dictatorship between 63, and 66. This was Latin America.

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Normally the big brutal dictatorships are in the seventies, and Ecuador. There. The brutal dictatorship is in the sixties, just dictatorship. In 63 they push out 2 thirds of all university professors. Everyone related to Marxism Socialism is pushed out. So you have a complete renovation, and they try. And in cooperation with

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us universities us aid the the the Inter-american Development Bank. They try to modernize university and also sociology. This modernization of sociology happens with 2, those 2 guys Wjannett and Emilynet.

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the only sociologist from the University of Pittsburgh at the time. That actually do not really engage with sociology in a quadr. The only one working on Ecuador sociologically, is Emily Net. But she does not really engage with what what is happening there. So you have is an attempt to modernization, but it amounts to nothing.

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demands to those people being around and seemingly not producing any kind of traction for sociology. and well, then, you have your break in 68. This emissions have to to to end because of lack of funding, as always. And Then comes critical sociology

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since 67, basically. What? what was built as a school of sociology since 64 was reformed, completely connected. board, together with the School of of Political Sciences, and those guys were managing what sociology was.

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most of them with studies abroad. On the on the white hand you can see the son of Augustine Quiver, also Arizona, Quebec, Davis this time, and the lower side of Safa a kin day, or both. Whoever studied in Paris.

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Kinteo studied in the Us. In the Uk. And in France. So you have now, young people. At the time young people that had studies abroad, and that introduced try to introduce a more Marxist, more critical form of sociology.

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introducing a new debate like it's the idea of a weeding of Ecuadorian history, a wound class to actually around the formation of political dominations, a State. There are also engagements with dependence of the we.

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and so on. So it's like a complete wake with what happened before. And now you actually have research structures like journeys, like conferences. And now you have a connection to Latin American sociology. So only in the early 1970 S. You have a in actually debate and engagement between Ecuadorian sociology and Latin American Sociology, for instance, whoever was

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president of the Latin American Association of Sociology in the seventies, they had another conference in Kit in in 77. If I'm not wrong. So now, you actually have an engagement in exchange around topics like populism, like dependency theory, and so on those guys basically

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for a fail, because since 1,970, we have, like the same history in the west of the Continent, we have a lack of funding. We have a

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well, a, a a different variation of sociology. Research institutes become more important. Professors earn less money. There are problems to finance, conference and and journals, and well, in the last years we have a complete do-over of sociology. People are forced to retire. We have a lot of of of new sociologists, like young people

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under 40 or so that do their Phds up road in in decent to salary. So now we have, like all over the place in Latin America a complete change, and do over what sociology is.

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thank you very much. If you want this more.

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Thank you.

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Okay. So next up. We have

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Claudio Ramos, Zineke, and Alexis Cortez Morales from the University University at Alberto Gutado, the Chile.

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about Pennsylvania to Critico in Socialohia and El Caso de chile

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a proporta projectiva, the alter nativa societal

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deposit. Yeah, get.

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It's the

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a dandelion, you see, a necessary principal, a central approximation delocritico. We have that the density of cell abstraction.

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and done the

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the the

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the and in the

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a textos.

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a i

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in and

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we have a satellite.

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Is it to? Is the Lamataraus here.

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you can so much.

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Okay. So next up, we have.

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Okay. So she emailed us.

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okay, sorry. So the last one that we have then is Juan Kasus Morales and Hostino Gomez de Menito from University at Catolica, Silvia, Hemrika, the chile

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Juan Morales: I'm going to present in in a Spanish, but also in the end. If it's there is a

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Juan Morales: it's not Western as well in in.

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Juan Morales: And to start to the the forward point in. And

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Juan Morales: it's the

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Juan Morales: what did you remain there.

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Juan Morales: and

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would you some ask Grath? Yes, thank you, everyone. If we can get the speakers in the room to come forward. And we'll allow for any questions I'm just going to check if there's any questions in the chat very quickly.

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Hmm.

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no. But okay. So so far, so good. Does anyone have any questions that they want to ask? If you do, I ask if you're in the room to come up to the mic.

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and anyone online can put up their hand. So I'll let Diego as the chair have the first question really quickly.

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But Hello! And then

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: can I speak?

