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we go ahead.

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Ok, we'd like to first up this morning session by acknowledging the traditional owners of this land

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and

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 Their elders, past, present, and emerging

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on behalf of everyone gathered. I pay respect to the spirit of country here in Nam, but we are meeting, I acknowledged the past and present colon nation. Gary voyeurong! As sovereign people here the cultural knowledge holders who maintain and promote the non aboriginal law, customs and custodianship.

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responsibilities for country and the people. That country continues to sustain generation after generation into the future. For all of us. I recognize the important contribution that first nations thinkers have me to sociology, including challenges for our dominant ways of thinking. We thank all first nations delegates in the room today for their contributions to acknowledged in the discipline.

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Yes.

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good morning. My name is Tom Jenowski. I'm the organizer of this session, and I'd like to welcome everybody here. this is a exciting time for political sociology. Concerning new theories, especially theories of power. We have people presenting on the various aspects of power today. from the perspective of Russia,

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Japan, the United States, Germany, India, and finally, my paper, which is on Social Psychology, which is, I guess, nowhere.

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It's an exciting time, because we've had a journal now called the Journal of Power, that, you know is devoted to the study of power started by Mark Mark Howard, and he's also written on the 4 dimensions of power. Renier, for his written, written, the normative normative theory of power which the Journal of Power devoted a whole issue

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to that one book, and then his reply, and the next issue of the issue of the journal. So, consequently this is a

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a a lot going on a lot of times. There's not much going on in the field, and and in this field of new. There is a political sociology, I think a lot is going on, so I'll turn this over to the Renaissance to from Kenya so University and she will be the

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well, good morning, everyone. we're going to have a busy agenda today. We have 6 speakers so each speaker has 12 min, and I will show make a a sign when you have only 2 min left. So thank you for your understanding. We're very excited that you here, and the first presenter is going to be Kate Graham from Georgia Institute of Technology in the United States.

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Hello. So today I will introduce an analytic strategy that I refer to as the field of.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: So somehow, I'm with the audio, and I will use Russia's and and the of Ukraine and the global response to it to they'll be arguing is that while powers off and photographs, sometimes in certain circumstances, or

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select another analytically distinct and treated as such you can always the box the same sacred C. But I,

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for the sake of time, I'm not going to of power in sociology, except to say the way that Max Vapor means to achieve one's interest or ends.

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Okay? So

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following Michael Mann as well that there are some kinds of power, you know powers always contextual, but there are some types of power that are generalizable, meaning that they can be used in a lot of different contexts, and their their value is roughly the same. How they work is roughly the same in all these different contexts. So I'm going to walk through some of these generalizable powers.

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as they relate to say, the conflict in Ukraine, asking, how so? Yes, there's a war going on. But how is it that the people who are on that battlefield. Get there? Well, one, of course, is state power. The State writes laws and enforces laws, and they conscript people. You must serve, or else you will say, go to jail for 10 years to serve in the armed forces.

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and another generalizable power is money. So essentially it's trade. But money being a generalizable means of exchange. If you have lots of money, you have more power to trade with people to achieve your end. So a lot of people, the the soldiers are Even the conscripts are paid But there are also certain people who are not conscripted, but are specifically there because they are paid, for example, the Wagner group, which has just made headlines very recently, 132.

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It's a it's a private military company, and if you can't read Russian. Their patch says it's nothing personal. We're getting paid

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And finally, what I call cultural power. Another context called civil power. Basically, it's it's power that come from people voluntarily believing that behaving in a some way is the right and good thing to do, so motivating people to act in part by by getting their their values and beliefs stirred accordingly. So

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I think in most military conflicts you think of this as morale, of course.

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in this particular conflict. You can see this in the international legions of people who travel to Ukraine, not because they they were conscripted, and that certainly not getting a great salary there, but because they believe it's a good cause or the inverse of that. This is a picture of part of the mass exodus of bodies from Russia following the conscription, the mobilization in September basically saying, it doesn't matter that I'm being conscripted. It doesn't matter that I'm getting paid. I don't believe this is a cause worth dying for, and I'm removing myself from it.

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So

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once you think about these different sources of power, you can start to put them together in a kind of field. So of course, I'm drawing on field theory most associated with Pierre Bordeaux. The idea that that

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so social interactions can be examined, as it's say, like a soccer game where you're you're trying to achieve an end. But

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your contingent on the position of your field, and the other players that are in their field in the field, doing, making similar decisions, at the same time

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extending that to this idea of power these different types of power, money, law, culture.

