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Maybe I'll just read it not acknowledgement of country. So welcome on behalf of everyone gathered I pay respect to the spirit of country here in Nan where we are meeting.

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I acknowledge the past and present culmination within Jerry Woi Wudang. As the sovereign people here, the cultural knowledge holders who maintain and promote the NAME Aboriginal law, customs and custodianship responsibilities for country and the people that country continues to sustain generation after generation into the future for all of

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us. I recognize the important contribution that First Nations Thinkers. Just disappeared.

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I recognize the important contribution that First Nation thinkers have made to sociology that First Nation thinkers have made to sociology, that First Nation thinkers have made to sociology, including challenges to our dominion thinkers have made to sociology, including challenges to our dominant ways of thinkingers have made to sociology, including challenges to our dominant ways of

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thinking, including challenges to our dominant ways of thinking. We thank all First Nations delegates in the room.

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We thank all First Nations delegates in the room today for thinking. We thank all First Nations delegates in the room today for their. We thank all First Nations delegates in the room today for their contributions to knowledge in the discipline.

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My name is Gabriela MI am chairing this event with Alyssa Kwalvag who joins us from Chicago.

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I am an associate professor in Norway, but I'm Brazilian so I'm the frozen one in Norway.

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And so I would just read what our purpose was with this session. And then we can start and then Alyssa will present our panelists.

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So this session seeks to address current struggles related to human rights and justice. It seeks to discuss what impact international human rights law has on the development and further implementation of policies related to SDGs.

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Questioning how and if. Such instruments can become truly emancipatory. Further, it wishes to reflect on how to reversality as proposed by the colonial theories may present transformative ways to approach human rights moving forward.

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Complex problems such as growing inequalities, violence, migration and environmental injustice. Demand different approaches and solutions to the realization of rights.

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The sessions, the session questions, the idea of human rights as in the emissatory discourse. And seeks to assess how to reversal of perspectives to rights may impact contemporary implementation gaps.

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This panel departures from reflections on the coloniality, decolonization, indigenous knowledge, and transitional frames related to the plurivers.

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To critically situate the steady worsening of planetary ecological social and cultural conditions vis-a-vis the inability of current laws policies and knowledge institutions to consider new practices for civilizational transformation and justice.

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So Alyssa will be presenting our first speakers. And you have around 20Â min. To leave.

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Let me just. Go here maybe we can put everyone On? Yes. Great.

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Hmm. Our first presentation will be by Paulina Gracia Delmarrell, Don Lavelle Harvard and Lisa Tresker Clark with a paper entitled Missing and Murdered Indigenous women and girls in Canada and Indigenous women's human rights activism.

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So the floor is yours.

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Okay. And we can see that. Okay.

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Okay, everyone can see. Perfect. Well, thank you. Alyssa and Gabriella for organizing this session and inviting us to share our research and thank you everyone for coming.

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We are really looking forward to a fruitful dialogue. But before we start, we begin by honoring our ancestors and our hosts through our own introductions.

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So you can go to the next slide. I am a Mestiza woman originally from Mexico, which means that my personal history is entwined with the history and legacy of colonial encounters and violence in Mexico as well as in Canada.

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And I am therefore committed to decolonization in my personal life and in my work. The University of Guelph was built on the traditional lands of the Atawandaran, Anishinabek and more recently the Haddin Oshani Confederacy on the treaty tree lens of the Mississaugas of the

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Credit River and the university is within the jurisdiction of the 2 row one pump and the dish with one spoon covenant.

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Okay.

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Big watch, Paulina. I The goat you went on in Donji. Thank you everybody.

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My traditional name is, which means white dove in our language and I'm from the White Dove in our language and I'm from the Wikomakhan Uns surrendered territory and which is part of the Anishinabek nation.

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And I'm currently living in Nigoli, which is otherwise known as Peterborough and where Trent University is located in the traditional territories.

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Which is where I get to work with your lovely onsite host, Lisa.

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And we are honored to be here today on the surrendered land of the Were on Jerry Werong, people of the Klein Nation.

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As a child of a German immigrants and German Jewish refugees in Canada, I want to express my gratitude to the indigenous peoples of both these colonized lands for their ongoing caregiving of all our relations.

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May we honour your knowledge, calls for truth, reconciliation, and cultural resurgence. As a white settler on this project I joined this conversation through the lens of my personal intersectional experiences of gender-based violence as a former frontline worker in the anti-violence against women in gender-based violence sector as a

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PhD candidate in Canadian studies at Trent University and as the research assistant on this important project.

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So our research focuses on indigenous women's activisms, how these women's warriors turned to turn violence against indigenous women and girls, our indigenous sisters, into a human rights issue and the ongoing efforts to hold the Canadian state accountable.

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So are indigenous women's organizations, they were originally created to be a voice to support and indigenous women who are fighting for their status at the Supreme Court level within Canada.

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At a time after they had been removed from our First Nations, they've been removed from our communities after marriage because of the discriminatory provisions of the Indian Act.

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This was a time when the federal government was fighting against indigenous women and they had the National Indian Brotherhood, the Indian Brotherhood of Saskatchewan, the Indian Brotherhood of Manitoba and Alberta and every other province across Canada.

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In court in the Supreme Court of Canada standing up against their own women and Clayton Ruby the lawyer at the time asked, you know, who's there to speak for the women and when they realized there was nobody, at their suggestion as well, why don't we create your own organizations to speak for you?

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And so that was exactly what those women set out to do and did. But once they got together and they started, you know, sitting around those kitchen tables and they started talking about what is the what is holding us back from having the quality of life that we want for our children being able to actually thrive, not just barely survive in this

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land. You know, so-called opportunity. And when we started asking that question, Yes, for community after community, the women said it was the violence in our lives.

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You know, 8 out of 10 women around those tables said it was the violence and in some of our more remote communities, it was as high as 95%.

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So when we but when we started opening this conversation within our communities, this created a backlash within our communities.

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There were many many of our indigenous leadership, many of the chiefs in many communities who didn't want us to talk about this issue.

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They said, you know, that you're only gonna make things worse for our men. You're gonna increase racism that, you know, this needs to stay within our community.

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You shouldn't be sort of airing our so called dirty laundry for the whole world to see.

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But we knew that. You know we had to shine a light on this if we were ever gonna change anything so we kept fighting you know often against our own leadership and even at events you know going to the Kelowna Accord everybody wanted to talk about economic development.

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They wanted to talk about treaties and land claims and they didn't want to talk about the violence because they had this notion that if we solve land claims and we all have jobs and the violence is magically just gonna disappear.

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But we all know that's not how things work and this was at a time when you know Stephen Harper was in the the conservative prime minister.

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He tried to deny that violence against Indigenous women and girls was even a problem. And he was famously, recorded once as saying that, you know, the issue of violence against indigenous women and girls.

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It was not high on his radar. And, you know, and saying that, you know, this is not a sociological issue.

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We don't wanna be looking at it, you know, somehow as this broader issue, but that we just really need to see this as the criminal activity that it is.

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This is just the individual acts of a few bad apples. This is an issue for tribal police or the Royal Canadian Mounted Police.

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And he just simply refused to see that then there was any sort of systemic dimension to this. And so getting data at this time was incredibly difficult.

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We were looking online. We were, you know, being connected families. We're joining together in marches and we were collecting names.

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And, you know, we had started off with 500 names at a point when we got up to about 800 names.

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We were really gaining a lot of ground people internationally at conferences like this. They were talking about stolen sisters at Amnesty International and the Canadian government actually got quite upset and in fact threatened to.

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Revoke our funding for all of our other programming. If we continue to talk about stolen sisters, if we even used the, you know, sisters in spirit name that they would be cutting off, any of our funding for other programming.

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But as my father will tell you, the fastest way to make sure an indigenous woman does something is to tell her she can't.

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So we carried on and we did and that's when they started to say that well you're just a women's group, you don't have access to the real data that only they did and they set out to do an analysis of over 300 precincts, you know, jurisdictions across the country to prove us wrong.

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And I'm ashamed to admit that the federal government and their police, the national police force did prove us wrong.

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We had 800 names and they came back with over 1,181. And how were they gonna start?

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How could they argue with the numbers of their own national police force? So yes, we were wrong. And because their numbers were even higher and we know that even that is just the tip of the iceberg because so many of our women, you know, just get written off.

