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Hello! Good morning, everyone. Good morning. All right. I'm so I'm excited to present to you my paper. It's entitled

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Violent Incidents and School Safety Avatar of Basic Education in the Year of Fire.

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All right.

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So to give you an outline and overview of my presentation. First. Well, I'll just have to show you a snippet of the word avenue. Second, the context why this the paper has been has evolved, or the reason why the paper is like has been studied.

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Third, purpose, statement and research questions.

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scope and limitation. The process I went through, what have I found and the recommendations I developed for, based on the results of the study. So, moving forward to the the snippet on the word avatar avatar is from It means descent, a a light, or to make one's appearance. It's from a Sanskrit region

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the word ava, which means down in the which meant to cross, then in English, it's avatar! So it has a related verb avatarana. It's used with bubble, meaning one as an action of the divine descending another as laying down the burden of man suffering from the forces of evil.

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At present we usually encounter the word avatar in social media applications, where they require us to choose for an avatar. It would represent us so it would imply embodiment representation, icon, figure, or image. So that's why, in this study I am looking into and investigating into the image of violent incidents and school safety in the era of Ford industrial Re. Ford, industrial revolution in the basic education.

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So as a context, we know that traditionally the school environment is considered the safest, safest place for our children. But unfortunately, crimes also exist in school, and may come from different sources, forms, and it involves many actors in effect, school violence plays as students, and also teachers in constant fear, and even also retards the educational process.

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However, up until this era the Fort Industrial Revolution School remains an avenue where violent incidents and safety issues are observed, and both teachers and learners are not exempted under threatening atmosphere caused by school violence.

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So if we could look at the data data provided by the Unicef for the plan, Philippines, towards a child-friendly education environment. In 2,009 there are a number of 30.17% physical abuse experienced by children inflicted by their peers for grades, 4 to 6, and

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a higher number for high school teenagers for physical abuse, amounting to 37.57%.

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As to verbal abuse. We could also see that the data of unit Unicef provided us 73.58% ofade, 6 to

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4 grades for the 6 students or children suffered verbal abuse or violence inflicted by their fears, and a higher number also for high schools, which is 78.38. So.

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this would tell us that it's not only present in the Philippines. It's not only present in the Philippines, but other communities around the globe are also experiencing various forms of violence, and most of the victims are our children. The youth and the vulnerable groups. Even theories under causes of violence among youths, including their evidences, implicate multiple influences occurring in complex combinations over different time scales that range from this style to immediate and lead to acts of violence.

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One common is bullying, which is considered one of the non-violent acts predominant in most of the schools in the world.

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and as studied by June and Riddler, both bullies, and even victims of bullies, were more likely than other children to be involved in fights, and were often reported to have poor academic achievement.

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Now in in the city where I conducted the study in the province of Dava, Oriental Ireland, of the Philippines. The city's social Welfare and Development Office recorded a total of more than 100 children involved in gangs, and these children in the Philippines are referred as children at risk, and children in conflict.

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with the law. We do not call them immediately as gangsters or violent inflictors, or like offenders, but to euthanize the term we call them children at risk, and children in conflict with the law. They are also learners enrolled in different levels in elementary high school and alternative learning system, and may have perpetuated their school environment who could possibly the cause of school violence.

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even our public school teachers there. They have also expressed their sentiments on the presence of violence, and

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these misbehaving students in their schools. the Department of Education of the Philippines issued department order number 48, or some 2,012, which also, like

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came into play in their disciplining methods, and how they approach the this kind of misbehaviour since this department order number 40 series of 10 at 12 is

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sorry.

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all right.

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So this one is like in Section 15 of that order. It tells that one of the prohibited acts is corporal punishment. So

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teachers are now prevented from doing this one. And since it's one of the prohibited acts, because if they do so, they will face administrative charge or

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even civil and criminal cases. So we look at here the live experience of also the teacher, since because of this, like dip in order that prohibits them from imposing imposing corporal punishments. What are now their lead experiences? And how do they approach this kind of

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issues in the the school campus, since if this this order is present, then they will be facing administrative charge, and aside from that, there would be civil and criminal charges.

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So

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what does happening there is that there is the presence of gang groups in schools.

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and there are also riots of gang members where you see, never happening leading to death of a gun in non-gun participants.

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We also have physical and or physical results among learners inside the school premises. And these children, in conflict with the law and children at risk, are enrolled in schools, and these incidents are seen to be

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uncontrollable already, or it is controllable. But there is unwillingness to control because of the prohibition of the corporal punishment, for example.

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So there is really a good reason to concern ourselves like like me as an educator, to look into this kind of issue in my context, because the fear of violence penetrates the business of teaching and learning, and with this there is an urgent call for educators to assess school context and explore all various conditions and mitigating violent incidents in the learning environments.

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schools, promoting safety atmosphere and positive learning outcomes have shown a direct correlation as found in various researcher studies, and as such safer schools tend to be more effective schools, experiencing higher academic achievement and viewer disciplinary problems. So this study, I said, is like 101

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investigated the

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the lived experience of Beatrice and students with regard to school safety. And how do these experiences shape the beliefs, attitudes, and values of the teachers and students with regard to school safety as you can. So there are 6 objectives. But I will just be presenting the 2 for the qualitative, because this paper is from a more Mixed method research project. So for this for room, I will be presenting the results of the qualitative study.

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And

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so I said, since based on our statistics which more of or higher number of violent incidents at schools or happen in high school. So this paper is focused on secondary schools or high schools in the mighty central district of the city of Matthew, in the province of double Oriental Philippines.

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So the process I

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we can. I conducted in depth interviews and focus with discussions for the qualitative face. And also, as you can see, if the that's the map of the Philippines, and what one with the red box that's in mind. And now the Daba region, where I conducted particularly the study that the T part of the Philippines.

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So for in-depth interview we have 10 teachers and 10 students. And in for the focus group discussions, there are 2 groups, one group for teacher and one referred to students and 8 members per group.

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So it involves various collaborations. Before I have actually penetrated the the school campus, I could talk to the teachers and also the students learners there. First, I have to ask for permission to present my purpose to the Dep Ed Schools Division superintendent. That's their highest, I think, for the the the Schools Division.

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But then, after that, I'll go to the school principal or school heads. Then I also go to the classroom advisors because and subject teachers, since there might be time, but I could like disturb your classes. Then I could ask for permission to like pull the students up and then talk about Mike. My questions, then guidance, counselor, and practical discipline, also our learners.

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So, moving on to what I've what have I found in this paper? So for the lived experiences with regard to violent incidents and school safety. I have 4 issues pro. I probe into violent incident safety issues on feelings, and after months of violent incidents, and after that I found that there are 3 key themes. First, there are actually countless progressions of dread

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and safe school environment and unfit learning environment moving on to the first key theme. there are episodes of disturbances. There are physical and verbal intimidations present at schools, and aside from that there are also sexual assaults in schools. Then there are cases where teachers are being challenged and threatened by students

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ere

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enrolled in a certain school, and they are outsiders. They just include it because most fall on in Philippine schools, especially public schools. there are. They are not equipped with high fences or very strong fences to protect the school premises, so anyone could just go in and out of the of the public schools. So that's why it's very prone to intruders who could cause cost problems at school like violence.

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So some of the transcriptions we have there the vernacular one, and at the under that

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are the English translations. There was a teacher being bullied and they're fighting their groups also their gangs.

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Second is the unsafe school environment. As one of the key themes.

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So I have found that violent incidents and safety issues at schools are contagious. And it happened frequently. So they said, that when one incident happened another incident happened. It's like a chain of incidents, so it's contagious one.

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Then teachers are now being ensure of their safety. While students are failing unsafe to the Church's experience, even experienced Paris intimidation and intimidations and threats. As you can recall, we have the deputy order number 40, right, the one that 150

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ere

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is that like, since they know that there is that prohibition, and if there are cases that they that their children is reprimanded, or a corporal punishment was imposed to a child or a learner, that parent would tell the the teacher that

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mit Ctl, and okay, just give me this amount of money, and I will not report it authorities for administrative or criminal charges. So these are one of the intimidations and threats experienced by teachers just because of that and 150.

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I have also found out that violent incidents occur across all levels. It's not just within a particular grade level, but it's across all levels. So

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one of the transcription said that unsafe, since you could not know what hour, minute second, you will be attacked, and despite our decisions, one of the which, I said imposed the our school policies. The parents do not agree

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last key theme for the lead experience as we have and fit learning environment. here teachers and students are losing their morale and also their focus. Teachers are becoming the motivated to teach, and students are bothered when it comes to completing tasks or projects. Classes are being disturbed, and it resulted to delays in the delivery of instruction. So, and even the attention of our of of students are theyverted to the incident.

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the choice need to attend the concerned, costly, violent incidents, and leave their classes, so that disrupted and delayed the delivery of instruction, and teachers also hope that the disregard other school related tasks. just to attend to students behavior concerns.

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So, moving on to the next the role of this experience shaping their beliefs and editors and values. I have found that there are 3 4 key themes. Recognizing the factors affecting school safety, strict implementation of safety policies, strengthening the values, integration and classes and shifting of their perspective from being idealistic to realistic.