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there exists a field of power to you can kind of think of as a meta-field that contains all these different social fields within which people strive to achieve their ends.

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So

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this is a space where people who command these types of power contest in the field of power specifically interested, and when the purpose is to target the balance of power, how strong these powers are.

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So let's know, first of all, what that looks like? How does a

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what does a struggle in the field of power actually look like? What do people actually do? I call these power plays.

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So when one type of generalizable power targets another one thing they can do is target. How concentrated or how diffuse that power is. So, for example, someone with a lot of money has more power to wield that that advantage than if money is dispersed up. So if the State say, redistributes income or enact anti-trust law, it's diffusing the power.

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Another is to create some sort of limit to the generalizability of its use. So to say, Okay, you can use money anywhere except right here, like creating public parks or something. Okay, we're not going to have a real estate market around this specific land. We're corralling that generalizability in this area.

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And it's important to note that sometimes these power plays take place by proxy. So leverage you have over one type of power can then be used for another. So, for example, I give a lazy-fare ideology. So using a cultural power to limit the State's action against financial power.

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So let's see how that works in Russia. In the context of the invasion.

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So immediately after the invasion there was a

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mobilization outpouring of of anti-war demonstrations in at least 51 cities. Thousands of people were arrested. But one week later the State enacted a massive power play of the state against so cultural power. Basically, there was a number of laws that were passed. The one that I'll speak of now because of limits of time

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was a law that basically

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it's a closely known as the law and fake news.

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a crime to disseminate fake information which is defined as the official information of the State government. So basically, freedom of speech is no and void. If you're contradicting what the State is saying, then you don't have free speech. That is a massive power plan. And while it's specifically about the war, the law itself is not written about the war, so it really does pertain to anything so cultural power. 150

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as a whole took a hit, and it was already quite weak in Russia at this point.

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Another thing I will mention is a

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that Ross come in the door, which is the media regulator, also closed down

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foreign social media and limited a lot of websites that were that were abroad and required digital companies to register in Russia, and therefore be subject to Russian law, which, again, this law is about constraining speech.

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to constrain the cultural discourse to the State's sovereign territory is quite a power play right there in terms of the strength and weakness of the State, but it vis-a-vis culture

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 A lot of people in the West were surprised that Russian oligarchs did not come out against the war in losing their assets and markets abroad. This is the result of previous power plays by the State against against economic actors.

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basically the use of law to target specific oligarchs who crossed a line, and that line again was disagreeing with the State agenda

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clear examples from the past. Mikhail Khodrokowski, Vladimir, Kuznski, and Buddhist Perezowski, all of whom were exiled or had their Assets confiscated and ended up in prison. This, in case you had forgotten, in case the oligarchs had forgotten. There was a replay of this after the invasion with Olu Tinka, who

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criticized the war, and then it was a banking magnate. And then, Basically, the bank was threatened with nationalization unless he divested himself of of his shares, which he sold at these plans of fire sale price.

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So that was the action in Russia.

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But the field of power existed. A lot of different spatial scales. Cells move up to the global field of power in a lot of ways. By enhancing its power domestically, the Russian State has managed to also diminish it globally. So.

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following the invasion, there was

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There were were power plays by other actors against Russia, and so the obvious, most clear-cut one of the sections. So a move by other State governments because these are laws, these are passed by State governments to limit economic exchange and economic power of the economic power of Russia that that's not only the war, but again, all all of Russia's

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actions and agenda. So it's a power play against Russia's financial power. They froze 300 billion dollars in foreign reserves, kept the price of oil and kicked off the kick brush out of the swift financial messaging system and really isolated them economically.

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Cultural powers also used to target financial and the financial power of Russia.

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So there were

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and calls for various boycotts. and these were actually quite successful. So

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about a thousand companies have limited their economic involvement in Russia beyond what the sanctions were even asking for.

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And I would argue also that in addition to constraining

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the financial power of Russia, the sanctions were also doing cultural work to build cultural power among the global nations against Russia's action and make sure that that is a

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a counterbalance in the global sphere. So other symbolic actions using cultural power against Russia included, for example, the repeated votes

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to condemn the invasion of the UN. The Olympic Committee and Fifa both excluded Russia, including it from the World Cup that year. so there are a lot of symbolic actions trying to build cultural power against against Russia.

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And interestingly, too.