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They don't even end up in the official statistics. And so we use these numbers. We use their own data.

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To keep fighting for this national inquiry.

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Yeah, and thank you for that background, Don, because, understanding how the national inquiry into missing and murder engineers women and girls and 2 spirit people is so important and it is at the heart of our project.

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And so we are asking what can we learn really from Indigenous women's activism working to bring about this inquiry to hold the Canadian state accountable for this violence.

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So we are studying very much in line with this panels vision how indigenous women have mobilized law especially human rights law as a part of this process asking about Indigenous women's voices, their alliances with feminist civil society organisations and the strategies that they have pursued.

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And we really want to trace the experiences of indigenous women as land and water protectors as they have fought ongoing colonial settler violence and genocide and here asking about accountability in light of what Don said is very important because the colonial settler order is founded upon the destruction of indigenous peoples and the Canadian state has been

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denying all this violence, especially violence against indigenous women, girls and 2 spirit people. And we argue that there's a lot of important gains that we have to understand and acknowledge.

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And we have to also learn what have been some of the limitations, but regardless, there's so much to learn and that's at the heart of our project.

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So when we started talking, you know, we started looking at the actual number of missing and murdered indigenous women and girls.

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Now many people actually started saying, well, you know, I've never heard of this before, like how long has this been going on?

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And when I sat down with our elders and we started talking about we realized that This has actually been going on literally since, you know, those first contacts and those first explorers landed on our shores and gave indigenous women to those sailors as a reward for having crossed the ocean and landed here.

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And, you know, from that time when you combine that with, you know, scalping bounties that gave literally Â£10 of silver for anybody who was able to bring in the scalp of an indigenous person and you combine that with the global devaluation of women.

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I can considering women as property. You can see how this has been, this is not something new that this is the result of that long legacy of.

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Treating women and children as property combined with dehumanizing indigenous people. And, you know, we're literally consider property at best, but in a context where The entire nation is founded upon the elimination of indigenous people.

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We become a population of prey at worst where everybody knows and we have heard this on the streets in Thunder Bay and in northern cities where those who are you know, looking for sex, those who are looking for rough sex are deliberately seeking indigenous women on the streets because of this belief that they can take more.

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But also knowing that If they find, you know, if they an indigenous woman, if things go wrong and, you know, the violence is too great and she ends up.

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Badly beaten or dead. The chances of the police looking for the perpetrator are very slim. The chances of anybody ever being charged, much less convicted or even slimmer.

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And even if they are convicted, the chances of anybody actually doing any serious time. For violence against an indigenous women are even slimmer again.

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And so it creates this in the ability to commit violence against indigenous women with impunity in a nation that does nothing about it.

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So of course, you know, we're witnessing this continuation of that what began as colonial violence literally since they arrived on our shores, but has led to what is been defined as a genocidal crisis right now.

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For sure. And I mean, this especially the fact that, violence can be committed with such impunity as you can see from the numbers that we're presenting on this slide and what Don has just said.

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It means that our sisters are clearly targets of violence in Canadian society and getting this data also as Donna said has been really, really hard because in Indigenous activists have faced a lot of resistance and threats and coercion from the Canadian government and it has been accompanied with other kinds of violence like overcriminalization and hyper

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surveillance. And here we want to emphasize that the work of the National Inquiry into missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls really highlights that indigenous women really are the target of violence as are girls, indigenous girls and 2 spirit people and it is horrific to see that they are 12 times more likely to be murdered or go missing that

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non-Indigenous women and 16 times more so than fight women. And of course in our work we emphasize that this is the legacy of settler colonial by settler colonialism as an organizing principle of Canadians.

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You can go to the next slide.

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And so colonization has a occurred on Turtle Island. For over 500 years but because of you know the opportunities with this project we're going to be conducting interviews with indigenous activists.

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Including here in the picture you can see Don and her mother. Who have led this fight. To address the problem of missing a murdered indigenous women, girls in 2 spirit.

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And so Don's personal experience and connections have been vital in this process.

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So as Lisa mentioned, you know, following in my mother's footsteps, I've been actually advocating for Indigenous women's rights for almost 50 years now, without revealing too much about my age.

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Because my mother is what one of what is known in Canada as the famous 6, which is the famous 6, which is the indigenous women of what is known in Canada as the famous 6, which is the indigenous women who challenged our government all the famous 6, which is the indigenous women who challenged our government all the way to the Supreme Court

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of Canada, is the Indigenous women who challenged our government all the way to the Supreme Court of Canada demanding a recognition of our basic human rights as indigenous women and for my mother in this case specifically.

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A return of her status because when she married my father because of the discriminatory sections of the Indian Act.

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She lost her status. She was sent a letter from the Canadian government essentially saying congratulations on your marriage.

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Your name has now been struck from the National Indian Registry and please find enclosed a check for $35.

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Which is essentially apparently all the life of an indigenous woman is worth. In this country. Certainly in 1970 and but she knew this was wrong.

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And so she stood up and they went all the way to the Supreme Court of Canada because She lost her home.

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She lost her land. But the most important thing was that she lost her right to ever return to her First Nation to actually, you know, be.

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Within our own reserve with her own. Family and community. And this was what was the most critical thing for her.

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Was, you know, that right to be with her family and So. At the time, my grandfather, her father said that, you know, you will always be part of this family and community to us, but you need to stand up for this.

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You need to be that voice. You need to protect for all of those who. Who belong in this community, all of our children and our grandchildren.

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And so when she spoke out and even the chief of our own community told her that you have to do this, this is important.

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He said, but you understand that when I leave here. I can't support you publicly that I have to tow the party line and your will be on your own.

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And when they went to the Supreme Court and she literally had to have bodyguards because she would get phone calls in the middle of the night saying that if you don't stop this.

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You're gonna start having accidents. And when she refused to stop. She would get more phone calls that said If you don't stop this, your children will start having accidents.

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And you can't protect them 24 7. And my mom told him that it's my children.

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They're the ones that I'm doing this for for the right to be in this community where they belong.

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And so she didn't stop. And even though they eventually lost in the Supreme Court of Canada, you know, they eventually along with, you know, Sandra Lovelace going to the United Nations and you know carrying that fight.

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Literally my mother going to the Into American Commission on Human Rights. 50 years. They carried on this fight.

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And this was these women who were there to speak for our women. Sorry, Paulina.

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Yeah, so exactly what. What, Don is saying is that, indigenous women in Canada, Central and South America have used this voices of resistance not only locally but also supranationally to legal forums to challenge gender discrimination and centering Indigenous women's voices of resistance has been really

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important. To understand how they have formed alliances and practiced legal activism as a form of feminist organizing to combat the intersectional oppression of indigenous women, girls, and two-sprivox people as well as the gendered intersectional sexual and racialized and structural violence that comes with it.

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So. Yes.

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Basically our research is focusing on the alliances that indigenous women have formed, for example, with Canadian, feminist civil society organizations like the Canadian Feminist Alliance for International Action or Fafia, although that's one of the many alliances that have actually allowed for this issue to

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become a human rights issue. We don't have time to go into these reports but we're happy to speak to them in the QA.

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So one of the things is an important, you know, we haven't mobilized alone as Paulina was saying, it you know as long as it was considered just an indigenous women's issue or just an indigenous issue and the majority of Canadians society was, you know, saw this as not their issue.

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We weren't making any grounds, but when it was reframed as a human rights issue and we were able to I mean literally I still remember going to churches going to the labor unions talking, you know, going to Fafia and having people understand that this is actually a human rights issue that impact and the denial of the human rights of

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anybody within Canadian society is a threat to the human rights of all within Canadian society and having made that change and converted this to looking at this as an actual human rights obligation and a human rights violation was a significant shift in terms of gaining traction because then this is actually something that is an everybody issue.

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And interestingly at the time it was the you know, Canadian government's propaganda that tried to discourage that kind of visibility of this as an everybody issue trying to tell women's organizations and trying to tell people that, you know, if you were a good ally, this is a First Nation sovereignty

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issue and you shouldn't be getting involved in what is an issue of First Nations sovereignty.

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And in fact, you know, the National Action Committee, which was the one of the major feminist alliances, was very financially punished by the Canadian government for becoming involved.