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So for the first key theme. We have found out that the based on their beliefs and addition values. They have. They started to recognize other factors that affect school safety, and why these students are doing this violent act. One of this is the family background. And second,

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sorry I have to be fast, all right, strict implementation of safety policies. So they said that every situation must be handled constructively, and for them, Each situation is of its own kind. So they treat each behavioral problem of each learner that's not common. But they look at the unique characteristic because they look at also unique factors influencing the students

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so

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strengthening values. Integration is also one because they found that values must be integrated in all subjects and classes. and they said that organizing classroom ministry and strengthening their classes in in terms of values is also important.

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And of course, another one is the shifting of their perspective from there's a part in shift from being idealistic to realistic in terms of building student behavioral concerns. If before they are so like focused on in building certain concerns. They are so focused on the philosophy principles ideal to us of principle. They learn at schools. Then now they look at the realistic view of of that issue.

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So

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these are the set of recommendations I gave, and all all for this project. I also develop an action plan to provide to the schools that they could use in order to mitigate the occurrence of violent incidents in schools. So these are the set of recommendations. And

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I think that's all. I'll just leave that one so that you could read. I think that's all. And thank you for listening.

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The great thing about having a phone is, maybe you can take a picture. You do it out last for us.

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So thank you very much, John. One of the worst tasks of being a chair is actually having to find people. I like to have a session, but we didn't actually have any time.

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We probably.

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So the next presentation I'm happy to introduce Katie Wright.

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She's an associate professor of sociology at the Troll University in Melbourne, Australia. She conducts research across several intersecting areas, public inquiries into institutional abuse. Social change and activism varies of childhood and therapeutic cultures. She is currently working on an Australian Research Council funded project, examining of child rights discourse and activism against institutional child abuse in Australia. And internationally.

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you know, the

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I'm just having trouble getting out of this.

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There we go

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to you

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and pets.

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Thank you so much, and before I begin I would like to acknowledge the traditional owners of the lands on which we are meeting. These lands have been a site of meeting and knowledge, sharing for millennia and its privilege to continue that tradition with this Congress.

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I also like to pay my respects to elders, past and present.

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What I'll be exploring in my presentation today is an approach to theorizing historical or non-rescent child abuse scandals and public inquiries. drawing on debates about therapeutic culture and using Jeffrey Alexander's concept of societalization.

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Sorry I'm having trouble moving this slide Ford.

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So just very quickly the work that I'm presenting today draws on to Australian research council-funded projects. Both are historical sociologies, and both are broadly concerned with questions of social change and responses to child abuse crises.

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The first of these projects is focuses on the Royal Commission into Institutional responses to child sexual abuse which was held in Australia. It's one of the largest public inquiries ever held in Australia, and one of the most important child abuse inquiries held internationally.

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as well as looking at the Commission itself. I use the inquiry as a lens through which to explore broader questions, including the significant sorry that the influence of social imperatives, of openness and disclosure, changing understandings of childhood, vulnerability, the influence of expert knowledge of childhood, and, more broadly, the ways in which therapeutic culture has reframed understanding of child abuse and its effects. Thank you.

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The second project which focuses on activism and advocacy grew out of this research. And it's looking at grassroots and everyday forms of activism that lie behind the media stories, and which influence public processes like the establishment of commissions of inquiry. And one of the key questions that we're asking with this current project. The second one listed here

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is around child rights discourse. So we're focusing on the circulation of child rights discourse and considering how that influences responses to child abuse crises.

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And one of the key questions we're asking is what it means for adults to claim child rights retrospectively. In other words, what does it mean when people claiming child rights are no longer children. And as part of this we're looking at the ways in which adults take the subject position of the child in their advocacy, both for themselves, in the past and for other children in the present and in the future.

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just very quickly to also draw on some work which we've done for another project which is mapping historical, Institutional child abuse inquiries internationally. And if you're interested, this is a publicly available resource, it's a work in progress. So not all of the inquiries are listed, but you may find that useful if you're doing any related work

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so just in terms of the conceptualization of inquiries by way of background. I started to think about this

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when I was doing research on therapeutic culture. And that's how I really became interested in questions around, how child abuse becomes a social problem, and how inquiries become a response to that.

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So for me, rather than dismissing escalating claims of victimization as evidence of the rise of a weak, diminished, and narcissistic self, or the upswell of a culture of victimhood.

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I was interested in how such claims of abuse and violence were themselves enabled, by changing relations of authority

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which have been underscored by therapeutic discourses, and how therapeutic discourse itself gave a language to articulate suffering, and how a therapeutic ethos, more broadly

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provided, legitimacy to experiences of abuse and violence, including abuse in childhood and its often lifelong effects.

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conceptualizations of the therapeutic are helpful in understanding some of the cultural conditions that have made possible the sorts of discussions and public attention to non-rescent abuse that we've seen over the last few decades.

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But theorization of therapeutic culture doesn't provide a particularly useful account of the social processes involved

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in how institutional child abuse became subject to widespread public attention, and the ways in which governments across and governments and institutions across the global North have responded, including by establishing large commissions of inquiry.

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A theoretical model that does. Oh, sorry.

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and I've lost my place.

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 sorry! A theoretical theoretical model that does provide does account for these social processes is Jeffrey Alexander's theory of societalisation. And I'll come to that in a moment. But first, I just want to give some background to the emergence of concerns about non-recent abuse.

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So it's now been well documented that widespread concerns emerged across a number of Western democracies in the 1990 S. And 2,000 s. About 2 distinct

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but interrelated areas of concern, and one was the provision of out of home care for children, and the widespread forms of abuse that occurred within those settings, and the other was the sexual abuse of children most commonly in religious organisations, but also in other settings.

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activists, and advocates, and the media brought the issue of non-reason institutional child abuse to public attention, putting pressure on governments to act, and a key political response to this pressure has been to establish commissions of inquiry.

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There's a long history of governments in Australia, at least establishing inquiries to investigate the abuse of children. But what's important to note is that we see a distinct change from the 1990 s. Onwards in terms of how inquiries are conducted.

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and arguably the most significant of these changes is the turn to the testimony of victims and survivors.

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This marks an important turning point from the previous era, where the primary objective, as Shirley Swain has demonstrated, was to minimize the reputational damage of institutions by treating allegations as isolated incidents, and also by discrediting witnesses and victims.

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But the processes, findings and outcomes of inquiries changed with the turn to testimony.

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and the focus on testimony is one area in which the concept of therapeutic culture provides some very useful insights, in so far as it can help explain why testimony has been embraced in recent years, and this is a pattern evident in enquiries in Australia, but also throughout the global North. With the exception of America, the United States of America, who

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don't have inquiry models in the same way that other countries do

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We also see that inquiries have

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sorry some common features

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in terms of their background, the role of activism and the media in generating public attention and putting pressure on governments to act. There are also some broadly similar features in terms of what inquiries do, such as investigating what happened in the past, with a view to advising governments on how to respond in the present, for example, by recommending policy reforms to better protect children and establishing

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redress schemes, to compensate for past abuse.

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Here is a list of a few of the major inquiries that have taken place over the last 2 decades. There are many others as well. This is just a few examples of the inquiries that we've compiled so far.

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And in thinking about the theorization of inquiries, I'm particularly interested in how we might conceptualize them in ways that avoid some of the limitations of accounts that focus purely on the management of scandal. Those that interpret them in relation to a purported upswell of a culture of victimhood, and those which downplay concerns about institutional child abuse as some kind of moral panic.

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a framework that

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I think, offers some really useful insights into the social processes involved with inquiries. Is Geoffrey Alexander's theory of societalization which I mentioned earlier?

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Alexander asks, how do endemic, ongoing institutional strains suddenly burst their sphere specific boundaries and become explosive scandals in society at large.

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To answer this, Alexander has developed a macro sociological model of structure and process to describe how problems once dealt with within institutional settings become society-wide crises, that is, they become societalized.

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and how the institution, hitherto insulated from outside scrutiny becomes liable to critical examination and even reformation at the hands of regulatory institutions of the civil sphere.

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There are 2 things that I would like to do in employing Alexander's concept of societalization. First, I want to suggest that it can be usefully applied to theorizing.

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non-rescent child abuse inquiries

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which Alexander does not do, or public inquiries in general, actually, but my specific concern is with institutional child abuse inquiries. But Alexander doesn't look at public inquiries in any of his existing case studies.

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He does present a case of the case of clergy, abuse But in focusing on the Us. He looks primarily to the role of journalists and the courts. And this is one area where his model can be extended or modified.

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 as I would argue that in countries with strong public inquiry cultures like Australia, the yeah Uk and parts of Europe. Inquiries are fundamental to processes of societalisation because they play a key role in how social crises are dealt with.

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And, secondly, I want to suggest that by looking at inquiries into institutional abuse, what also becomes clearly evident is that the role of activism requires further elaboration in his model. Alexander does recognize the importance of activism and particular social actors as agents of societalisation. However, in his account the focus is really on journalists as activists.

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Investigative journalism has been critical, of course, but what's missing to date?