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there is, this interesting relationship in the field of power about state governments, because our whole international system is built on sovereign statehood. And yet, as we try and and integrate, we find the call for global governance. So while it's and you know,

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a slippery level of governance, there's also attempt to move State power up a level for institutions like the International Criminal Court. So Putin is a

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but

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charged with a war crime in the deportation of Ukrainian children. Other investigations are ongoing, and while Russia is not part of the Icc. And the United States is neither, by the way, but it it does still have

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legal enforcement among those countries who are in the treaty, and therefore it does kind of constrain the space. So we have an attempt to change the spatial scale to

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to target Russia's power.

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So, in conclusion, I hope that I have shown that there does exist a field of struggle where the stakes are the relative strength and accessibility and concentration of distinct types of generalizable power, wealth, law, and culture.

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and that the field of power, then, can provide a framework and a vocabulary for us to discuss these moves and treat them as analytically distinct from mere a mere T to get one's interest to see one's interest.

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and they matter because it's not. Only when you have these plays in the field of power, it doesn't necessarily just impact the agenda of one particular issue. But all these different issues, because these are, in fact, generalizable powers. I also think that that is some really interesting inter relationships between this perspective and liberalism. But I won't say that we'll say that for later, if you want on the Q. And a.

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Thank you. It was perfect

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questions, for

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our next presenter is going to join us for a truly

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I think, Jeff, are you here?

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Perfect? So the next presenter is going to be Jeff Broadband, who is joining us from University of Minnesota in 90 States. It's about 9 pm. Over there. Yes.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: Well, yeah, it's about 8 pm. Right now. 8 P. M. All right, Jeff, you have the floor.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: Okay, thank you.

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Can you see my slide? Yes, we can see. Well.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: okay, well, I'd like to talk about the dimensions of power. A relational research method.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: And starting with the concept of the power structure, it's been a useful concept for political sociologists and spawn the community power structure debate. But it's been challenged. Sorry to interrupt you. Can you make yourself louder, increase the volume, button, or talk louder?

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Jeffrey Broadbent: Is this any better?

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We're trying to fix the volume here. But until then, please just talk a little bit louder.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: Okay, I'm try. I'm gonna try. Can you hear? My, now? Yeah, we can hear you. Yeah. So so our structure has been a useful concept.

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Jeffrey Broadbent:  let's see.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: I I I'm I'm getting my own. You're in my way here for the

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Jeffrey Broadbent:  slides, I think. Now, okay, now

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Jeffrey Broadbent: I can do better, I think.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: But the power structure as a concept seems unified, hierarchical, monolithic, a top-down domination.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: It follows the definition of power as mocked a classical definition by Weber

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Jeffrey Broadbent: I. In that power is the capacity of some actor to get their way in a social relationship, despite resistance, no matter what the means.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: So it power is seen. As malign choirs have been dominating.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: So we need to think about power more broadly, and we need to reconstruct the notion of power structure out of its component parts, aspects, and elements.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: Now, if I can go forward, so people have begun to for quite a while now to find the different dimensions of power starting with Luke's

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Jeffrey Broadbent: power, a radical view.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: who had, who saw power mainly as domination in 3 varieties over negotiation, covert agenda setting and hegemonic or thought control. So where you, controlling the preferences of the

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Jeffrey Broadbent: the other person or the other actor.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: This has been updated by How Guard.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: who Tom, in his Introduction, mentioned in his recent book, 4 Dimensions of power, Domination, and Empowerment, is also part of power. So he mentions agency.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: But we're a cop. orders traffic structure where social structures give authority to the cop status. The system of thought which is the mutual concept of traffic police

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Jeffrey Broadbent: that people hold in common, and then the social ontology, the internalized discipline

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Jeffrey Broadbent: to follow the driving code which reminds us of Foucault.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: Another treatment is Amy Allen, the power of feminist theory, where she talks about power, to the individual capacity, power over which is domination and power with which is cooperation.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: to which I would add

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Jeffrey Broadbent: power of which deals with the power of structures like thought structures, cultural structures, institutional structures

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Jeffrey Broadbent: to create forms of power in society. So this leads us to big questions, how does the power structure really operate?

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Jeffrey Broadbent: What are the different types of power. and also other dimensions than those mentioned up to now.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: is power of material or ideal. In other words, how tangible is the medium through which people use power.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: power, structural or agentic. or how malleable is power to the people who are using it? Are they being imposed upon, or are they acting agentically?