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And speaking out against the violence and speaking out against the legislative violence against Indigenous women. Paulina?

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Yeah. Well, we would like to share so much more about what we have been, doing.

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But I think we are almost at time. So what we want to really emphasize as a take home message from our preliminary work now is that really we We want to emphasize Indigenous women's resistance and how it has gone hand in hand when alliance building, legal activism, changing not only how we understand violence against indigenous women and girls

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and two- people, but how we understand human rights and state responsibility as Don said, this is not just an issue affecting indigenous women or indigenous community.

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This is an everybody issue beyond Canada, right? Because this is a violence against indigenous women and girls is a problem that goes beyond Canada or the United States.

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The genocide, evaluation, the dehumanization of indigenous people and women impact Turtle Island, all of the Americas and indigenous peoples around the world.

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So we hope that with this research we can highlight the legal strategies and label framings that they have used to hold states like the Canadian State accountable, but that this can be used to advance the rights of indigenous women in other colonial nation states.

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We seek to make this work. And knowledge accessible, so that others can do that.

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Thank you.

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Brunette. It's moving questions at the end.

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I don't know if you heard that Don and Paulina, but we're gonna take questions at the end.

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No, perfect. So we'll move to the next presenter, Melini, Palma, You're in.

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I hope I've pronounced your name okay. And, we look forward to your presentation.

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Alright, thank you.

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Good evening everyone. My topic is Sri Lanka's road to Arakalaa, an assessment.

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To begin the presentation, I just would like to. We give you a brief explanation about Arakali because it's the single level, Single least word.

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And it means struggle. So. We had a 3 months continuous demonstrations throughout the country and at the mid of the year 2,022 We had a regime change.

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And so this is very significant practice in the history of Sri Lanka. So, so then I'll start.

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The section of introduction. So. Arakalea, legitimate expression of the people of Sri Lanka against the Ghotabaya, Rajavak Shah and his government So from 2,005.

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There is a family called Raja Bakshi. So they have been continuously in power except the period, 2,015 to 2,019.

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So which was run by kind of national unity government from other political parties. So this family is in power for decades.

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Maybe more than one decade. So this legitimate expression of the people against this Godabaya Rjubakshi government.

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Sometime. get kind of a different perspective from Sri Lankans and among scholars also they they see the protest differently.

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But, the you know you know the sometimes the perspective. About this. Is something different from the person from minority.

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So here I just want to try. How minority community city is protested. And I would like to see how and why this protest with the since July, 2,022.

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So, To begin a wave of public protest known as Sarah Glee has been still a little bit dim as a legitimate expression.

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Yet a perspective which may not be agreed upon by everyone. Comprehends directly as a reflection of singleist communities frustration with their own government.

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Which had compelled them to into economic hardships. That they have never experienced before. Accordingly inflation is the immediate cause.

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That has forced the singleies to street. To fight against their own government. And again, some critics see that.

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This conflict, this irregularly is the outcome of political crisis. Some see this is outcome of political and economic crisis.

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But some more critics say that it's a ploy of broader regional and global dynamics followed by social media and other forms of digital activism.

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So Despite the various interpretation and confrontation surrounding a regular layer, the moment reached to its peak in July, 2,022.

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So that led the removal of President Ghotabaya Raja and it was replaced by Ranil Wikh, it was replaced by Ranil Wikroma singer and he became the ninth executive president.

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Since then the momentum of a regular gradually began to diminish. But still. They struggle with high inflation, large debt burden.

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And a decline in foreign investment were not resolved. Where the protesters demands made through political changes.

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With DMS support, still Sri Lanka continues to struggle. And we have very uncertain future.

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So with this background, my research. Tries to, as I said earlier, tries to understand the factors.

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That sparked the public outrage against the P to buy a Raja Wakshi government.

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From the first quarter of 2,020 through 2,022 and also this research will see. Hawaii and how are regularly gradually with their a way since July, 2,022.

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So for this research, still I'm conducting interviews. It's not finished yet. But basically I have done almost all interviews in the northern part where the minority community reside.

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And then some interviews in West. And central have been made but still I think I need some more with no graphic kind of interviews is, a record.

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And so this is the method I used to collect data for this study. And now through the litreious survey.

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I found that even though people see a regalia is the outcome of political crisis or economic crisis or maybe the kind of neopolitical ploy.

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But still this crisis is kind of comed and has deep roots. So it's not 2, 3 years issue.

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Maybe we can. Trace this issue within. Maybe, well then. At 10 or 15 years back.

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Because even before we had a civil war, 30 years civil war. So the economy. Got affected severely by the civil war.

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Then we had a natural disaster in 2,004 and then so We have terrorist attack. So there are many.

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Man made and natural disasters. So. So here I am like, not focusing everything but I just focus, this case from Mahinda Rajabaksha regime.

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Because he's the one who ended the civil war in 2,009.

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And he and his family. Still in power even though the there is a replacement by another party as you know the feeling the position of x security presidentency.

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And so this the popular man Mindarja Bakshi as Executive President. He He was a president from 2,005 to 2,015 and then he used a prime minister from 2,019 to 2,022.

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During his third time. There were like, 40 Raja family members in government post. And then, so this, I think the power was concentrated in this family.

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And because he the people from the south they believed in this government and so therefore this family and the you know, this government.

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And so therefore, this family and the President Mahinda. So therefore, this family and the President Mahinda and the President Mahindra Jabakshi was able to manipulate the people.

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And the President Mahindra Jabakshi was able to, you know, manipulate the people.

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And then what he did was he just initiated a series of infrastructure development projects and secured loans from other countries to finance projects.

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And these, you know, the funds were actually foreign commercial borrowing. So, the outcome of the project were kind of non-playable goods and services there.

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So this outcome of the infrastructure. Is not able to generate revenue. Just it was, it was like a good for the country.

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Oh, it's, but at the same time, the country increases debt. So, but and also Sri Lanka, but it was relied on various sources.

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Of data to finance the budget deficit. Even I think very good example I could say during the Mahinda Maitripala citizens regime.

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So in 2,015, so what they did was to manage the But the deficit, they engaged in a sovereign bone scam.

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So they have. I think they have obtained loans from private bank banks which is very loyal to or maybe they are they are having the family relationship with the central bank governor.

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So then nearly 11 million US dollars were lost. So, so this is bad politics, bad management.

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A Sri Lanka experience in the past. And then again during the Dmitri Policy CS regime.

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We had Easter Sunday attack. In 2,019 And then so Oh, oh, this Easter Sunday attack affected tourism and then.

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You know, several other sectors. And especially this foreign investment. But I think experienced a decline. And then poor revenue collection and economic growth became heard down.

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And then.

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Again, COVID-19 emerged in early 2,020 and then so it was just like recovered from the Easter attack again so we had to experience the health the public health challenge.

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And then nationwide top downs the international border flows shattered that tourism industry because we are an island so we our you know we usually gain income from tourism, tea industry and garment.

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So because of I think this because of these 3 sectors I think our economy was. Doing fair but then with the COVID.

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Remittance and also like we send people to Middle East so then we get remittance. So that also was declined.

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And then. At the same time. What happened during the after this COVID came? So government became more centralized because this the new president called Kotabaya, Rjabaksha, the brother of Mahindarajah Baksha, he was a defense minister and he was

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a military person. After he became president what he did was He just like filled all the position with military cardters and his friends and European kings.

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So when the pandemic came, so it was a good opportunity for him to, and I am to, involve all the military.

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I mean, known people. And he just got them into the his government. He established many, you know, task forces.

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So where the civilian participation is very limited. So military personnel were leading the task forces. So. So then the people started to question.

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Both the governance but still they haven't started to come to street because it was under control because the DP people from South they are very concern about national security because he used to attack they thought that you know the previous government might be in a government was very weak and they were not able to you know protect their country so then they

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thought the because the elder brother saved the n nation from camels and this brother saved the nation from terrorist so then they haven't the come to streets.

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But however, What happened So this government gradually like. Experience empty for interest.

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And then in the name of green economic policy this government than the import of chemical fertilizers. And in April, 2,021.

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So what happened then the agriculture, the farmers and also the The people who are in the plantation sector because plantation tea industry also contribute significantly to the economy of the country.

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What happened is farmers basically the population is very high so then they come to street because they haven't you know do the farming agriculture properly so because they have to pay 3 or 4 times for this, you know, the chemical stuff.