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the forms of everyday activism at a grassroots, at a grassroots level driven by victims and survivors. So what I'm really proposing is a modification of this model that takes into account

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the role of activism.

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So building on Alexander's work, then we can usefully conceptualise an independent public inquiry as an institution of the Civil Sphere, its fundamental qualities of, and this is a quote from him, honesty, rationality, openness, independent cooperation, participation, and equality end

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match. The cultural codes associated with his count of civil society.

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Alexander conceptualises the shifting status of social problems as a process which can be broken down into 5 temporal phases. And here I apply these to the social crisis of institutional child abuse, and in so doing delineate the critical role of public inquiries in this process to show how it fits with his model.

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The first T one is the time of steady state, where strains are managed inter-inter institutionally.

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and they do not break the boundaries and intrude into the civil sphere. So if it's a Church abuse

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scandal that's managed at this stage within the within the church.

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 so a sort of internal management. So T. 2. The next stage is the breakdown of steady state. This involves a code switch in which events within the institution gain the attention of the civil whole.

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As Alexander outlines the media in general and investigative journalism in particular, play a critical role here.

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as I foreshadowed, I would argue so, too, have victims and survivors, including through publicly telling their stories, and through demanding public inquiries and a whole range of other forms of activism. The third phase, T. 3, encompasses intervention on the part of the civil sphere and its regulatory institutions, and is seen as something of a battle between the civil sphere and the institutions subject to civil sphere intervention.

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In his analysis of the Paedophilia crisis in the Us. Alexander conceptualizes this primarily as a legalistic process.

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but in Australia and in other countries, with public inquiries, the establishment of these inquiries, I would argue, has been fundamental. So the setting up of an inquiry, I would suggest, is an instance of the T. 3 phase of the process. The civil sphere accepts responsibility, to undertake, repair, and announce as an inquiry, to establish the facts of the crisis in an open and impartial manner within a given timeframe, with a view to making recommendations to ensure that what happened in the past

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does not happen in the future.

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This is often followed by backlash from the Non Civil Institution.

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And this is phase T. 4. Both the backlash phase and the return to steady state, which is T. 5, are played out in the context. I would argue of the inquiry.

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Report, a document of factual findings and recommendations, and the

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also plays out in the context of the reception by government and the public.

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The backlash can be seen in the defensive actions of the institution. With things like denials and resistance to change. There may also be support for the institutions from some sectors of the media. In the case of the Australian Royal Commission one recommendation was mandatory. Reporting for priests, which the Catholic Church roundly rejected. This backlash phase covers all the efforts of institutions to resist interventions into the civil sphere.

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and the final phase of Alexander's model is when the boundaries between the spheres are reconstructed

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and steady state is resumed.

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This is the post inquiry phase I would suggest, when attention to an issue wanes and problems or strains within institutions return to being managed once again within the institution. I think I'm out of time. So just to conclude, I've tried to in this presentation draw both on conceptualizations of therapeutic culture and theorizations of therapeutic culture, as well as Alexander's model, to theorize

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the establishment of public inquiries into institutional child abuse.

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and in particular, I want to argue that Alexander's model provides an excellent way in which to conceptualise inquiries, but it does need some modification, one having inquiries built into the model and also recognising the significant role of activism beyond journalism and beyond the legal sphere. Thank you so much.

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Thank you, Katie, and you are very common.

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It's a long way, so long is very valuable. If people are able to do that or not.

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Pizza

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Kissu was an assistant professor of sociology at Williams College, and she's interested in people on the moves and the understandings and convictions that carry with them across borders

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make sense so.

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Yes, fantastic. Thank you so much.

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Just a quick

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fyi to folks they have long covid. I might occasionally gasp for breath, but I assure you.

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I am no longer contagious, so just feel free to

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raise your hand if you'd like me to repeat something.

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Thank you.

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Ok. While you do that, I'm just going to turn the volume down, because this next part can be oh, that was the wrong thing.

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Volume. Okay.

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this next part can be a little loud. So I'm excited to share with you today a little bit about my book that came out last year. It's called the Border within Vietnamese Migrants, transforming ethnic nationalism in Berlin.

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and to give you a sense of the historic migrations and state formations that I'm interested in. I have a quick, one-minute video.

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I'm going to play just a second of it and check in with folks and make sure that it's not too loud, because it opens with an explosion.

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How's that?

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It's fine. Okay, thanks, folks on the zoom feel free to turn your turn. The volume down.

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At 21 I lost his homeland after South Vietnam fell in 1,975, I escaped and resettled in West Berlin as thy lost to homeland. Jin gained a fuller one.

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Born in North Vietnam. She went to work in the eastern block. At 18, just months after Thi engine arrived in Europe, the Berlin wall fell. The 90 S. Were a time of massive upheaval.

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but also of ethnic solidarity. Yet by the time I arrived in Berlin. people warned to me that there were 2 Vietnamese communities there embodied by Gin and Thai. north and south, and they didn't get along.

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So how did we get here? I invite you to follow along with thy gin, and others like them as they rebuild their lives after war and border crossings along the way, they teach us to rethink the nation and our role in it.

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Take a look.

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So, as I mentioned in the trailer, I was really interested in how Vietnamese migrants who came to East Germany as contract workers

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and folks who came to West Germany as refugees rebuilt their lives after experiencing war in the homeland, and then also experiencing borders, change in the host land of Germany.

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and I was really interested in the politics of the Cold War era, the politics of Communism, anti-communism.

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But, as I mentioned in the trailer, so

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I would meet folks there and say, Hi, I'm a graduate student from the Us. And Vietnamese American. I want to understand more about the lives of Vietnamese folks here and across the board, whether they were from contract worker backgrounds, refugee backgrounds, former North or South Vietnam

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folks would say to me, you have to understand that there's not one but 2 Vietnamese communities here, and they don't get along.

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So the part about politics dropped out pretty quickly, and I'm happy to say more in our conversation later about why, but, in short, it was because folks had really converged on shared understandings and attitudes toward a Vietnamese one-party state versus a German multi-party democracy. And so there wasn't that much variation in their political attitudes.

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But there was still a lot of boundary making a lot of tension and contestation in their relationships with one another.

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And so that led me to ask, Why do homeland divisions persist long after the geopolitical events that created them have changed, and, in fact, long after the political attitudes that were expressed or manifested from these political divisions really seemed to have converged.

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And so here. My answer is that these border crossings have preserved everyday Vietnamese people's sense of ethnic nationhood.

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While working to undo their commitment to ethnic nationalism

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by border crossings. I'm interested in both borders, crossing over people through State formation in Vietnam, in 1 54, and 1975, and in Germany in 1,949 and 1990.

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I'm also interested in people crossing over borders through international migration.

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My ethnic nationalism, I mean people's subjectively felt sense of belonging

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myths of common ancestry, distinction, vis-a-vis, other nations.

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and by nationalism. Here I mean specifically the principle that the nation and the state, or the cultural and political units should coincide, so that all Vietnamese people should be represented by the same shared Vietnamese state. And I'm going to argue again that even after all of these border crossings, they still retain their sense of ethnic nationhood, their sense that we are one ethnic family.

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but they don't share a commitment to ethnic nationalism that that same ethnic family should be represented by one State.

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I want to address here some false assumptions that were reproduced a lot in the field work, by ethnic white Germans, by social workers of various backgrounds, and by my Vietnamese interlocutors as well. And that was the assumption that if you were a refugee going to West Germany.

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West Berlin, and also other places that we might be more familiar with for refugee flows Australia, the United States, France, and Canada that you were someone from South Vietnam who was anti-communist, and that you were loyal to this yellow flag with 3 red stripes.

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a corollary to that is the assumption that if you were a contract worker to East Berlin. East Germany, the eastern bloc, so the Ussr Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia.

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that it was because you were from North Vietnam, and that you were a pro-communist, and you were being rewarded for your allegiance to this red flag with the Yellowstar.

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The contract worker program, though started in 1,985 years after the reunification of Vietnam. So there were folks from throughout the country who were able to go abroad as contract workers.

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This was also true for refugees, although it was. it's more complicated. So if you were fleeing as a boat person from Vietnam in the late 1,900 seventys.

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It was harder to be recognized as a refugee. If you were coming from the former North

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that said, as you heard in the trailer by one of my key interlocutors, was born in Northern Vietnam before the division, in 1,954. He was part of the mass exodus of a million people who went South, and then later fled again, and they were recognized as refugees.

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So these mappings of politics and location, accent and allegiance don't actually fit. But these were nevertheless, assumptions that people would make in my field site.

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even when they knew people who did not fit these mappings, and even when they themselves were exceptions to these. So even if they were, for example, Southern contract workers or Northern refugees.

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So I conducted participant observation at 3 Buddhist pagodas, 2 cultural organizations. And also I conducted in-depth interviews. But I'm just going to focus here on one field site, which was the only location I found in Berlin

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in 2,015 to 2,016, where folks from different migration streams and regions of origin regularly came together.

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And so this is called Linux Pagoda. It's in the western part of Berlin, in the neighborhood of Spundau, for folks who might have spent time in Berlin.