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Jeffrey Broadbent: And how do these different power types come together to compose a power structure? Which of these different types is more determinative of the outcomes of the political process.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: setting the path of decision making in a multi-actor.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: multi-year political process.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: And then you can ask questions like, how does culture affect the decisions and interactions that compose the power structure.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: So this requires an expansion of the power structure concept.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: We need to expand it in terms of breadth, to include all the influential actors

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Jeffrey Broadbent: as an interaction field in terms of depth, to include the different dimensions of power, and in terms of length to include the transformations over time

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Jeffrey Broadbent: of that power structure

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Jeffrey Broadbent: we can begin with

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Jeffrey Broadbent: decomposing the power structure into its fundamental unit, which is the dyadic power interaction between organizations and use this as a unit of analysis.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: This constitutes the most primitive element of the interaction field.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: These dieads link into networks

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Jeffrey Broadbent: of influence interaction which form network patterns

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Jeffrey Broadbent: which give a representation of a power structure where size can be equal to influence, or the number of interactions or other qualities.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: And this I have measured empirically in a case study of environmental contention in Japan, where I measured 247 different

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Jeffrey Broadbent: and

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Jeffrey Broadbent: influence interactions or dyads composing the influential

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Jeffrey Broadbent: interactions in a 27 year process of political process of local to contention over industrial development and pollution.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: So this forms the 27 year long interaction field.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: Now, the if we move from the interaction.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: dyed

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Jeffrey Broadbent: to the dimensions, the extra dimensions I'm adding of power interactions, tangibility refers to

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Jeffrey Broadbent: the medium of transmission. be it material such as political, economic, expert advice

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Jeffrey Broadbent: for man, the social norms and status categories from bourgeois or cultural values and beliefs, legitimacy, emotions mentioned by both man and Borgu, and the dimension of malleability which I mentioned, the actor's capacity to change.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: So structure is where the power relationship in the diet is imposed on both actors.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: structural concepts being mentioned by Giddens and Seoul

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Jeffrey Broadbent: plastic, where the actors interact

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Jeffrey Broadbent: to create the power relationship, an agency where the actor exerts power without regard to interaction.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: And if you put these 2 together, they form a table of modes of power

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Jeffrey Broadbent: defined by tangibility and malleability and material social cultural structure, plastic and agency. So cultural structure, for instance, could be a deeply believed

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Jeffrey Broadbent: concept about power and how it should operate.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: For instance, there's been an interesting book on Russia that talks about the Russian mythology of power that affects rulers and people.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: or it could be religion

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Jeffrey Broadbent: or other factors that define the deep culture that affects

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Jeffrey Broadbent: any 2 actors that are interacting in power.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: On the other hand, you can have cultural plastic where people debate and discuss the cultural concepts or a cultural agency where people reflectively.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: reflexively create new forms of power.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: cultural power. And this table can be expanded

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Jeffrey Broadbent: into a 18 mode table which I'll use for analysis.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: and it could be expanded further.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: which is in the paper which I distributed with examples, helped along by suggestions from Tom Jenowski.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: The case study used as a method, you select a political process with an outcome.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: be it

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Jeffrey Broadbent: An appointment of a Supreme Court justice, or An outcome of concerning a polluting factory or whatever it may be.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: and you identify all dyadic interactions between organizations that exercised

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Jeffrey Broadbent: outcome power that is some degree of power over the final outcome. Then you code 18 power modes. I talked about present in all selected dyadic interactions.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: code levels of outcome power and then analyze it using network and statistical software, because you then have a quantitative database that comes out of

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Jeffrey Broadbent: a lot of qualitative and secondary source literature depending on how you do your research.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: So these key influence interactions are the ones there are these dyads which have some

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Jeffrey Broadbent: outcome and output power, some outcome power over this process outcome. There is a lot of them, and they connect to each other over time.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: So this produces this kind of network image that I showed you. But this one is

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Jeffrey Broadbent: the the synchronic or compressed version, using all the

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Jeffrey Broadbent: power interactions that occurred over the 27 year period of this particular

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Jeffrey Broadbent: power. contentious power, politics process, and in this

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Jeffrey Broadbent: the prefectural government held the greatest degree of outcome power.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: the citizens movement the next, and then other pro industrial growth. forces like national business, national government, and so forthheld modeled outcome power score. So

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Jeffrey Broadbent: the power structure seemed heavily tilted against the the citizens movement which was opposing this industrial factory, but yet the movement won.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: It seems very unlikely. So how could it win? And from a traditional power structure perspective, it seems not possible.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: Now, if we look at this compressed