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But they, they got it from India, but they have to pay more. Right. So. Then what happens here?

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Now this, alright. So, so this government also had some mismanagement because they said, OK, we have banned the fertilizer, because they said, okay, we have banned the fertilizer, but we will bring you some mismanagement because they said, OK, we have banned the fertilizer, but we will bring you some organic fertilizer.

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So then they brought organic fertilizer from China, Chinese company, but then they found when after it arrived in to Sri Lanka they found that it has bacteria so then they have to they have to send it back to China but this company Chinese company didn't want to go back and They claim compensation is nearly worth of 6

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point 9 million so Sri Lanka again paid 6.9 million so Sri Lanka again paid 6.9 US dollars.

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The Chinese company. The bad minute and mismanagement. Affected Sri Lanka's economy.

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So there are many cases like this and and one more example I could say now this MATLAB or this one after you know very important infrastructure project so that got failed because you know the it was located I think it was built in nearby the president's birthplace so where it's a forest area so the airport couldn't operate

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because you know the animals and everything jump onto the you know the airways and also they had to stop it and now they are using it as a kind of meals to dry up the rice and you know so it's not working so like that so the bad politics bad management that luck So the bad luck is Covid and then Easter

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attack. So that also has severely affected the economy. So then what happened? When it comes to early 2,020.

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So we had. No foreign deserved and we were not able to import Fool. So then, so County has to experience.

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How are blackages for more than 12 or 13Â h and then especially these people from urban settings, they are the one first came to see people from urban settings, they are the one first came to street because in the city they are the one first came to street because in the city they can't survive without electricity because in the city they can't survive without

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electricity so they came and the city they can't survive without electricity so they came and then even for the electricity. So they came.

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And then even for the fuel consumption is very high in the city but when this fuel is limited, they became so distressed.

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You know, this is the timeline. I'm not going to this one. Maybe so finally this July ninth you know it's like from March to July it's about 100 days so people continuously like go in the street and they set up you know protest sites it's called gotagma and Minneapolis.

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So it's a 2 important side. So where are they? The people gathered and they, all came from different parts of the country.

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And then. But you know, this moment, the people's movement. Was kind of your non-partitions at the beginning.

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But anyhow in the middle in May, May, May, 2,022 the supporters of Mahindara Di Bakshi elder brother they attacked attack these protesters on peaceful protesters at these 2 sides there after they like turned it to be kind of violent but still I think within 2 or 3 days it was controlled

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but still You know, it early it was non-partition and non-violent but later it became changed and and then the people mostly singleis interpret this movement as You know, multi ethnic movement because they say all people from Sri Lanka participated in this moment and they say this is a kind of symbol of

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unity, symbol of creativity, and they say this is a kind of symbol of unity, symbol of creativity, because, and also they say this is a symbol of unity.

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So, but then the what happened after this. I'm done. All right, right. So, so now maybe I will take 2Â min and then in her after, you know, the go to buyer Raja fled to the country and the new president came.

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So thereafter these So protest movement began to diminish but most you know the scholars and critics say that because the the executive powers of President, Rani, BYKER, messing, facilitated this.

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This dismantling but I would say he's not maybe yeah he could at the beginning he could employ some sort of force.

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To remove the tents and all from the protest site. But then what he did was he just no, how can you see?

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He introduced few new things that Gutavaya Raja, how can I say? He introduced few new things that Guta Waaja actually didn't do because he just brought QR system for the full supply.

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So everyone was able to get the fool. So people had to, you know, like resume their normal duties because early they were not having for enough fool so then he just made it quickly and thereafter what happened even within the moment what I found was maybe I can discuss this later in the Q&amp;A.

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Earlier there was a leaderless movement maybe but you know At the end of the, you know, the protest day, so some leftist.

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They took the microphone and said, we are going to wind up the protest. So people didn't know because they were thinking that there is no leader but at the end in the last day of the you know the protest the some leftist took the microphone and then they said okay this is the last day and we are winding up the protests.

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So then people began to think about that because people don't want to be labeled as, you know, leftist and they're in, so and also.

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Still, the and the other people with the liberal and kind of kind of, you know, supportive to the, the runner, Rani will be premising that they left the moment and other things are the important issue that there was a kind of unity among the you know the protesters because

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yeah because the minorities were never part like fully supported fully. I mean portion of minorities were never supported.

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So maybe I'll discuss this later. So, so therefore I think, I am like, telling all these things.

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Because the post protest period is very important. But because this protest movement they They haven't, you know.

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Build any network to form alliance with other groups. Even they haven't established relationship with mainstream political parties and then they haven't.

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I'd, shown any ability to mobilize the people again. So, so they are fighting.

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I think the protest moment maybe it's kind of withered away. So maybe it will take time since still we are in the struggle.

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So we'll see. OK. Thank you so much.

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Yes, thank you so much, Melini and our next presenter is Malik and I think I saw her online.

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Yes, perfect.

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Yes, I am here. I would like to share my screen.

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You can do that now.

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Perfect. So. Hello everyone, my name is, Manek. I am Tunisian.

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I hold a master and a bachelor in law and now I'm pursuing a human rights master in Norway.

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And I'm currently an internet at the office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in Geneva.

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I would like to thank Gabriella and Alyssa for organizing this session and I am really glad to share what I'm passionate about today and to present my topic exploring the potential of migration and reducing inequalities within and between countries.

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I would like I would like to start. Today with a bit of a background and context and then I believe that we need a description of the current state of migration and equality, get some misconceptions about migration out of the way to be able to examine the full potential of migration.

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I would like to start my, presentation with a quote about the real and the possible, provided by Escobar.

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Questioning the belief in a single reality means developing another entirely different understanding of what change and transfer. Transformation are and thus of what politics can be.

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The real the possible and the political are all joined at the hip. It is precisely because other possible's have been turned into impossibles that we find it so difficult to imagine other realities.

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On this side, I would like to start on the, 2030 agenda. For sustainable development which includes the leave no one behind commitment to end absolute poverty and address inequalities.

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Migrants are often marginalized and face specific vulnerabilities making them at risk of being left behind.

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In the pursuit of sustainable development goals. Migrant and precarious situation such as forcibly displaced individuals, those with irregular migration and employment statues.

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Women and children are particularly susceptible to being left behind. The specific one vulnerability is faced by migrants can hinder their access to basics, education, health care, and decent work perpetuating inequalities.

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One of the key SDGs is goal 10. Which seeks to reduce inequalities within and among countries, recognizing the urgency to address the pervasive disparities that hinder social and economic progress.

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SDG 10 calls for targeted effort to promote inclusivity, social cohesion and equal opportunities.

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Which brings us to purposes and objective or objectives of this presentation. Despite the aspiration of the 2,030 agenda in equality in the context of migration persists and in some cases even worse and in some cases even worsen.

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Developed countries are increasingly implemented and in some cases even worsen. Developed countries are increasingly implemented, and implementing, restrictive measures to control migration.

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Consequently, the burden of hosting responsibility has shifted to developing countries exacerbating inequality.

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This research aims to contribute to the ongoing discourse on migration and inequality. Shifting the discourse beyond the as a threat and a burden is crucial for the effect of implementation of SDG 10 and the broader 2,030 agenda.

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So the current state of migration reveals a complex landscape characterized by underlying inequalities and challenges faced by migrants worldwide.

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If we take the example of developed country that have implemented restrictive measures to control migration justified by concerns over security and the strain on public services and welfare programs.

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However, these measures have far reaching implication for the global distribution of migrants and further exacerbate the burden placed on developing countries.

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The consequences of these restrictive measures extend beyond hindering the potential benefit that migration can bring. The perpetuation of in inequality, particularly affecting migrants from marginalized backgrounds who face restricted legal pathways.

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These individuals are forced to resort to more dangerous routes, exacerbating their vulnerability and limiting their access to their rights and protection.

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For the developing countries. The economic or who are already grappling with their own economic and social challenges often lack the necessary infrastructure and resources to adequately support and integrate migrants as a result.

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The responsibility for hosting migrants and refugees is disproportionately shifted to countries with fewer resources and capability, leading to a burden sharing imbalance that deepens existing inequalities and strains already fragile systems.