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and it was founded by folks who arrived in West Berlin as refugees, contingent refugees, and through family reunification for refugees. In the 1980 S.

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And so when the Berlin wall fell in 1,989, it was one of the most organized groups that went out in the late fall winter of 1,989 in Berlin, kind of looked around for Asian faces and said.

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Hey, are you, Vietnamese.

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come with me. I want to offer you a place to stay some food, some clothes.

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and I'll help you file for asylum.

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By all accounts, though these acts of solidarity soon fizzled out, they soon gave way to a lot of antagonism that included, for example, former refugees carrying that yellow flag with the 3 red stripes with them into the pagoda, which at that point was just a small apartment building that they were renting out before it became this elaborate to three-story pagoda.

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They would so

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the flag onto their clothes or carry it in their pockets, and by all accounts some of the antagonisms would be around things like accent, food, proper understandings of how to share a religious space, and also just everyday words like calling someone a comrade, even if it wasn't meant with any sort of political charge.

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By the time that I concluded field work in 2,016, there were actually more folks from the northern region of Vietnam than from the southern region, because the contract workers were more numerous, and then later their families came as well, and there are ongoing migrations from Central and Northern Vietnam today, but nevertheless, the sense that there was a Southern, and therefore presumably refugee ownership

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over the pagoda really persisted.

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and that was very clear

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from the lunar, the penultimate lunar New Year's festival in 2,016. This was late January early February of 2,016,

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and on this day lay disciples. Gather in this pagoda on the second story from the photo that you saw on the last slide.

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and so, sitting in front is the the resident nuns who are reading off a list of names of deceased ancestors that the lay disciples all the way in the back, and I'm sitting all the way in the back here, but I've cropped myself out.

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Now.

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Lay disciples have presented these names of deceased ancestors. The nuns are reading off the names. Disciples have made these

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donations of candies and fruits. and then, after we're done praying or or praying to the, to the memory of deceased ancestors.

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we go downstairs, where volunteers have

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prepared these tables full of vegetarian feasts and hot pots that we're about to partake in. In a couple of minutes

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to the right. You see, this stage that's

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have. This has this ornate vase of yellow apricot lessons, and that's customarily what you would see in Southern Vietnam around the lunar New Year. So in the north it would be in cherry blossoms, for example.

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and in a few minutes we're going to start eating. It's going to get really festive and loud. People are going to approach the stage for karaoke.

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And then in between Karaoke there's also this intermittent repetition of certain songs, iconic songs from the Vietnamese diaspora. Let me clarify that the Vietnamese refugee diaspora playing in the background.

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And so let me turn the volume down because I just want you to hear this in the background.

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But one of the songs that's playing is quite melancholic.

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It's called Cry of River. It's written by a composer who migrated to the United States the West after the fall of Saigon.

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1,875, and it goes, I often think, of home in the afternoon. especially on rainy afternoon.

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Luckily California rains seldom unlike Saigon.

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otherwise I'd have cried a river.

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So the song is invoking the loss of South Vietnam with its capital in Saigon. And then it's referencing the capital of the Vietnamese in exile in California. It's a very nostalgic song, and it's really jarring in contrast to the festive setting that we're sitting in where I'm here in the middle, getting ready to chow down in just a little bit.

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and there's a woman sitting 2 seats to my left. I've cropped her out for confidentiality reasons, but I call her Helm, and she actually came to reunify Germany in the 2 thousands, so she was not a refugee, but she is from the southern region of Vietnam, and halfway through the repetition of this chorus of the many times that it was playing this this afternoon.

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She reaches across the table to me and says, Do you notice that all of the songs are from the South.

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and she's really demarcating here to whom the pagoda belongs on the basis of this shared refugee hide, that she actually does not share of the ideas of this violence that was committed against Southerners, political prisoners, both people who experienced violence

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at sea by pirates, and really invoking this experience, even though it is not one that she shares, and not one that actually many of the folks who are sitting in this room shared again, because the pagoda is now overwhelmingly attended by folks who came as contract workers or much later on.

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Nevertheless, that is how folks who identify with the South, and therefore with refugee had continue to make claims on

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this

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legitimate in air, quotes representation of Vietnamese in Berlin.

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and so I'll just wrap up by saying that for my interlocutors the idea of the nation really shaped, how they understood their opportunities at work.

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their friendships, and their religious practices. And sociologists know, of course, that the nation or the construct of the nation is not important to everyone

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all the time, but it was really important to my interlocutors, in part because they were in this shared city, the shared physical space where there was a competing narrative of what it meant to be Vietnamese, and how they arrived in Germany.

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And you can see this idea of the nation infusing

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every aspect of their lives through the labels. The persistence of these labels of North and South refugee contract worker, Communist anti-communist labels that really shouldn't have that much bearing any more. 30 years after their arrival in Germany, in 50 years, almost 50 years now, after the reunification of Vietnam.

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And so, just to conclude, I'll say that overwhelmingly the books, protagonists reject the principle of one nation, one State, that they should all be represented by the State of Vietnam. And even even while they're acting on a sense of shared ethnic nationhood by reaching out and providing support to people, they see as their ethnic can.

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And so ironically, they've completed the division of the homeland thousands away, thousands of miles away from its territory and decades after its reunification.

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Thank you.

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The

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okay. So our fourth presentation is being provided by, and then we'll

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and and

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a next is an associate professor at the University of Southern Queensland. The research interests call within the areas of bodies gender and sexuality and lead sports, contemporary sexuality, education, the corrective service system that in our own aging, specifically associated with critical intersex studies and critical trans discourses.

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And that is currently called eating a number of research projects investigating the lived experiences of Lgbtqi, plus communities in diverse settings with their approximation. Jenni Mullins is a professor of psychology at the University of Shelton, and as a clinical and health psychologist who has worked for over 25 years across public, private and community settings

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for clinical and research work focuses on improving health, well-being and equity with priority communities, Lgbtqa, plus culturally and more relatively diverse.

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And in the prevention, screening and management of chronic conditions, such as HIV, that's all how it's going to be. And

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so I'll ask,

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you know how we we're all right.

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You want to come here.

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So it starts

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this

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right?

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Just making sure that it moves. Yes.

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okay.

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We also like to acknowledge the traditional custodians of the lands and waterways where we currently are, and also want to really acknowledge

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first nations. trams, sister girls and and brother boys who have contributed to this research.

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So when we think about trans and incarceration, these are often the topics that circulate in media

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we think about

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placement! Where should trans folk be placed?

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Should it be aligned with their gender? Should it be aligned with their sex assigned at birth, and a majority. That's where it is the latter.

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It's about the harm that is often subjected to trans people in in castle or settings.

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and often related to sexual harm and victimization.

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It's also about the gender affirming care that trans folk experience or do not experience well incarcerated, and how much care that should actually involve to the point of gender affirming surgeries.

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And often it's putting to context of cost as well.

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So here you will see

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some of the noose media

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in the Us. And Australia, specifically, because our research is specifically to Australia and the Us. And we are a larger group who include people who identify as Trans who have been incarcerated. And that's really important. That's co-creation with trans folk allies and people who don't fall within the bigger rainbow community.

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So

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just going to move a few of these slides away.

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So this cross-national piece seeks to really critically analyze the ways in which strong exists.

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Gender normative policies and sense of self-determination

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collectively implicate and affect trans. Women's agency and actions in navigating intimacies. in settings that by design restrict trans women's opportunities and choices with respect to their personal life

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and self-determination.

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So in this context, we asked the question.

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of Sis Anden and normative paradigms, how do incarcerated. Trans women navigate, intimate, so citizenship and choose what to do with their gender bodies, identities and representations, emotions, desires, relationships, thinking about these very total institutions where often you don't have the opportunities to decide that. So that's at the heart of this paper.

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So we're drawing on camp plumber

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and also thinking about how Goffman, who talks about total institutions such as Castle all settings work to discipline relationships by insisting that only opposite binary gender beings share intimacies with each other and highlight. How incarceration settings by design restrict trans women opportunities to choice with respect to their personal and and determination.

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So really thinking about the heart of this paper is about agency and self-determination, albeit limited.

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in how these specifically trans women embody, express and enact their intimate self.

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and how they also within both nation.

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through grit, resilience and ingenuity, demonstrate agency by seeking to embody, express and enact their trans intimate citizenship in very creative and original ways.

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so just highlighting that the research project was

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funded by HIV. Foundation, Queensland, and also by Yale fund of gay and lesbian studies. So we have researchers from Yale Brown University, and Bundabelt, as well as a number of researchers here in Queensland.

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and

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the participants were recruited through multiple purpose sampling. They were all above 18 years of age, and they all were in the spectrum and space of trans. Women.

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They were all presumed and aside, male sex and gender at birth. They had not legally, gender affirmed, for many different reasons.

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and they had been incarcerated for at least

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Once, at least once the last 5 years. For 3 years, days or more.

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So in total, we had 24 trans. Women. and they range from the age of 20 to 52 years of age.  the majority were first nations. People in Australia

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and majority were of black, American and or mixed race.