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Jeffrey Broadbent: network, we could also look at the factor, the modes of tangibility that we're at work, including legitimacy, economic inducement, legal, coercive

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Jeffrey Broadbent: and others. We can also look at the expansion in depth for the malleability

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Jeffrey Broadbent: which looks at, for instance, actor A and actor B being under structural imposition

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Jeffrey Broadbent: for 20% of the time following routine procedures that they weren't actively engaged in. But we're carrying out, on the other hand, agency here A and A has a lot of

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Jeffrey Broadbent: factor in the creation of the power structure.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: So in this this way, we can begin to investigate these structural questions.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: Now, if we look at the network as a sequential evolution of separate networks over

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Jeffrey Broadbent: the 27 year period. I divided it into three-year periods. This is the first network centering on the prefectural government. This is the sixth network where it centers on the

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Jeffrey Broadbent: a sudden upsurge in movement, activity, pressure in the prefectural government into past setting activity which created the capacity for the movement to win. So you have to look at this dynamic process.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: and you can see the dynamic process and in terms of extension, expansion in length. Here's the sudden upsurge of the citizen movements. You can see it in terms of the changes in the different sanctions

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Jeffrey Broadbent: in the I the

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Jeffrey Broadbent: tangibility dimension over time, for instance, the the sanction of legitimacy used by this process movement goes very strong here in the sixth period. I was just showing you.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: And you can look at the structural state where, in this same period, there's a lot of agency exercise by the social movement.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: So, in conclusion, to answer big questions about how power operates, we need to reconstruct the power structure from dyadic elements

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Jeffrey Broadbent: and expand its breadth and to include all the relevant actors.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: even to study a certain focal act, or be it the State, or a business group, or a social movement, or whatever you have to look at it within that broad context. You have to look at it in depth to see how power operates through different modes.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: so that you can find out

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Jeffrey Broadbent: when, say, a cultural mode like legitimacy had an important effect. Despite it being surrounded by material and

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Jeffrey Broadbent: a structural material and structural. I

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Jeffrey Broadbent: social institutional factors.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: and you can bring in other types of power, too, here, such as we discussed at the beginning. But I mentioned these 2, and then in finally, in terms of length.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: we need to study the developmental trajectory of the political process

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Jeffrey Broadbent: and to study how the power structure evolves over time and identify key turning points that set path directions and identify modes responsible for these key turning points. And that way we can address

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Jeffrey Broadbent: a lot of big questions about how our, how power really operates, even though this is a very labor-intensive process, I do admit.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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And the next presentation is going to be of

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Jacob Hartle

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from the University of Hawaii, Littlenburg, Germany.

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Jeffrey Broadbent: Could I ask the presenters who are there to face the camera when they're presenting? Because otherwise you're off-camera for the virtual attendance.

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All right. Can you see me?

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I don't know what I I think my camera is on. I can see you very well now, all right. Okay.

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right then, I'll start right away. So thank you very much for having me for this presentation on. infrastructure power questions. I would I wanted to start with a more extended Manheimer and disclaimer so, talking about, but my standpoint, and reflecting on where my theoretical approach comes from. However, I will not skip this a little bit and focus on my rationale from talking from an East Sherman perspective, although I'm not from East Germany. So I want to talk about

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East Germany is kind of my point of departure for my considerations.

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East Germany is a very interesting case for a post-communist country, and transition being unified with the best German entity

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and which has now, 30 years after the transition, is still in the information, and is characterized by several things like, for example, which for me, as a foreigner, we're kind, kind, kind of obvious, or kind of overt, interesting things like this, lack of infrastructures, on the one hand, combined with a strong lack of institutional trust. So we have very low, put it in the participation rates in East Germany.

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But at the same time we see high chefs for the far right for the Npd. And now more famously, maybe, for the ideal of the Dodge plan alternative for Germany, and we also have far right extremism by a Bakida and paroterrorism, like a Socialist underground, who killed 10 people over the last

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over the course of several years. In Germany. This goes hand in hand with some other effects, like, for example, like since 19 nineties, 6,000 kilometers of rail drags were destroyed were hook about, as they say in Germany, which is a wonderful euphemism to back back.

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and between 2,001 and 2,011300,000 320,000 flats were hook about so to destroy it. So I wanted to make sense of that and the rationale for my talk today is to get a a little crip of what's going on here to an extent. So I want to talk about infrastructure infrastructures.