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Yes, yes, please

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: what I one question for each presenter. So first of all, as we see them.

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: I really like your presentation. But I wonder if you have an answer of which is, or which was the real impact of levy straws, experience of teaching in his later works, because you recognize that he said that that feeding was important

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: in in life history, but in his work, in his

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: anthropological and ecological work you have any full print of that experience. Second to Philip.

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: There, I can see that your

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: your history focus on from focus on a quick shift from traditional social sort to critical sociology. So what what about modernization. Do you think that a color is? Keep very quickly that step.

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: To Alexis?

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: And

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: mythological question, because I think that is.

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: do you know how to have selected material, because

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: apparently the depends on the editorial decision of the clock of trucks. So they, some by us, some that

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: between the decision of production, the material and the material you analyze?

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: last

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: and

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: one

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: do you think there is? a key question of sociology in chile along the time?

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: Is there any topic that repeat

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: in the different videos there some question about the

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: the National Society?

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: And and I I say that because they machine they may. I'm sorry. The image of sociology in Chile is that is, overlap with Latin American

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Diego Ezequiel Pereyra: because of the settle of international organizations. He there is a real National Associate, Chilean and sociology have any national question along the time.

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Okay, so does Cindy. I want to answer first.

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ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: hmm.

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ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: perfect.

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ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK:  go and see.

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ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: We importantly. a okay. see? No, it's

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ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: it's

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Arthur and Philip.

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Hi, Diego, thank you for the question. Actually, the dominant sociologies in Latin America have like 3 faces, if you if you like. You have first, like a

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theoretical reflection.

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it's actually a moment where some Latin American sociologies were discussed in Europe also, which does not happen later at the same in the same degree. and then you have in the 50 s. More or less, a a. A push for empirical sociology, the statistics, and so on, and so on, and in the late 60 s. Or 70 s. We have the shift to the critical Marxist of theologians when you have dictatorships.

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this does not work the same way, and like well, they try to modernize. But the problem is, while they try to modernize it, to go out all sociologists, with the exception of 2, so they do not have any sociologists around. They build up in Ecuadori a degree course in sociology without any sociologists.

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So what kind of sociology do we expect to to to to to? In this context there is no possibility to modernize sociology because they are not sociologists.

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So actually, the 1960 s. Are a really strange phase. There was it twice to modernize theology? But there are only old guys around that are are almost retiring, and no new sociologists, and nobody actually able to do a decent statistical analysis which would be like.

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there is a mode at the moment. And so the modernization face. Actually, it does not happen like one of them try to do it. So they try to connect, but they basically jump from the philosophical sociology of so of the of the first phase to the critical, to the of the 70 s. There's like no in between.

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And Alexis.

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Yes, it is a mythical killer.

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It's it's a into the boost in Los Angeles.

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Look at that.

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and it's a break-in-flow. We're wildly some C. They're a different to all to a F you.

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Yes, so

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it's really it's Tamiko, and so they can only sassion, or they they can the canonics as well in the

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Yarra Juan.

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Juan Morales: Yes, yes.

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Juan Morales: you. Okay. We'll not need your

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Juan Morales: when you, Professor.

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Right? Yes. And now we'll take a question from the room.

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I suggest that we take 3 questions because

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I don't think I don't. Yeah, we've got time. We do have target.

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 one of the

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he

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the

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the.

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So you want to answer the question first, and

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just keep asking more questions. Okay, do you want to ask a question before? Yeah, okay, if you want to ask the question, and then I will get the question from online

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the

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Korea and

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in Chile

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the.

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But it's a

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João Maia: okay. So I'll just allow to ask his question, and then we'll take another one from the room and thank you. Just 2 questions

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João Maia: to the sovereignty. Levy a

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João Maia: and to to.

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João Maia: I'll lose this bibliography of and for Philip I'm making English since you you you you! You address it as in English. What about the archives. I was thinking, what

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João Maia: do we have like institutional archives for telling the? Is there a sociology in Ecuador like for the sociological departments, or even

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João Maia: private archives, personal archives, in fact, from sociologists in sales ourselves. what is the statues of archives for the history of sociology in Ecuador?

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And I'll take another question from the room, and then we'll start answering.