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We're not purposefully going to focus on that here. We've published one paper on it, and then we have one that is coming next year. So where we're really focused on intersectionality and oppression, and we have also from a really critical perspective. So to reflect on our own identities as majority

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white and North African as well. Researchers. So

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 yeah. So the interviews took place

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across 2,01516, 18 and 19, and there were all some instructed interviews

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anywhere between 45 to 120Â min.

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So, thinking about how we went about analyzing the data, we all know Brown and Clark, the six-step revised model, and we obviously felt very much attracted to that one. It helped us very much in analyzing the data. So and I just want to clarify that this paper was published as well in feminism and psychology. So it's out and happy to share that with anyone.

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I think we even uploaded it. So there's 3 themes. But for for the purpose of lack of time. We're only going to focus on 2 of them, which is trans intimacy, self, and relations with others, and trans-bodily sovereignty with with regards to expressing seminarity.

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So this is Amy.

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So I'll read a couple of quotes that are linked to the key themes

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Evie, in the Us. Shared. I have hooked up in the prison sexually with this one guy.

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and I did a lot of the time with him. I just

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ended up playing with him. We did hook up. It was something I wanted. I felt comfortable.

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We did things in transition like

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being wanted. I felt comfortable.

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 We did things in transition like being in the shower, and maybe a coffee, or you know, I would make his bed.

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He would make my bed. We would prepare like

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these little institutional dishes.

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Sandra also, from the Us. Who was the first haunt for the first time experienced being viewed as a woman compared to in the free world now felt affirmed in expressing her femininity and sexuality.

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You know I felt like I was a star, and I learned how to hustle, but more importantly, just having the sex

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was just freeing for me because I interpreted the sex for love. I thought this was love. So when someone didn't stay around.

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I thought I didn't care, because I knew in an hour I'll be someone else's cell.

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So I thought I was beautiful. Every queen in there. I thought they were the only one which was good

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in terms of transacting corporal services. Luna, a participant from Australia, stated.

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I did not have family support.

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so I'd go into prison, I'd be on my own more or less. So just having access to getting and buying things was very difficult for me, because I have to do sex for favors.

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including accessing cigarettes, electrical items, money drugs and protection

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participants also described strong arm sex.

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including Taylor, where one engaged in sexual activities in return for protection.

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This included performing sexually appealing catwalks for correctional officers, as well as entering into a contractual

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corporal relationship for protection.

333
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Ebony explained how her strong arms. Sex experience meant she was auctioned off in term, for in return for her safety.

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and what would happen is.

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guys that knew you were going to be there for a while would do what any guy would do when they see a woman, you know, try to pick her up

336
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so the Guy would like. I want to say, auction you off.

337
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but they would communicate that they were going to choose you as their girl.

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Any would be protected, or whatever.

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but they would expect then certain needs to be fulfilled.

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While both Gemma and Elsa in Australia were allowed to wear their own underwear. Jim explains that this was limited. They took my bra off me. They reckon it was lingerie, and it's sexual.

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They gave me my underwear back.

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and I had to wash them in the sink every night to wear them every day.

343
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I wasn't wearing mail underwear.

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Alicia and the Us. Would buy eminems and wet the eminems and take the red color of the eminems, and use them like lipstick

345
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as well as make her own eyeliner

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using black type glue from the windowsill.

347
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so the participants express their femininity also by growing nails, shaving off unwanted body, hair, and grooming their head hair.

348
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Gemma spent a large portion of her morning styling her hair.

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I'd wake up at 5 a. M. Brush my hair until about 6 30, because I get self-conscious, and I was in a jail full of men, and I was the only girl.

350
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so I'd brush my hair for hours, and try and look as good as I can without makeup.

351
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and any of that stuff in male clothes.

352
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Hmm.

353
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thanks, Amy.

354
01:03:13.060 --> 01:03:17.370
So I'm sorry he did that. Thinking about

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these lived experiences and how these women have navigated intimate citizenship

356
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incarcerated trans. Women are typically positioned as vulnerable, a vulnerable population who are victims of

357
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of Cis-normative systems

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that does not recognize their identity. However, this analysis has shown that the enactment of so intimate citizenship by trans women in both Australia and the Us. Challenged the notion of citizenship as exclusively public and fixed

359
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even within a totalistic

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institution like prisons

361
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within this cross geographical incarceration settings, these trans women assert their familiarity with both the formal and formal, informal, and formal rules of the castle environment.

362
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forwarding vertical and horizontal connections which enable them to assert themselves as intimate citizens.

363
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These findings also underscore. There is.

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there is further room for trans. Women to actively embody, express and and act their intimate self, which could be realized both by nations embracing a whole incarceration, setting approach, upholding the needs and rights of trans folk.

365
01:04:47.710 --> 01:05:05.100
Now, in a lot of these fund findings, it is important to highlight that much of the literature on gender diversity and casserole experiences focus on trans women especially, there's very little on trans men and very little on non-binary experiences. Full stop

366
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and although some of the experiences may be felt by other trans and gender diverse identities. Further research is needed to better understand the challenges while incarcerated, and how they in turn assert themselves as intimate citizenship. So not just thinking about

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sorry thinking about the challenges. But then, how actually the folk inside the system still navigate that in a very self-determining fashion, and and

368
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advocate for others as well. Now, considering the over-representation of black, indigenous, and people of color in incarceration settings within Australia and the Us.

369
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Future inquire of intimate citizenship could also focus explicitly on the relationship of plumbers, notion of intimate inequalities in relation to the many intersection that play with the vulnerable population of trans folk in general. And this is also just thinking about

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housing and how that is a mind feel of navigating that from also policymakers. So currently, we have one paper that is

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just in the last formation and will soon be sent off. But this is just sharing the same population. 24 trans. Women where they actually would like to be housed. And it's not black and white in the sense that all trans. Women actually want to be in. In a women's castle setting.

372
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 They argue anything from trans-pacific, from gay-specific women setting. Some of them really want to be in protective custody, and was mainly those who had

373
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not been in the castle system much at all. It might have been their first time.

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They were, however, in the minority

375
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soul and or shed occupancy, and some were really about. Look, it's based on if I go in and my individual preference at the time.

376
01:07:27.370 --> 01:07:47.840
and very importantly, the person should be trans-inclusive if I'm going to share it. So there's been other research on the topic of of housing like from Scotland. So, Matt, you've published on that topic, and also Valerie Jennis in the Us. Has published on it so hopefully. This will add to that conversation, and

377
01:07:48.200 --> 01:07:57.850
these are just some publications that we've had in the space. And yeah, thank you so much. We're in the limit of time. Thank you.

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Yes, the presenters can make this job very easy.

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Okay, last, but not least. we have.

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Can you hear me? I announced that you're on a video. So Lars is a sociologist and professor at the Department for social work and social technology.

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And so I. University of New York. In Germany. This research comprises sociology of childhood, child victimization and generational order professions and organizations and child protection

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sociology of bodies, space and emotions from an interactionist perspective.

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So I think we we're just getting set up here so bars. I don't know if you can see me So

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when 5Â min world around I'll pop up and sort of show my face on the screen.

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and you'll know that you have 5Â min left.

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Lars Alberth: Thanks. I want to share my own presentation because I don't think that I can you that?

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Lars Alberth: Yes, you can. Just one moment. Yeah, yeah. Great, awesome.

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Lars Alberth: So I'm sorry. It's approximately

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Lars Alberth: 3 45 here in Germany in the morning.

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Lars Alberth:  I have like 3Â h of sleep tonight. So

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maybe you shouldn't went to that at all.

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Lars Alberth: Yeah, it

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Lars Alberth: it's fine and and sorry, and Doris could make it sorry. She says, Hi,

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Lars Alberth: And I'm just waiting to start here.

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It was still there

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in the yeah.

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just taking your picture letters, because we'll be posting a

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Lars Alberth: okay? No, I think I can.

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Lars Alberth: I can

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here.

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Lars Alberth: So you should see that right?

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Yes.

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Lars Alberth: great, awesome. And you should see the

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going to see bars on them.

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Lars Alberth: and you see the the the regular, or do you see the the presentations?

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Not

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Lars Alberth: okay. So I think we're good.

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Lars Alberth: No, no, you see. Oh, sorry

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Lars Alberth: a little.

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Lars Alberth: It does a lot of my time. So I'm I'm

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okay.

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Lars Alberth: So right oops.

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he's controlling his presentation.

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Lars Alberth: Yeah. So

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Lars Alberth: I'm going to talk about

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Lars Alberth: our research that we do on adults that were victimized during their childhood in their families. And we're currently doing 2 kind of data or having to kind of data I'm going to present on the ones that we already published here. this is

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Lars Alberth: research based on victims, victims of victims, compensation files.

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Lars Alberth: We wanted to present already interview material, but we are just starting with the interviews, and so we can't present anything on that yet.

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Lars Alberth: I'm starting with what we come in, Doris, now coming back from a sociology of childhood approach that leads to perspectives, that highlight, the high asymmetry between age groups, adults, and children.