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infrastructure, power, and discrimination. I want to give some ideas of an element of a producing theory of the State, and talk about infrastructure as habits of the state and what to do about it.

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Ok, when we think about infrastructures, we usually think about like roads and hospitals and schools and stuff like this, however, in a more from a more authentic point of view, we can, for for example, Van Lark, who says that infrastructures are an a sample of tangible institutions

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designed for anonymous population

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at large, around which an everyday practice has established itself. So there are several things I want to point out. So one thing is that it's clear that as infrastructure is, although maybe it be built or imposed from above.

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he needs to be used from below. So, for example, a road which is not used is just a plane of concrete. So you need to use it by this enormous population to make infrastructure. a a thing as as infrastructure, and make it understandable as infrastructure.

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At the same time. Infrastructures also have always 2 sides to them, because they are the one of the material, but also providential. So the the provision of infrastructure is not just only building the hospital, but also staffing with with doctors and nurses and and stuff, because otherwise it wouldn't work as a as a hospital.

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This whole concept of infrastructures where phenomena makes clear is a modern one. It's one of modernity which is very aligned on the Bavarian institution of State. And this we're an institutional state.

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is as Kum in the bamboo, for example, says it's always an expensive colonial state, which is always, or in the Rosa for the it's always land grabbing. It's kind of always expanding. It's it's it's it's it's it's it's, it's it's it's it's, it's it's it's it's it's it's an Imperialist, which is kind of the old way they build the the colonial way

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expanding the realm, or it's on a lamp driving

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so meaning permeating more and more areas of life in the within the realm, within the the the territory at the tent.

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This, of course, moves. This is probably leads to to man's idea of infrastructure power. to quote infrastructure power is the capacity of the State to actually penetrate civil society and to implement logistically political decisions throughout their own. And how does State do this?

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The main means or the main infrastructural power means the State is unifying and centralizing of literacy.

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my uniform and centralizing of markets and market regulations.

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and also, of course, transport of people goods, information

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taking it together. This means that living outside state becomes increasingly impossible.

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You can get it just d of the land craving or the the internal length craving of the State combined with the fact that the State permits penetrate civil society, living out of the State becomes increasingly impossible. However, I think that man man's ideas. need some more sociological underpinning. For this I will turn to, but using the theory of the State to some elements of a producing the of the State.

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 To understand this is a social process. I think we can make use of Dude's ideas, which he pinned out only in his lectures on the State, and never really to get him a concentrated monography. However.

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you are you not familiar with this? But you, of course, that starts out with the monopoly of the user force, which is more or less the same ideas as marks copper.

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You name him So violence control of violence stands at the beginning of of state, of State. Palmer, however, of course, the Jewish stand for heads, and famously his ideas of 3 forms of capital, which only will not elaborate on. But we can add to this a wonderful other Trinity, Augustian, Orchestanian trinity of ours in this regard, which are recognition, relationality, and rationalization.

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which Atkinson, who works on these ideas, means that any kind of capital, any kind of

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any of these capital, needs recognition by others.

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a framework of recognition, for example, from a cultural capital, as in form of a degree.

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it also it produces relationality, because the degree puts me into a relation with people who do not have a degree right to have not becomes a thing. And these forms of capital become are, or as as as they are, because they have a hidden rationalization of the worth of their meaning, of their force, of putting people into places in a society.

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This, of course, is only possible because the State, as but you have put it, works as a central bank of all forms of Kabul, and and and thus penetrates and dominates social relations and legitimacy's hierarchies.

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Cost is A very nice workplay of on capital, capital and capital rights is the centralization of capital in the capital by the same time being capital, because we in French with the E. But yeah.

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 because that you have to send for bank in the capital is is even more important when we look into other ideas of, put you about the unification of spaces which is always important for understanding the to to funding state power. So but you makes a case that the modern State turned from the DVD at input, from the divide and conquer or divided rule to a unified single single arise

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in this regard to users, to the phrases of elineating and universalizing integration. So, on the one hand, for example, a unified educational system.

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homogeneous people at the same time, by homogeneising, it actually provides the means to single rise and to stratify people, and thus rule them in a better way.

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made it more accessible to any kind of government and ruling.

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and this goes hand in hand with a dismantling of local and social material and sort of with a dismantle of local, material, and social and infrastructures.

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So I need to also devaluate local knowledge and local knowledge stocks which works so intriguing, rational to implement State power in this regard. When I want to really concentrate and centralize the cultural powers, economic power, etc.