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As you can see here, these are all this area outlined in red is surveyed by Frontex with several missions and military grade technology.

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This increased surveillance at borders disproportionately impacts migrants, especially those from marginalized backgrounds additionally, the externalization of borders transfers the burden to countries with fewer resources further straining their capabilities.

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Another factor. Contributing to inequality within the migrant population is the differentational treatment of an skilled migrants compared to professional and scaled migrants, high fees imposed on and skilled migrants create financial barriers that hinder their access to better opportunities, perpetuating socioeconomic disparities.

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Forced migration. Presents an even more severe situation of inequality compared to voluntary migration, these migrants often find themselves Latin access to basic necessities, adequate housing, education and health care.

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They become more susceptible to exploitation, discrimination, and the abuse of their human rights. The limited legal protection and documentation available to them further marginalize their ability to access essential services and opportunities.

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The experience of first migration, however, varies depending on the country of origin as evident in the differential treatment of Ukrainian refugees who are welcomed.

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With their family and a Syrian refugees. Hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian refugees have sought refugee refuge in neighboring countries such as Poland, Bulgaria, Hungary, All these countries warmly welcomed and provided assistance to Ukrainian refugees, demonstrating a compassionate response and they will willingness to

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support those in need. Importantly, this was not labeled as a crisis, unlike the situation in 2,015.

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The treatment and perception of migrants often depends on their nationality, leading to varying assessment of whether They pose a threat like in this case or whether they are welcomed.

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Now moving on to the misconceptions about migration. The first one is the painting migrants as an economic threat.

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These concerns include a job competition leading to displacement and wage suppression, the strain on public resources such as health care and education, perceived laws of financial resources through Limiton sent abroad and the potential for social welfare dependency without sufficient tax contribution.

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Another very famous misconception about migration is the security threat linking migration to security threats is a distortion of facts and perpetuates harmful stereotypes.

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Addressing security challenges should be approached. Through targeted policies that address very specific issues rather than painting all migrants with a broad brush.

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This reception reflects a polyt politicized approach to boredom control influenced by historical and colonial attitude.

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Now, to the main topic today, we are going to see how migration can actually be a catalyst for reducing inequalities and between and within countries.

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Starting off with reducing inequalities in the origin countries. Well, the migration raises incomes provides protection against external shocks and stimulates increased economy and economic activity.

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Remittance can significantly increase the income of recipients or households leading to transformative effects on poverty levels at the macro level.

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As you can see here in this graph, there are these are the top remittance among lower middle income countries and the the income from the these remnants can can be in huge numbers such as the example of India here in 2,022 their metals sent to India were 100 billion dollars.

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If poorer household receive a substantial portion of remittance. It can lead to relative improvement in their economic condition and potentially reduce national poverty rates, changing the distribution of income and wealth thereby addressing national level in equality.

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In the case of host countries, how can migration reduce inequalities? Migration contributes to economic growth by filling labour market gaps and increasing profit productivity.

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Migrants pay taxes on their income, consumption and property making significant contribution to the host country's tax revenue against the misconception that migrants have way heavy on the public funds and depend on the social welfare as you can see here.

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A migrant actually migrants actually, contributed by 20.5 trillion dollars. In a tax and revenue against 2 trillion dollars in expenditure like a social protection health education social services and so on.

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Migrants bring new skills, knowledge and innovative ideas fostering internship and technological advancement.

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So we have here the notion that migrant workers are, always take away jobs from native workers, which is a common misconception.

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Research has consistently shown that increased migration actually leads to better employment outcome for native workers. For example, this research conducted on the on US cities found that when more migrants arrived in a city, native workers had better chances finding employment and improving their occupational positions.

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This supports the idea that immigrants and native workers often complement each other in the labor market, filling different roles and contributing to the overall economic growth and development.

296
01:04:14.000 --> 01:04:20.000
The research we are discussing focuses on the economic effect of migration on native workers in the United States.

297
01:04:20.000 --> 01:04:32.000
I'm not going to generalize these finding of this study to the whole population. But still it is an evidence, a study that shows the positive effect of migration on native employment and occupational scores.

298
01:04:32.000 --> 01:04:41.000
I left the source here so you can review it later. And now we go on to, move on to the social and cultural benefit of migration.

299
01:04:41.000 --> 01:05:01.000
We have first cultural diversity. This diversity in riches society by fostering culture cross cultural exchange promoting and promoting understanding and breaking down stereotypes.

300
01:05:01.000 --> 01:05:24.000
It encourages people to embrace and appreciate different perspectives, traditions, languages and customs which leads to social cohesion, embracing cultural diversity can foster social cohesion and reduce inequality by promoting an equal respect for all individuals regardless of their cultural background.

301
01:05:24.000 --> 01:05:37.000
We have knowledge exchange too. Migrants often bring valuable knowledge and skill from their home countries such as a traditional craftsmanship, agricultural techniques or medical practices.

302
01:05:37.000 --> 01:05:54.000
This knowledge exchange can lead to innovation enable productivity and contribute to economic development in the host country. Finally, another positive aspect is international connections.

303
01:05:54.000 --> 01:06:15.000
Migration creates networks and connections between countries, facilitating the exchange of ideas. Trade investment. This connection can lead to economic opportunities, cultural collaborations, and more interconnected global community.

304
01:06:15.000 --> 01:06:26.000
However, The potential of migration is not always achieved. Restrictive migration policies which categorize and frame migrants as a threat or a burden, push them aside and limit their full potential.

305
01:06:26.000 --> 01:06:43.000
Financial and legal barriers at every stage of the migration process prevent many individuals from considering moving moving in in the first place.

306
01:06:43.000 --> 01:06:53.000
The rights to leave one country and to enter another are often violated with people facing persecutions for seeking a better opportunity elsewhere.

307
01:06:53.000 --> 01:07:05.000
These barriers are rooted in politicized borders. Colonial heritage and racism. Further exacerbating the challenges faced by migrants.

308
01:07:05.000 --> 01:07:13.000
Moreover, the legal restrictions on mobility creates obstacle for individuals who wish to migrate safely and in a regular manner.

309
01:07:13.000 --> 01:07:27.000
The high cost associated with migration disproportionately affects low-skilled workers effectively preventing many individuals from accessing better opportunity.

310
01:07:27.000 --> 01:07:43.000
Unfortunately, These individuals found themselves find themselves trapped in a precarious situation and low paying jobs. These circumstances limit the economic returns that migration could bring.

311
01:07:43.000 --> 01:07:52.000
Additionally, the high transaction costs of remittance undermine the potential of migration to reduce inequality.

312
01:07:52.000 --> 01:08:03.000
When the fee fees of sending money back home are excessively high. The benefit of migration are significantly, significantly diminished.

313
01:08:03.000 --> 01:08:17.000
To fully realize the discussed potential of migration. I believe that it is crucial to establish a more inclusive and legal pathways.

314
01:08:17.000 --> 01:08:23.000
So I left you here all the references I used and, thank you for your time and for your attention.

315
01:08:23.000 --> 01:08:27.000
Here is my, my email if you want to reach out and you, you were interested in what I just presented.

316
01:08:27.000 --> 01:08:44.000
Unfortunately I could not stay for longer because I have to start the working. But, I am really, really glad to be here today.

317
01:08:44.000 --> 01:08:52.000
Thank you.

318
01:08:52.000 --> 01:09:01.000
Yes, it can start with questions.

319
01:09:01.000 --> 01:09:17.000
We're doing each year. Oh, I'm sure they are lovely that are, yeah, lovely investigators.

320
01:09:17.000 --> 01:09:21.000
Yes. Hello, can you hear us? Yes.

321
01:09:21.000 --> 01:09:24.000
You can now when you're at the mic.

322
01:09:24.000 --> 01:09:31.000
Yes. Questions? Anyone?

323
01:09:31.000 --> 01:09:36.000
Online? Nope.

324
01:09:36.000 --> 01:09:44.000
Okay, I do have some questions just a moment.

325
01:09:44.000 --> 01:10:04.000
Okay, so I was amazed by the project in in Canada. And I would like to ask you some questions because Alyssa and I, we actually, we are conducting a research project.

326
01:10:04.000 --> 01:10:21.000
With indigenous migrants from Venezuela in Brazil. And We are kind of in a in a kind of stuck in one problem that I think you also struggle with.