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Lars Alberth: In these concepts children are seen as usually as agents, not in our approach. However, this agency is often very restricted in terms of what we call competent compliance. Children act. These are these also rules by mostly compliant to it, and knowing, finding out what rules to go, what rules are in place in order to

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Lars Alberth: to get about

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Lars Alberth: and not unlike what Kaufman described for social actors in general, they find their way to the tangle ticket of social rules and the often possible in push systems. It creates. these rules, except for when to talk, how to talk, to whom to talk, where to go, where not to go. These kind of rules create a restrictive and threatening situation for them.

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Lars Alberth: So children are actually the most victimized group in society as Fin Khore a showed a couple of years ago, and then the competence of clients can become some kind of a pitfall.

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Lars Alberth: then, children cancel compliance and try to kind of preserve their own self in situations that are the interest to them.

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Lars Alberth: So we have 2 assumptions here one, we see that

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Lars Alberth: a little bit contradictory, a contract to traditional disclosure research is that

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Lars Alberth: in terms of abuse and violence, that that violence and abuse of boundaries of the children, break the compliance and speak out. So children actually seek out others and tell them, that there are threatened, or that the victimized. But then they encountered the strong asymmetry of general relations that prevails also in the professionals, fear as well as in the family school.

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Lars Alberth: etc. So you should. You should change the. We're trying to to change the perspective here. It's not about how do we get children to talk, but how we can, how can we get adults to not silence children's voices? so we're looking at the reactions of adults to to disclosures by children.

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Lars Alberth: And this is goes to both professionals and my professionals. So the study is that we actually doing currently is the we're trying to reconstruct the course of events and generation is structured violence.

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Lars Alberth: we analyze 15 of these compensation files. that are with a public body. public authority that is then pronouncing the compensation. These are 15 case files.

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Lars Alberth: and we are reconstructing the trajectories of these individual cases. In this case the cases are the unit of my analysis. So we have the 50 cases. And also we are breaking that down into the interactions between the disclosing child and the address adults. And here we have 113 interactions during a childhood, and also

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Lars Alberth: the disclosing of abuse of being abused as a child when they, when these people were already adults. And so we have another of 41 interactions that we coded.

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Lars Alberth: So he, you see us a table of these 15 cases, and you see that they were actually providing to a range of people and not not surprisingly, the mother or other family members, but also friends, teachers, social blocking psychiatrists, medical professionals to police, and also in in only 2 cases to priests.

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Lars Alberth: And in 2 of these 15 cases the child disclosed only when they when they were young, and then the 2 Nile. So they were an over an age of 14 years old, and not as a child, but then, later on, out of life.

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Lars Alberth: This is the statistics that we compiled for the 113 interactions. so we categorized these these incidences as mostly in terms of who was addressed, who was the adult or the friends that they were talking to, but we also had incidences where they reported

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Lars Alberth: in these files that they did not feel so safe enough to disclose will be also coded situations of non disclosure or situations, where they show clearly signs of being in in the stress or being victimized, or like a monet of behavior. School problems.

437
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Lars Alberth: self victimizations. These kind of things.

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Lars Alberth: And you see here that in most of these cases we also call it the reactions they different forms mostly about. It's mostly about negative reactions to that. And you see that the majority is actually negative reaction. So adults, we're not very responsive to these children, and they oftentimes and they very often and actually did try to to to raise their voice, and only in

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01:17:04.850 --> 01:17:07.850
Lars Alberth: 31, one in. In. In

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Lars Alberth: 32. Of these, a hundred 13 interactions, some active support during childhood, or the conviction of a perpetrator. was recorded.

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Lars Alberth: And you've seen the same in the same 15 cases when they talked about it as adults, the proportion of active support. the relative proportion, and

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Lars Alberth: got got up quite, quite, quite high in terms of the the the relations. In 20 of these incidences they were actively supported, and still in

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like significant number of of

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Lars Alberth:  situations they have not actively supported, and they will still kind of silence normalized, or it can.

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Lars Alberth: So what? How? How we did this here, you see, the first kind of analysis, these trajectories, and you see on the on the base that line the age of these children. This is a case of a young man born in 1,980. Who was

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Lars Alberth: we. We called that case being of used by the sports coach and the quiet. In the beginning he lived in the first 4 years he lived with this grandmother, and and then the mother insisted that he should to home, and he actually starts. He's getting getting much needed by the mother's partner, and gets to keep significantly worse over the years, and he often actually tries to change the

447
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situation. He runs away. He's also often in clinics due to several causes and harms.

448
01:18:46.300 --> 01:18:56.939
Lars Alberth: he's going to the Foster home trying to get a a safe place in a foster home, but they sent him back, saying that they would have worse cases.

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Lars Alberth: And so when he's 12, he asks his a sports coach to if he could live with him. This is actually sorted out from the Youth Welfare Office, and after moving in, he's actually abused by that coach, and then at the age, and also threatened and blackmailed, and it put into kind of a financial scheme various financially financially.

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Lars Alberth: dependent on that coach and Then, only when he's like 21, he gets out of that And so we went through these kind of complex 15 cases. And you see that he's actually doing a lot in in terms of making himself visible.

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Lars Alberth:  this is the the second way that we coded the the the interaction. So you. We have these classifications of the

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Lars Alberth: disclosure situations, and then the the negative positive responses to this

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Lars Alberth: and we coded for each interactions, and they are numbered in the sequence that they occur. The blue lines are the ones where they disclose the children, and the violent ones are when they disclose this adults. and you see that only the adult reactions lead to active supporting. This is a woman born in 1,980. She is

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Lars Alberth: sexually check. She gets up to the abuse by the father and The mother doesn't believe her, and she kind of often tries to to to make that visible to talk to them to her mother. But the mother is just rejecting that I even in adulthood, she's presented as a liar, even by friends, and even by a social workers.

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01:20:45.440 --> 01:20:57.350
Lars Alberth: so She does not get any response to that. And we like I could go through this case. But I think it's time-wise.

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01:20:58.180 --> 01:21:08.060
Lars Alberth: I I think it's okay. just to see how that works. So coming to the

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Lars Alberth: presentation of the self or the the preservation of the self. I rely on governments for stuff and model. And this is typically seen or government thinks about like on a, on government things about the mutual saving of the face both of the victim and the

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Lars Alberth: and the perpetrator. But He's specially concerned with the face of the perpetrator and the ideal ritual organization of that preserving of a respectable self is first a challenge, whether it can challenges the threat to their self.

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Lars Alberth: and then there's an an offer as a response and offered typically made

460
01:21:48.700 --> 01:21:51.250
Lars Alberth: thanks, and to be

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Lars Alberth: to the, to the, to correct the offense, and then the the the, the, the, the the offers accepted and the offensive strategy to the offer. And then, everything's basically fine for both of them. That's ritual explanation by Kaufman, and in terms of the children. You see here that almost all children, 13 out of this 15 already disclosed in their childhood. So they're actively trying to change or challenge these situations.

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Lars Alberth: But the Chi, if it children also use the whole spectrum of possibilities to them. and that's fine. No, or only conditional tension. The help does not prove to be sustainable. They also go. You go beyond the spectrum that they're offered in terms of. They're not only talking to the family or schools. They're actually trying to seek out situations, whether that like going to to the Youth proper office to a foster home.

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Lars Alberth: but then they in doing so, they fail, and they fail because of their generational positions. They are not taking us

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Lars Alberth: as people who have the right for protection in the sense. So what what does this mean? The the general, the generation, order, and this respective norm of compass and compliance

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Lars Alberth: prevent further steps of preserving children's spectacle, so they do not enter the second step of that government model. Instead, the hierarchical as symmetry between age groups is preserved at the cost of the troubles, victims face. so from our perspective, it is adequate to bring silencing by adults to the force, the real problem, the reactions to violence. I think this is why they are the sessions, the consequences of violence.

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Lars Alberth: however, the data shows that children do their best to turn others attention to the harm done to them. So this challenges conventional concepts of disclosure that usually treats it as a rare occurrence that we have to bringing children to talk about the victim victim experiences. so

467
01:23:56.800 --> 01:24:00.559
Lars Alberth: instead, I think we have to.

468
01:24:00.990 --> 01:24:06.100
Lars Alberth: Look at how institutions actually respond to these

469
01:24:06.230 --> 01:24:22.250
Lars Alberth: disclosure situations like forming situations, and more over the generation. As some of you must be brought also in the, we focus on society's attention as a basic condition for a context of open awareness. And thank you very much for.

470
01:24:22.920 --> 01:24:24.090
Lars Alberth: Because.

471
01:24:30.420 --> 01:24:36.380
thank you, Lars, I'm wondering if we can have those layers and Lin showing up here

472
01:24:38.700 --> 01:24:41.260
the someone anyone could with a point

473
01:24:43.150 --> 01:24:46.120
you can have a

474
01:24:48.560 --> 01:25:04.069
so maybe we'll we'll try to get Lynn and Lars both up on the screen, so they can at least be seen by the rest of the people in the in the room at this point, because the passenger is made that The job said, Okay, perfect. Yes, thank you.