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And thus I think that epistemic power is to a certain extent at the heart of the establishment of infrastructure power, because, as before, the infrastructures in the end in themselves institutions.

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This leads me to my kind of my my core thesis that I feel that I don't want to understand or work on. How we can understand. Infrastructure is kind of the habit of the State. And if someone is now reminded of change, this code, seeing like a state. Yes, this is a little bit of a reference to this

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because we think about the habiters and the producing ideas of being a structuring and structured structure and embodied history.

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I think that infrastructures do exactly reflect the way the the State perceives or the way states rule. Actually, people in the, in their who are subject to to state governments and structures as well reflect and reproduce structures of power and domination, because provision with schools to virtually operation with universities, hospitals, roads, trains, Internet provision whatever

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is also a way of accessing, exercising and power and domination. and of course, thinking about things like the coal. pandemic infrastructure power can become quite the bi-political power. And it's going to maybe even be honest with this despotic power when it comes to life or death.

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So what to do about it? Instead of conclusion, I want to emphasize that. I think that we need to look into infrastructure changes as part of social changes. And I'm now I'm very much interested in infrastructure cooperatives like, where people from start from below taking over infrastructure power and taking it away from the State and doing things. yeah, in more diy ways of doing infrastructure, like energies, cooperatives, transport cooperatives.

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But of course, these empties. Municipal is to a Communist. In this book chin wordings, infrastructure supply is always in a struggle with the bureaucratic institution of States.

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and the other question of course, remains whether these kind of infrastructure cooperatives can have really an emancipatory potential or remain just small-scale initiatives.

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So thank you very much. And I'm looking forward to your question.

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All right. Simon is here. So next we're going to have Simon Newman from University of Michigan, the United States.

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Can you share your slide?

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Simeon Newman: Sure. Yeah.

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perfect. We see it.

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Simeon Newman: let me go like this. It's probably better for you. Right?

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Yes, we can see it.

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Simeon Newman: That's great. Okay? So on, this talk involves an attempt to revive and put on a better theoretical foundation, the problem of clientalism, and, more broadly, the client to literature.

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Simeon Newman: clientism is defined as a kind of political relations characterized by in formality. some kind of exchange or reciprocation and hierarchy, with patrons taking the support, super ordinate position, and clients taking a subordinate position in these relations.

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Simeon Newman: The various definitions which have been put forth very along 2 dimensions. they. I'm sorry I'm gonna skip over this. They vary in terms of both substance and scale. If the substantive variation goes from one extreme, which is essentially vote buying a very narrow definition to broader conceptions

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Simeon Newman: of clientalism as a characteristic that transcends both kinds of political relations and specific sort of moments of political action. scale also varies from the dyadic micro scale to mediated forms of mass clientalism.

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Simeon Newman: And as you'll see I'm trying to further the sort of second alternative along both of these dimensions. So, in other words, a broader conception of clientalism. that is, that is mediated in nature.

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Simeon Newman:  normative issues, cannot be bracketed from the study of clientalism. because of the kind of relationship between patron and client both parties get something out of the relationship which naturally points to a question of whether they are. The these kinds of relations are exploitative.

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Simeon Newman: and sort of big debate. surrounds this question with on the one side, Dirk, I mean, pointing to this being essentially a an empirical question to which Marxian's reply that this is a fundamentally theoretical and normative question that can't be resolved on the basis of empirics.

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Simeon Newman: the next big kind of normative, thorny issue involves whether clandalism is a rational form of political relations with the variance on the one side, arguing that yes, glandalism is rational, although it does represent the failure of political institutions, and on the other side Marxian is arguing that it is not rational, and that the better clients understand clientalism the weaker it is likely to become

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Simeon Newman: so. I think that there's something like a consensus or some sort of convergence that is coming out of broadly these normative issues on the idea that clientism is on the one side a voluntary relationship, and on the other side that is exploitative. And these are, of course, the basic ingredients of false consciousness.

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Simeon Newman: the 2 main theoret. I'm going to cover 2 main theoretical traditions in the clientalism literature. The first is Neo-jur primary and gift theory, which essentially which is, first of all, it's diatic and it essentially argues that gift bestow creates dependency, and that, moreover, gift, pistol dependency can be reversed on the basis of granting counter gifts.

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Simeon Newman: however, dependence persists if it is not reversed. If a gift is not reciprocated, this is important, because those who have well can't give gifts, but those who end can give reciprocal gifts can give counter gifts over those who do not have wealth are not in a position to reciprocate and sort of reverse the relationship meaning that gifts are a way

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Simeon Newman: to institute from the top down dependence relations, in other words, constitute clientism.