327
01:10:21.000 --> 01:10:30.000
But I think from your presentation, it seems that You didn't problematize the issue of using human rights.

328
01:10:30.000 --> 01:10:41.000
Which is like a mainstream colonial heritage, right? And to safeguard in indigenous rights.

329
01:10:41.000 --> 01:11:05.000
Right? So how do you use human rights and don't reify? The same idea, you know, because you kind of need to use something that is out there that it's it's created by the colonizer and at the same time is the only tool that you have to actually be protected at all when you can.

330
01:11:05.000 --> 01:11:16.000
So I wanted to hear from you, how do you handle this and how do you think that We can manage because we are trying to come up with ideas.

331
01:11:16.000 --> 01:11:28.000
For like a 2 reversal of view to human rights like How can this rights become actually emancipatory considering the framework that they are constructed upon.

332
01:11:28.000 --> 01:11:36.000
And so how can we do that? So we know that there are different authors that are advocating for for different solutions.

333
01:11:36.000 --> 01:11:43.000
But I wanted to hear from you like how are you handling this? Yes.

334
01:11:43.000 --> 01:11:44.000
Yes.

335
01:11:44.000 --> 01:11:52.000
Okay, start with the so I remember one time when we were talking to my grandmother. Traditional Nishabe Alder in my community.

336
01:11:52.000 --> 01:12:07.000
About you know these notions of sort of a post-colonial analysis and decolonizing and Yeah, and.

337
01:12:07.000 --> 01:12:08.000
Okay.

338
01:12:08.000 --> 01:12:14.000
And she looked at me and she says, Did I miss it? What? Did they all go home?

339
01:12:14.000 --> 01:12:15.000
Oh.

340
01:12:15.000 --> 01:12:20.000
Yeah, I tried laughing cause I mean she was just pointing out the obvious like we will never be truly post-colonial.

341
01:12:20.000 --> 01:12:31.000
We will never be decolonized. We will forever more be living within the legacy of that colonial structure one way or the other, even if it's just in reaction to.

342
01:12:31.000 --> 01:12:32.000
Hmm.

343
01:12:32.000 --> 01:12:33.000
It will always be an organizing principle. And we have to find ways to use that strategically to our advantage.

344
01:12:33.000 --> 01:12:54.000
And even within the, you know, human rights. Contract. Within Canada, it was being there was this argument that instead of trying to fight for the rights of indigenous women to get their status back.

345
01:12:54.000 --> 01:13:00.000
Through the Indian Act to be part of bands and reserves that are all defined by the same damn Indian Act.

346
01:13:00.000 --> 01:13:08.000
And everybody's saying, you know, you need to just get rid of the Indian Act and do, you know, like we're talking like have something based on our own.

347
01:13:08.000 --> 01:13:21.000
The challenge is having had the entire maternal line of many of our communities removed because of this section of the Indian Act, those women, their children and grandchildren, great-grandchildren.

348
01:13:21.000 --> 01:13:27.000
If we are gonna sit down and talk about what we are, what is going to replace the Indian Act.

349
01:13:27.000 --> 01:13:34.000
Then we need to see it at the table first. So it was a chronological issue that while we are fighting status.

350
01:13:34.000 --> 01:13:38.000
If sure we can talk about what we're gonna do to replace the Indian Act. But we can't do that until those women and their children and grandchildren return to the table.

351
01:13:38.000 --> 01:13:53.000
So as long as Yeah, we needed to use their tools. And to because it is also the only thing that guarantees our rights within Canada anymore.

352
01:13:53.000 --> 01:14:12.000
And so, you know, that was. The reason it was you we went to the human rights framework is that because it was continually within Canada being framed as, well, this is an indigenous right thing or this is a First Nations right thing or that as advocating for the rights of women was somehow in breach of indigenous rights and

353
01:14:12.000 --> 01:14:19.000
it was being, you know, really portrayed that way that, how in breach of indigenous rights and it was being, you know, really portrayed that way that, you know, this is destroying indigenous sovereignty.

354
01:14:19.000 --> 01:14:28.000
We have the same problem with the Machmaria Real Property Act where we were saying Indigenous women on reserves deserve the same rights to access of their matrimonial property upon divorce.

355
01:14:28.000 --> 01:14:34.000
And it somebody literally said, well, well, can't you just have the men like do you need these colonial laws?

356
01:14:34.000 --> 01:14:49.000
Can't you just have the men give the women half of their property when they divorce and I literally laughed out loud because I said you know when you hit that point where we're all in divorce it's you know usually not because we've all been very nice to each other and we can just kind of, you know, treat each other

357
01:14:49.000 --> 01:14:56.000
like. Give me a break. So it's, you know, we. We are living within these contracts, whether we like it or not.

358
01:14:56.000 --> 01:15:04.000
And when I went to the, I remember going to the organization of American states. After having exhausted all of the legal venues within Canada.

359
01:15:04.000 --> 01:15:12.000
And you know the women from Fafia signed me up and they I kind of I admit I kind of just got steam rolled into this whole thing.

360
01:15:12.000 --> 01:15:15.000
You're like, we just need you here on this date at this time. We're gonna meet you downstairs.

361
01:15:15.000 --> 01:15:16.000
We're gonna strategize for a little bit. When you get to your hotel, we have the documents.

362
01:15:16.000 --> 01:15:23.000
There's an 800 page briefing for me and I just went to bed and said, screw it.

363
01:15:23.000 --> 01:15:31.000
I'll figure it out tomorrow and woke up late and just showed up and we went in and I realized here I am as an indigenous woman from Canada.

364
01:15:31.000 --> 01:15:39.000
Sitting across the table from the Canadian government. And an international human rights tribunal. And my first thought was.

365
01:15:39.000 --> 01:15:46.000
I didn't think this through. I still gotta get home. I'm in Washington and I don't know how I'm gonna get back across the border if this doesn't turn out well.

366
01:15:46.000 --> 01:16:00.000
So I mean on the one hand you know, using those international structures, those international treaties. To force change within Canada.

367
01:16:00.000 --> 01:16:17.000
Was really powerful. But there is a certain risk that individual women take. And I remember sitting there with women and from, you know, Guatemala and Venezuela and Colombia and Mexico sitting in the lobby of the Organization of American States.

368
01:16:17.000 --> 01:16:27.000
And all of us sort of having those same thoughts like as the as the government. Representatives come in down the other hallway and we're all kind of everybody you know we're all trying to judge and you realize that The danger you're putting yourself in.

369
01:16:27.000 --> 01:16:34.000
And certainly those women from the, you know, more South American countries and Central American. Was unquestionably a lot more.

370
01:16:34.000 --> 01:16:43.000
You know, here in Canada we can walk up to Parliament Hill if we want. And that's not a possibility other country.

371
01:16:43.000 --> 01:16:54.000
I think that for us. The importance of making using human rights instruments. Was making it in everybody issue as long as it was just an Indian issue or a women's issue.

372
01:16:54.000 --> 01:17:05.000
The majority of Canadian society can sort of write it off as not my problem. And. Basically legislation like anything else is about votes if you wanna get voted in.

373
01:17:05.000 --> 01:17:14.000
Then that's all the government cares about. So if you make this a voteable issue, if you make this something that the majority of Canadians are now like, oh, this is actually an issue for me.

374
01:17:14.000 --> 01:17:15.000
Hmm.

375
01:17:15.000 --> 01:17:24.000
And it was interesting to see like Iran. Criticizing Canada for the abuse of women's rights. And I thought Wow, like that's a big moment.

376
01:17:24.000 --> 01:17:34.000
And it was because Canada really projects and works very hard at protecting that Lily White reputation and criticizing everybody else for human rights.

377
01:17:34.000 --> 01:17:35.000
Yes.

378
01:17:35.000 --> 01:17:40.000
So when they were criticized for the violation of human rights. Yeah, there was a lot of people scrambling to like damage control. How do we fix this?

379
01:17:40.000 --> 01:17:45.000
How do we make these guys go away? And you know, at the end of the day, the only way was to fix it.

380
01:17:45.000 --> 01:17:50.000
Took them 50 years but

381
01:17:50.000 --> 01:17:55.000
Hmm, wonderful. Yes. Anyone else questions?