475
01:25:04.580 --> 01:25:19.769
Presenters made my job very easy. We actually do have some time left for discussion about 20Â min or so. And so I want to open up the floor to anyone who has a question for any of the presenters, and we have a a roving mite to anyone who has a question.

476
01:25:30.680 --> 01:25:32.439
Hi, everyone!

477
01:25:32.560 --> 01:25:43.810
My name is Deborah. I'm from Brazil. I have a question for John. You talk about the prohibition for corporal punishment, and I was wondering if.

478
01:25:43.980 --> 01:26:09.910
did you notice a change in teachers? Attitudes about safety in school after this prohibition? If there are any studies before this prohibition about this situation, and if they think like, if you notice that their sense of authority has been altered by by this prohibition. Thank you.

479
01:26:12.210 --> 01:26:13.170
Check

480
01:26:14.990 --> 01:26:34.690
thanks, Deborah, I think, to address the question. There is no study regarding the attitude of teachers as to before the prohibition. And actually, this is the first study looking into the lived experiences, and how these experiences shape their beliefs anditudes and values.

481
01:26:34.690 --> 01:26:57.819
But as we could observe, based on their transcriptions and their based on their responses. They could like have that sense of authority before the prohibition They could easily impose their punishments, or, like their way of approaches in in mitigating behavioral concerns, but this time there and

482
01:26:58.600 --> 01:27:07.930
for them, after the prohibition or during the prohibition, they have the Tacitans to to impose this kind of punishments to the learners.

483
01:27:10.920 --> 01:27:19.219
Thank you. And it was suggested that other questions, if you don't mind coming up to to here. So the people on the screen can actually also see you that

484
01:27:19.270 --> 01:27:21.789
they'll make it work in your back. My skip.

485
01:27:22.610 --> 01:27:39.640
Hi! I'm Matt Maycock. I'm a lecture at Monash, so my question has to be Fernette and Amy in full disclosure. I've read some of well, all of your work, I think, and I'm obviously editing some of it. So the question is about the comparative nature of your study, which I think is a real strength.

486
01:27:39.650 --> 01:28:01.379
Could you reflect a little bit on the challenges that come with that, because I don't see a lot of comparative work at this conference, or generally in relation to sociology. So could you elaborate a little bit about the complexities that come with that? And then why Australia and the Us. And then where might you go next in terms of comparative work.

487
01:28:03.810 --> 01:28:04.610
The

488
01:28:12.810 --> 01:28:19.050
thanks, Matt, that's a great question. So, thinking about the tensions of comparative work.

489
01:28:19.200 --> 01:28:25.150
 if I may say just why we first got together, which were.

490
01:28:25.310 --> 01:28:34.889
and the reasons were that our interviews were very, very similar. So we had already done the research separately

491
01:28:35.100 --> 01:29:03.279
in the Us. And in Australia. And then we looked at the interview questions and and the transcript, and saw that there were so many similarities between what the people had actually expressed, and that the intentions of our interviews were very similar. We wanted to understand around gender-affirming care about housing, about challenges, around victimisation, and so forth. So the aims of the projects were very similar.

492
01:29:03.830 --> 01:29:28.570
when we had the papers under review, Matt, we did get the question around. So you know why? Why, I mean, are there still some challenges that you had to navigate? And yes, of course, the the institutions themselves. There are still somewhat different policies in the Us. In Australia

493
01:29:29.350 --> 01:29:41.160
we could often see in the Us. The segregation of incarcerated folk were often quite directly into solitary some kind of segregation.

494
01:29:41.270 --> 01:29:50.140
and there were less so in Australia they were put in a single cell quite straight away, or sharing with someone else.

495
01:29:50.560 --> 01:29:57.890
We had to reflect quite a lot on the  the

496
01:29:58.160 --> 01:30:11.879
over representation of first nations, people, and the over-representation of people of color in the Us. And being very mindful the tension that none of us in the research team were

497
01:30:12.110 --> 01:30:18.600
first Nations people. and none of us were identified as black

498
01:30:18.690 --> 01:30:36.280
or of color, or Latin X, for example. But we were trying to still be very reflective around. How we still had people within the team who had been incarcerated were trance were part of the rainbow community more generally.

499
01:30:37.050 --> 01:30:58.269
But I think further tensions in collaborating, of course, thinking about as well the funders. What do the funders want to us to also publish on, or because they had obviously their paradigms, because we both had both projects, had very

500
01:30:58.320 --> 01:31:12.150
broad and wide aims to understand the gender affirming, or non- situations, housing preferences and victimization. It was still quite easy to adapt to that.

501
01:31:12.700 --> 01:31:24.819
I think I actually need to think more. And, Amy, you can add further. it's a really important question, Matt. And I think personally, I need to think more about those tensions.

502
01:31:24.890 --> 01:31:35.539
we have a methodology paper that we are working on. And I think Amy are in in a good position to think about the tensions we experienced.

503
01:31:36.200 --> 01:31:40.850
Yeah, from that angle on the methodology

504
01:31:41.030 --> 01:31:42.470
minutes to talk about it.

505
01:31:44.070 --> 01:31:53.370
Okay, I was just going to add to Neta's comments that the partnership with our Us. Colleagues came about quite organically through mutual colleagues.

506
01:31:53.400 --> 01:31:56.229
and a shared interest and passion

507
01:31:56.400 --> 01:31:59.730
in relation to some of the additional challenges

508
01:32:00.230 --> 01:32:08.009
and strengths relate to the interdisciplinary nature of both teams, and the very

509
01:32:08.140 --> 01:32:10.980
different methodological approaches.

510
01:32:11.200 --> 01:32:18.429
and from our Us. Colleagues, as well as the composition in terms of positionality

511
01:32:18.590 --> 01:32:21.390
and representation across both teams.

512
01:32:21.650 --> 01:32:28.200
and reflecting. Not only are the policies different across countries, but also

513
01:32:28.220 --> 01:32:34.120
some subtle get significant differences in terms of history and values that

514
01:32:34.220 --> 01:32:37.400
would warrant for their exploration as well.

515
01:32:38.400 --> 01:32:39.170
The

516
01:32:41.980 --> 01:32:43.919
no, that's not right. Okay.

517
01:32:44.270 --> 01:32:50.710
on percolating as Europe. So I'll catch you later that

518
01:32:52.420 --> 01:32:56.660
so any other questions can you please come up? That's great. Thank you.

519
01:32:57.050 --> 01:32:59.820
Everyone gets a chance of

520
01:33:03.510 --> 01:33:24.860
Hi there! Mayor, let Thief University of Pittsburgh. Thank you. To all the presenters they were wonderful. My question is about labeling, and several of you touched on it. But my question is for your paper, the third presenter. I'm curious about how labeling is reproduced, so sort of looking at the labels of

521
01:33:25.150 --> 01:33:30.370
Refugee and north and south of particular ethnic identities. You know the

522
01:33:30.520 --> 01:33:44.969
how it's reproduced within sort of the intergroup dynamic, but also, perhaps by the hierarchy of the Temple, and I also wondered how your ethnic identity sort of interacted, and was seen by some of the people they were interviewing. Thanks.

523
01:33:51.250 --> 01:33:53.249
Think, was that my hair?

524
01:33:54.050 --> 01:33:55.839
Hey? Hi! Thank you for the question.

525
01:33:55.960 --> 01:34:03.360
I have brain. Vlog. So let me repeat how I understand the question back, and then I'll try my best to then retain it.

526
01:34:04.210 --> 01:34:15.289
So it's about labeling, and how labeling is produced in vis-a-vis. My subject position has a Vietnamese, American, and in the hierarchy of the pagoda.

527
01:34:15.740 --> 01:34:23.720
Thank you. So my subject position. It really depended on what language I was speaking when people met me for the first time.

528
01:34:24.220 --> 01:34:30.830
So, for example, who, I pointed out, reaching across the table during one of the iterations of this song.

529
01:34:30.940 --> 01:34:45.889
the first time that we met. I was speaking in Vietnamese. My family is from the South. I was actually born in Southern Vietnam, and migrated to the Us. When I was 4, so at first she was listening to me speak, and she thought, Okay, it's a student and international student from Vietnam.

530
01:34:45.990 --> 01:34:59.689
And then, when she heard me mention California and the United States. Then she thought, oh, this is kind of interesting. Let me let me pop over and invite this person over to my house and hear more about what it was like for them to grow up in the United States.

531
01:34:59.730 --> 01:35:20.540
So I would say that my subject position was very obvious to folks right? At least, the the Southern component of it was very obvious to folks right away. And so it became a point of interest for the Southerners who would be like well, what was it like growing up in the United States, including for folks who might have family there or might have visited?

532
01:35:21.140 --> 01:35:23.159
It didn't seem to harm

533
01:35:23.200 --> 01:35:42.309
my ability to connect with folks who are from the northern region, because, for example, there would be spaces where I I hadn't yet opened my mouth and said anything, but then they would say, Oh, I wish Southerners would hang out with us! How come they don't come out to our events. And so already in that you can see that a lot of the

534
01:35:42.970 --> 01:35:46.900
policing of social networks was really from south

535
01:35:47.020 --> 01:36:01.789
to north. And so my Southern accent really allowed for folks to then say things like, Why don't more Southerners hang out with us or Saigon girls speak so sweetly, or it would allow folks from the South to really go off about

536
01:36:02.730 --> 01:36:08.419
how people from the North, for example, didn't understand how to behave properly in a religious site.