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I I

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it's not good enough.

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And one last really quick question, and then we have to try and respond.

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we're we're going to run out of time. Yeah. But we can go over. They went over. It's it's not this. I think it's true.

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Okay, thank you very much.

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You I,

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Alexis, you could pass on.

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There is a

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got this.

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We'll start with the first Baker City, and you can answer your questions, and then we'll move on as they presented

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João Maia: senior.

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Okay

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ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: for you.

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ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: So it's still see? Do

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ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: noventa

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ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: it is.

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ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK:  yes.

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and Philip next

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I will stick to English. As I was talking English and I seemingly I am understood, more or less. Okay. First, I I push into this question of professionalization, because it's actually interesting for me to see an

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basically a socio- academic sociology in a Podola nowadays is

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it's almost completely Marxist. Most of my colleagues are Marxist. They're like diverse streams of Marxism. Many are working with one, she, but not all. One colleague of mind of a Jarvis is working on something he calls Maxwell's relation and Marxism.

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So so nowadays, if I talk about deep colonial theory, basically, my colleagues tell me to to go out and have a tree, because I'm like a hippie, and not to be taken seriously with my decolon. Your theory intersectionality is completely absent. What does exist?

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So you have on on one end a, a, a big screen towards philosophy, also a lot of of students that graduate theologists go on and become historians or philosophers. It's like a lot of talking about epistemology, anthologies, and so on and on. And the other thing would be feminism. There are well, at least in Cuenka, in Kito Goikila mature several important feminist activists

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with a certain idea on feminism that became professors and connects academia and activism quite well to the degree that they

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sometimes fight out their political conflicts on academic conferences, such as interesting to see. So feminism seems to be quite strong

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to go to Dow. And this question on archives. Yeah, it is really horrible and a complete nightmare.

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I work mostly with a archive slash library.

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Oh, really, you've been off apolog.

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We will take our real estate, as a call, it managed by the Jesuits. On the one hand, it's a library with a lot of books, and on the other end. There were donations by several

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quite a lot of important electrodes. For instance, Luis Bosan, the guy I mentioned Luis Bosano donated his private archive to this thing. I Willi's Beenosapolit. So I was working with them doing the pandemics. It was quite great because I scanned stuff for you.

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and it's not so expansive, for I could sit at home, and it was great that The west of the archives is completely home now, just now, like for 1 one year ago trying to work through the archive of the School of Sociology at the Central University, which goes back to the Sixtys.

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to have access to other stuff is basically impossible. Actually, in my book, if you want to check the introduction, I send like a greeting to the head of the archive of my university because she told me, no, you cannot access those texts.

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Text that other other researchers did make sense. So I know that this girl and that that Guy already had access. Could I please see them? Now you can

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thank you.

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There you go! And and in other universes it is even even worse in in in Gwy Akila's like a complete nightmare. They don't even manage to to to to digitalize the stuff more or less decently. So it's like I was both basically working with with publications publications lying around the libraries that that works more than okay. I can't really.

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erez agmoni. And what Loose said this. This decolonial connection I see only and exclusively, was very salvated with no one else, he at several. Not only this. What I mentioned is this interpretation of servitude as corruption, but also he has some

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anti-ocentric commands, so he has some ideas that I think are quite interesting in good

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sort of like a a different foundation for the colonial thought, but, give it the only understood as as Positivist. So he is not like related to this debate. the west of a sociologist actually has nothing to do with this idea like, it's not like a a first step towards coloniality of anything. It's more like a

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where they are moving towards not not anthropology, but more folkloreism.

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this seemingly scientific study of indigenous people

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that mixes anthropological findings and history and gossip, and that actually, I think, did a lot of of harm to anthropology and aqueductions until today isn't so great.

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And Alexis.

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we're going to

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the

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on the uniform thumbium.

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the pictorial, the law. They'll know the reason some people are known.

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Mauruta, the the the the venue!

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We'll get a there's someone in the NASA Ofruction K Kiplan, there to K. Young.

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the and the soroy of the Minneapolis argument of a is.

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he boarded him out of the.

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and last, but not least, one

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Juan Morales: in a

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Juan Morales: a

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thank you. See you all.