382
01:17:55.000 --> 01:18:16.000
Oh, sorry, I would like to just comment on your question because it's a I mean for me I'm learning so much from Don and from working with Don and her experience but it's I have a similar question as you when I started thinking about this issue and why I started thinking about this issue and why I wanted to

383
01:18:16.000 --> 01:18:22.000
work with, thinking about this issue and, why I wanted to work, with Don and I also work with indigenous women and why I wanted to work with Don and I also work with indigenous women in Mexico.

384
01:18:22.000 --> 01:18:48.000
And the thing for me is though that to scale things back a little bit and consider that human rights you know, the way that we understand it, now is not fully an entirely, you know, a colonial tool in the sense that from the beginning, indigenous women have resisted as have other

385
01:18:48.000 --> 01:19:01.000
racialized and marginalized have other racialized and marginalized people and they have other racialized and marginalized people and they have contributed to making it a tool of resistance as opposed to only a tool.

386
01:19:01.000 --> 01:19:13.000
And they have contributed to, making it a tool of resistance as opposed to only a tool that imagines a particular universal subject, but we tend to forget about those contributions as opposed to only a tool that imagines a particular universal subject, etc.

387
01:19:13.000 --> 01:19:19.000
But we tend to forget to, making it a tool of resistance as opposed to only a tool that imagines a particular universal subject, etc.

388
01:19:19.000 --> 01:19:23.000
But we, a tool of resistance as opposed to only a tool that imagines a particular universal subject etc.

389
01:19:23.000 --> 01:19:33.000
But we tend to forget about those contributions and it's those contributions that we want to highlight I think in our project right like as a particular universal subject, etc. But we tend to forget about those contributions.

390
01:19:33.000 --> 01:19:43.000
And it's those contributions that we want to highlight, I think, a particular universal subject, etc. But we, tend to forget about those contributions.

391
01:19:43.000 --> 01:20:06.000
And it's those contributions that we want to highlight, I and the upper quite supremacist like a writing the UN declaration, I mean the declaration, the universal declaration of human right like contradictions of that sort but I think that if we forget that from the start, but I think that if we forget that from the start, human rights

392
01:20:06.000 --> 01:20:18.000
have been tools of that sort. But I think that if we forget that from the start, human rights have been tools of resistance and that resistance has shaped how they work and and and what they can do on their potential then we risk really continuing to say that these rights are inaccessible or they cannot be used or indigenous.

393
01:20:18.000 --> 01:20:31.000
Communities and peoples and other marginalized people. Can never access them or can never do anything with them.

394
01:20:31.000 --> 01:20:53.000
And as Don just mentioned, that just doesn't make. A it's not the reality and B it doesn't make sense and I think it's by paying attention to when this is happening, to these struggles that that's when that universal ideal of human rights is coming into practice and into into friction, but it doesn't mean that it's

395
01:20:53.000 --> 01:21:09.000
disconnected from the state or institutions, etc. And that's, I think, what we need to be realistic about as Don said, like, you know, we are living in these structures and, you know, we are living in these structures and, they're not gonna go away, you know, we are living

396
01:21:09.000 --> 01:21:19.000
in in these structures and, they're not gonna go away, dismantling them as like fully scrapping and removing Either right, law is not a monolith, neither is the state.

397
01:21:19.000 --> 01:21:24.000
And it's all those nuances and complexities and messiness that we need to pay attention to.

398
01:21:24.000 --> 01:21:31.000
But anyway, that's kind of like my 2 cents and wire. So thrilled to be to be working with Don and as well as Lisa.

399
01:21:31.000 --> 01:21:37.000
And moving forward with this project I'm being part of of this panel.

400
01:21:37.000 --> 01:22:04.000
Wonderful. Yes. So I have a question to Malin. Yes, I'm not an expert in Sri Lanka far from this but I know that the president has done a bunch of institutional reforms that has kind of led the country to have weaker institutions so I have 2 questions actually.

401
01:22:04.000 --> 01:22:11.000
So after that the protest How do you see the the institutions in Sri Lanka? Are they getting stronger again?

402
01:22:11.000 --> 01:22:28.000
Did anything change? And the other question is how much do you think that this posted the protest was a reflection of the elite kind of.

403
01:22:28.000 --> 01:22:46.000
A response from the elite and how you see that because you kind of mentioned this a little bit, but then you stopped in terms of the The possibilities of new social movements coming up in the country.

404
01:22:46.000 --> 01:22:53.000
So how do you see this coming or not? Yes.

405
01:22:53.000 --> 01:23:00.000
You can come here because otherwise they will not hear you. Yes.

406
01:23:00.000 --> 01:23:21.000
Yeah, See if it's working, maybe not. Maybe you can use this one.

407
01:23:21.000 --> 01:23:41.000
For the first 2 questions. How, and after these protests to how the public institutions are doing the yeah the judiciary and yeah I think There was a political regime change.

408
01:23:41.000 --> 01:23:54.000
With the with the new leader But you know, this, the new leader. Was selected by the previous the regime members at parliament.

409
01:23:54.000 --> 01:24:24.000
So. Technically He is a man of the previous regime. So he's a kind of actor and he reflects what the previous regime wanted wants to do and so therefore but however I mean this was our expectation that you know this Haile be fully like a fully a man of previous energy but after certain you know the time He, he began

410
01:24:32.000 --> 01:24:49.000
to act differently because he I mean this the political leader he he was as a prime minister during the period of 2,015 to 2,009.

411
01:24:49.000 --> 01:25:19.000
So we had this Easter attack happen. So, so what This, new precedent tries to do is he just escalate the problem and what he exploits the interest of different parties, parties in the sense actors, and he has initiated to you know the political negotiations with different ethnic groups.

412
01:25:19.000 --> 01:25:48.000
And then he has initiated kind of negotiations with IMF now we have receive the first installment of, economic, support so these sort of things he's doing but still I don't say that the public administration or the other public institutions are very much in independent because we have executive presidential system.

413
01:25:48.000 --> 01:26:01.000
So the president controls each and every You need of, you know, the his government. So therefore, like there's no way for us to kind of have an independent political institution.

414
01:26:01.000 --> 01:26:10.000
So that is the first question. And then you were asking about this. Kind of elite elite and social movements.

415
01:26:10.000 --> 01:26:28.000
Oh yeah. So here actually I was talking about this kind of ideological fringe be observed in the moment because earlier as I said that this was a kind of leaderless moment.

416
01:26:28.000 --> 01:26:40.000
And then, We see that, you know, there were like, many, you know, the civil society organizations funded by Western countries.

417
01:26:40.000 --> 01:26:55.000
And then at the point, you know, at the last minute when the protest became the kind of think of a liftist's moment.

418
01:26:55.000 --> 01:27:14.000
So then the you know the protest began to diminish because they, they are not, I mean, capable of dealing with an interest because leftist always, they, they are against to, you know, the capitalist interest.

419
01:27:14.000 --> 01:27:30.000
So then, so that's how this protest lost the kind of international support. because since it became you know the very good thing of, leftisture.

420
01:27:30.000 --> 01:27:57.000
Stuff and also other thing that you know the many people pretended that this practice is a kind of multi-ethnic ethnic moment but it's not the case because I had some interviews quickly I would say interviews with other other people so they said You know, some civil society organization funded them to participate protest.

421
01:27:57.000 --> 01:28:23.000
But then they were very scared about it and they said I mean this not to participate in a progress is not a personal decision because they have you know the decades long you know discrimination and all so it's not a personal decision So and also the civil society organizations are not so much a kind of influential to change the you know the people mindset

422
01:28:23.000 --> 01:28:39.000
because they were like going as I said they were going from long, a case long discrimination. So, so therefore I think here the political parties are indirectly they couldn't be part of it.

423
01:28:39.000 --> 01:29:06.000
If, but only the, the leftist flavor was found at the last. But other political, you know, but indirectly they they did sometimes they did disturbed even for example now there was some introduction distribution of condoms in the protest sites to you know dismantle this professor.

424
01:29:06.000 --> 01:29:19.000
And then you know some prostitutes were sent to the protest side to you know the weaken the moment something like that it says that it is the work of political elites.

425
01:29:19.000 --> 01:29:44.000
They are not, definitely engaged. But indirectly they try to, you know. Dismantle and also these look if you look at the the pictures or the look at the pictures or the appearance of these protesters the main the characters I mean, their appearance look weird because they have this, you know, they have different parents.