537
01:36:08.720 --> 01:36:15.390
The second part was about the hierarchy of the pagoda, so I'll just keep that part short, and I'd love to chat afterwards, too.

538
01:36:15.450 --> 01:36:25.560
But the pagoda, the nuns from the pagoda are from the southern region, which was different from the other pagodas where I spent time where resident monks were coming from the northern region.

539
01:36:25.710 --> 01:36:32.639
and so there was an idea and assumption that because I had a Southern accent, and the nuns were from the South, and the folks who

540
01:36:32.850 --> 01:36:51.479
who created the pagoda were from the south, that we were all refugees, that the pagoda belonged to us, and that it was our space, even though it was a visitor from California. I was only there a couple of months out of the year, and there were folks from the northern regions who were coming every single weekend cooking, cleaning.

541
01:36:51.480 --> 01:37:05.879
but they didn't have a sense of ownership over the space. So that sense of ownership was very much one way that this label of Southerner refugee Anti-communist really persisted in the site.

542
01:37:06.040 --> 01:37:06.950
Thanks for that.

543
01:37:12.430 --> 01:37:26.100
Thank you. We have time for a couple of more questions, and if you can bear with me. I would like to ask one as a chair. So, Katie, I was really interested in your focus on public inquiries as a crisis, a form of crisis management.

544
01:37:26.250 --> 01:37:31.639
My question has to do with the recommendation aspect. So

545
01:37:31.670 --> 01:37:35.510
all public inquiries end up with recommendations at the end.

546
01:37:35.560 --> 01:37:46.740
So crisis management is about showing that we're doing something. and the institutions can do so. But what happens with with change? And are you looking at at the sort of the

547
01:37:46.810 --> 01:37:57.940
what happens to the recommendations after the public, and inquiries as an outcome of crisis management which which could be performative as opposed to having practical outcomes.

548
01:38:04.870 --> 01:38:17.220
Thank you for the question, recommendations and the implement. Their implementation is a really tricky area, because for one, they're not studied widely, and they're very difficult to study.

549
01:38:17.340 --> 01:38:39.359
So we have done some work looking at the implementation of recommendations from the Royal Commission here in Australia, and there were over 400 recommendations, and governments were required to report every year for the first 5 years after the inquiry. So this varies between inquiries, as you'll probably know, in terms of the amount of follow up.

550
01:38:39.420 --> 01:39:02.750
it's not a specific focus of our research. But it's a really important question that, you know feeds into what inquiries do and whether they actually create change. So I think a lot of the discussion around inquiries is or interpretation, and theorization is that they are this kind of performative spectacle that allows a

551
01:39:02.750 --> 01:39:26.059
crisis to be managed, and for governments to sort of kick it down the road a little bit, and that certainly does happen. The Royal commission. Here was a bit of an exception. Actually, we've had a lot of legislative changes. There was a lot of cultural change throughout the period of the inquiry, lots of public discussion about child sexual abuse which was not seen beforehand. But you know it's

552
01:39:26.150 --> 01:39:30.420
diminished again as the years have gone by. They reported in 2,017. So

553
01:39:30.700 --> 01:39:42.710
tricky one with recommendations, it's an area that is absolutely under researched and needs more attention. And yeah, it's something I'm looking to in the future. But it's they're really difficult to study. Actually, yeah, thank you for the question.

554
01:39:47.370 --> 01:39:53.940
So I thought I also would like to ask Lars or Lynn. Did you have any questions we have like a couple of minutes left?

555
01:39:55.810 --> 01:39:58.499
Lynn Rapaport: Yes, I have a question for John.

556
01:39:59.650 --> 01:40:04.490
Lynn Rapaport: I I can't see him, so I'll just assume you can. Okay.

557
01:40:07.370 --> 01:40:25.950
Lynn Rapaport: Hi, John, I was, really surprised about your paper, because I didn't expect it to be violence of students against teachers. And so I was just curious. If you have any data or you're also looking at violence

558
01:40:25.950 --> 01:40:41.660
Lynn Rapaport: of either teachers or outsiders against students. So that was one question, and then I had one other question, which was, how you were defining I I was just curious how you were defining verbal violence.

559
01:40:42.020 --> 01:40:46.199
Lynn Rapaport: You have you had that in your at the beginning of your presentation?

560
01:40:48.030 --> 01:40:59.539
All right. Thank you. Thank you, Lee. You have 2 questions. First, is on the data of how like if violence against like if I could get that correct

561
01:40:59.639 --> 01:41:04.459
outside students outside the the the campus.

562
01:41:04.549 --> 01:41:12.609
Lynn Rapaport: or just violence between students or students being the victims as opposed to the teachers, being the victims.

563
01:41:12.930 --> 01:41:28.900
Lynn Rapaport: All right, if if if that's common or not, oh, and the second is on well at the beginning you were talking about your typology and methodology, and you didn't. Yeah. Verbal violence. How that was being

564
01:41:29.680 --> 01:41:44.760
Umhm. Alright, thank you. On the first concern between students. Yeah, they are actually violence inflicted by students to students, aside from students of teachers and also parents to to teachers.

565
01:41:44.760 --> 01:42:01.000
And, as I said, as to parents, a teacher, there are intimidations and threats from from parents inflected to teachers, and for between students they have, like throwing of stones, kicking riots.

566
01:42:01.000 --> 01:42:30.219
These are common violence between students, and also even Sexual comments are also common. So for a verbal value, lens, one is like that. The categorization is sexual comments. like saying, you're not version anymore. Your, you've been in similar comments like that verbal violet. Also like comments as to

567
01:42:30.230 --> 01:42:32.880
their how how they speak!

568
01:42:32.900 --> 01:42:46.890
If They have that physical disabilities, then they try to judge the person or their their their co- students. So I think that's how verbal violence is common or is described in that setting.

569
01:42:48.660 --> 01:42:49.600
Thank you.

570
01:42:53.020 --> 01:43:03.979
So we're getting. We're getting pretty close to the end. We have a couple of minutes. I just want to draw attention to the fact that there was 2 distributed papers in this session. I'm a little bit unclear as to how one accesses those, but

571
01:43:04.010 --> 01:43:10.819
they are there, and perhaps you can reach out to the authors after this. If you're interested in the distributed papers.

572
01:43:10.959 --> 01:43:25.030
So I guess unless there's other questions, and maybe people can hang back and and have a conversation. If you do have other questions, I just want to have another round of applause for all the presentations.

573
01:43:25.210 --> 01:43:41.920
very broad cross-section of topics, but with some underlying themes that I think we're really important to violence in society and in the theme of violence and society. So thank you very much, and enjoy the rest of the day, and be sure to come to Thursday session and you up a group of yes, okay.

574
01:43:41.930 --> 01:43:44.680
the presenters. Could you want to come up and I'll get a picture.

575
01:43:46.350 --> 01:43:54.169
Laura? They have to get you in there, too.

576
01:43:54.290 --> 01:43:56.340
Yeah.

577
01:43:56.480 --> 01:44:00.170
Lynn Rapaport: to get you in there.

578
01:44:00.290 --> 01:44:12.809
Lynn Rapaport: Thank you for. Oh, my pleasure, they were wonderful! So come, come on Thursday, too. I know it's gonna be. It's still a night for you.

579
01:44:13.430 --> 01:44:26.789
Lynn Rapaport: Maybe Lars and Lean could join the group picture. We'll show this screen. Your your video

580
01:44:27.270 --> 01:44:31.340
once worked in those after, because I was sitting down. So

581
01:44:32.620 --> 01:44:34.410
it's more physical

582
01:44:38.140 --> 01:44:43.089
if you want to.

583
01:44:43.300 --> 01:44:58.030
Lynn Rapaport: So I guess we just smile. I don't know. You know it's wonderful to be able to zoom in, but it wish we could see the audience.

584
01:44:58.110 --> 01:45:03.359
Lars Alberth: And they actually set it up to switch around.

585
01:45:03.420 --> 01:45:06.730
Lynn Rapaport: yeah. they could do that.

586
01:45:07.480 --> 01:45:18.239
Lynn Rapaport: I know sometimes when I have a guest speaker coming in through zoom the the It people set it up so that they can see everybody in the room and really interact with them.

587
01:45:23.920 --> 01:45:25.750
Lars Alberth: So this is.

588
01:45:26.230 --> 01:45:28.879
Lynn Rapaport: I don't know which is.

589
01:45:28.930 --> 01:45:39.160
Lynn Rapaport: Thank you so much.

590
01:46:00.160 --> 01:46:02.310
Lynn Rapaport: Thank you. Thank you.

591
01:46:02.350 --> 01:46:05.809
Lynn Rapaport: Thank you. Okay, bye.

592
01:46:06.050 --> 01:46:06.910
Lynn Rapaport: thank you.