426
01:29:44.000 --> 01:29:57.000
So it looks like they are sometimes drug hectares and you know like with the you know poor background so therefore I think they need some in this broadcast but not the.

427
01:29:57.000 --> 01:30:04.000
So therefore, I think they need some in this broadcast.

428
01:30:04.000 --> 01:30:15.000
Okay. So anyone else would have a question otherwise?

429
01:30:15.000 --> 01:30:16.000
Yes, Alyssa?

430
01:30:16.000 --> 01:30:32.000
Yeah, I have the question. Actually, it could go to both of the presentations, but, I was wondering about, like in your particular cases, how you see the role of international solidarity.

431
01:30:32.000 --> 01:30:40.000
And advocating for the human rights.

432
01:30:40.000 --> 01:30:50.000
So actually in our particular situation, both for the status rights of indigenous women and for, the in violence.

433
01:30:50.000 --> 01:31:02.000
Human rights conversation. It was huge in terms of mobilizing that. International audience. Was absolutely foundational.

434
01:31:02.000 --> 01:31:19.000
In terms of forcing the Canadian government to make changes within our borders. And even though people argue that while these human rights agreements, you know, these even though they sign on to these, these human rights agreements, you know, these, even though they sign on to these, you know, the UN declaration on this, even though they sign on to these, you know, the UN Declaration on this.

435
01:31:19.000 --> 01:31:20.000
that's even though they sign on to these, you know, the UN declaration on this, that and the Information.

436
01:31:20.000 --> 01:31:25.000
They don't really have any legal standing within Canada, but that's under estimating the reputational discourse.

437
01:31:25.000 --> 01:31:42.000
The importance for a country like Canada. I mean, there are countries in the world that already have a terrible reputation and maybe don't care as much, but Canada really relies on and especially at a time where they were trying to get on the UN Security Council.

438
01:31:42.000 --> 01:31:43.000
Hmm.

439
01:31:43.000 --> 01:31:47.000
They were trying to get a seat on all these councils at all these international bodies. So that's a really big deal for them.

440
01:31:47.000 --> 01:31:48.000
Yep.

441
01:31:48.000 --> 01:31:56.000
So essentially having their internal Canadian dirty laundry aired in front of the entire globe. That motivates huge change within Canada.

442
01:31:56.000 --> 01:31:59.000
And especially because you could see it wasn't until the stolen sisters conversation, you know, people started talking about that internationally.

443
01:31:59.000 --> 01:32:13.000
It's interesting within the Harper government, that meant they slapped us back harder within Canada, you know, took away our funding, silenced us.

444
01:32:13.000 --> 01:32:17.000
And we said, doesn't matter. You can cut her funny but we're still gonna keep searching.

445
01:32:17.000 --> 01:32:23.000
We just did it on our own time and Yeah, we're used to having no money anyways.

446
01:32:23.000 --> 01:32:24.000
Hey.

447
01:32:24.000 --> 01:32:32.000
Wasn't a huge change. So we just. But it was huge in terms of the reputational risk to Canada when they were trying to you know, have seats on these bodies.

448
01:32:32.000 --> 01:32:39.000
It was a huge motivating factor in both circumstances. And the interesting part about it was with the violence issue.

449
01:32:39.000 --> 01:32:44.000
The Harper government went into it feeling very confident that they had not committed any human rights violations. The government had not actually done anything against his own citizens.

450
01:32:44.000 --> 01:33:00.000
We didn't do any of this. These were individual actors. That was just some bad dude and this guy's an asshole and you know that was not ushole and you know that was not us you know this was not unleashing your army on your own citizens kind of thing.

451
01:33:00.000 --> 01:33:03.000
And so they went into it. You know, this was not unleashing your army on your own citizens kind of thing.

452
01:33:03.000 --> 01:33:12.000
And so they went into it, on your own citizens kind of thing. And so they went into it actually, they happily invited the rapporteurs into Canada and so they went into it actually they happily invited the rapporteurs into Canada and toured across the country with them showing them the 44 shelters into Canada and toured across the country with them showing them the

453
01:33:12.000 --> 01:33:18.000
44 shelters. The country with them showing them the 44 shelters that, you know, they didn't point out the fact that there's They didn't see it coming.

454
01:33:18.000 --> 01:33:25.000
They really didn't see. That they would be convicted of grave human rights violations for their failure to act.

455
01:33:25.000 --> 01:33:39.000
This was really new one of the first times that a nation had been convicted because of their failure to do something when they know that a particular population is vulnerable and to do something to prevent that violence.

456
01:33:39.000 --> 01:33:54.000
And that had huge around the globe ramifications. I remember seeing that like literally Iran and other countries getting up and speaking out and pointing fingers because Canada's so good at pointing fingers everywhere else.

457
01:33:54.000 --> 01:34:17.000
Hmm. Yes, Melini, do you want to answer? For the case of Sri Lanka I think I mean international support in the sense now the people Sri Lankans living in the sense now the people Sri Lankans living abroad they at the first time they have voice for their you know the the protester held by their

458
01:34:17.000 --> 01:34:29.000
own people because earlier I know the Tamil that was only like demanding some support and they were demanding rights for Tamils who live in the northern part of Shanghai this time.

459
01:34:29.000 --> 01:34:40.000
I think everyone united for the people against the government. So this is I think the biggest thing we received.

460
01:34:40.000 --> 01:34:44.000
Great. Good.

461
01:34:44.000 --> 01:34:49.000
Other questions? Any anyone?

462
01:34:49.000 --> 01:35:15.000
Okay, so I hope we stay connected. Yes, as we have the same interest And our research project is, is still, I mean, we are writing one article now, but I think that we have a lot to to do still in that project so I think it's a long way.

463
01:35:15.000 --> 01:35:23.000
I don't know about your project. I didn't pay attention, but do you have a time frame or are you?

464
01:35:23.000 --> 01:35:27.000
He's aspirational.

465
01:35:27.000 --> 01:35:28.000
Laugh

466
01:35:28.000 --> 01:35:44.000
Yeah, right now we're starting out. But we have a grant we will finish. Part of this project by the end of next summer I think well next spring and but we're looking forward to writing.

467
01:35:44.000 --> 01:36:00.000
Another grant that can help us explore especially those transnational dimensions, how indigenous women have used international human rights law also in like Latin American context Mexican context and there's a lot of good work.

468
01:36:00.000 --> 01:36:01.000
Oh great.

469
01:36:01.000 --> 01:36:11.000
Work good work on that as well but also those connections that exist transnationally. Not just among indigenous women, but also other.

470
01:36:11.000 --> 01:36:24.000
Other allies and how those alliances or ally ships develop. So but your project sounds fascinating and I would definitely love to learn more about what you're doing.

471
01:36:24.000 --> 01:36:29.000
Yes.

472
01:36:29.000 --> 01:36:30.000
Yes.

473
01:36:30.000 --> 01:36:32.000
So Definitely keep in touch and send us. out drafts of your manuscripts or your publications for sure.

474
01:36:32.000 --> 01:36:33.000
We'll do that.

475
01:36:33.000 --> 01:36:37.000
And thank you for creating this session.

476
01:36:37.000 --> 01:36:39.000
You're welcome. It was a pleasure. Meeting you online. Yes.

477
01:36:39.000 --> 01:36:43.000
Thank you. We're gonna go back to sleep.

478
01:36:43.000 --> 01:36:44.000
Okay, so thank you everyone Yeah.

479
01:36:44.000 --> 01:36:49.000
Yeah, we're going back to sleep and you can Lisa can share her contacts. Everybody can get in touch.

480
01:36:49.000 --> 01:36:50.000
Yes.

481
01:36:50.000 --> 01:36:55.000
Lisa is amazing and with Lisa's support now, Paulina and I actually have hope of getting this done by spring.

482
01:36:55.000 --> 01:36:56.000
Yes, exactly.

483
01:36:56.000 --> 01:36:59.000
We have leapt forward in amazing leaps and bounds recently. So.

484
01:36:59.000 --> 01:37:01.000
Exactly. Take care. Bye.

485
01:37:01.000 --> 01:37:02.000
Yeah, and we'll connect. Take care.

486
01:37:02.000 --> 01:37:04.000
Great. Thank you. Bye bye.