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Simeon Newman: This, however, comes with a somewhat extreme hermenoidic condition. for patrons to be generous in the sense of bestowing gifts in this way, and for clients to become dependent. As a result, thinking this is generosity requires false understanding of all of those involved. And or Jude, it was I think, most insightful on this particular question.

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Simeon Newman: and he said that everyone knows and does not want to know, that everyone knows and does not want to know the true nature of this. What exchange?

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Simeon Newman: The second main theoretical tradition dealing with clientism is neo-viberian principal agent theory.

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Simeon Newman: in principle. Agent theory argues, first of all, that client this relations are mediated and there have, however, been problems with the initial way of constructing these relations as focused on specifically on vote buying the intermediaries would do vote buying. So this shift. So the literature shifted to intermediaries, doing the work of mobilizing followers and monitoring political followers.

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Simeon Newman:  This perspective, however, comes with a somewhat unrealistic view of falsity. says that essentially that patrons suffer from the false belief that what they saw in horizontal relations between clients, while mobilizing them in order to gain support, has nothing to do with the kind of vertical relations of support between patrons and clients that patrons could reap on the basis

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Simeon Newman: of mobilizing clients. And so, in essence, the view is internally incoherent, and ultimately even refutes itself, arguing essentially that in order for the patron to control the client 250

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Simeon Newman: through the intermediary the client would have to exercise control over the patron. Again, through the through the intermediary. The alternative that I want to put forward is a sort of new of Marxian alternative, and it centers really on what I call soliciting subordination.

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Simeon Newman: And the basic idea here is that a client or intermediary conveys to a patron or superordinate actor that the client would like to pay tribute to to the patron. because the patron plans to do X great thing for the client, when, in fact, the patron has no intention, an initial intention of doing acts.

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Simeon Newman: In other words, a subordinate actor puts a super ordinary actor on notice, conveying that she wants to give support or subordination, and receive for beneficence or a recognition of some kind.

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Simeon Newman: and the implication here which is, I think, important, is that if the superordinate entity wants to avail itself of the support. it would be natural to at least passively endorse the X. Great thing that the client requests.

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Simeon Newman: Similar insights to this have already been developed in the work, for example, of the anthropologist, James Ferguson, and his study of Declarations of Independence, and in the work of political scientists, Simeon Nickter and his work on Relational clientalism

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Simeon Newman: but soliciting subordination highlights better than these alternatives that the client and or intermediary cannot make claims that are contrary to the patrons, aims even when the the the interest of these 2 parties diverge.

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Simeon Newman: and that moreover, the they, the client or intermediary can only oppose short-term goals that are identical to the patrons, long-term goals

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Simeon Newman: thus soliciting subordination. and, on my view, client, there is a more broadly represents false consciousness on the part of clients or intermediaries, but not on the part of patrons.

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Simeon Newman: This, broadly speaking, is consistent with Gram. She and political sociology. And of course, Gram, she's paradigm centers on consent to domination which are the basic ingredients of hegemony for him. and it's important to note, I think, that it's not focused on formal institutions. the rule to rule for ground. She is essentially to respond to requests from below.

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Simeon Newman: and intermediaries are central to this this way of thinking about power from she specifically singles out traditional intellectuals, trade unions, and the church that do this kind of intermediary work.

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Simeon Newman: and what we get from this alternative. if theory for clientism is twofold. On the one hand, we get a theoretical lens, and the purpose of a lens is to make the familiar seem strange, and the purpose of a good lens is to do so in a way that forces us to make parallels and draw connections that we might otherwise miss.

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Simeon Newman: So one example of this that I'll give you is the main anti-war organization, umbrella organization coalition in the United States during bush to the time in office, united for peace and justice.

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Simeon Newman: which, stopped protesting. Us wars in the Middle East. Once Obama came to power, essentially, it said, We support you, since you plan to de-escalate the war.

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Simeon Newman: A second example of this sort of bottom up request for subordination comes from some latino immigrants in the United States who supported Donald Trump during his second Presidential campaign. And who seems to see him as a benefactor, and essentially said, We support you. since you plan to see us as American.

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Simeon Newman: Now, what bringing these examples together does. It shows how the mechanics of political support are similar, despite of a broad spite. Major differences between these examples, both in both cases their bottom of pledges of support for governments whose policies were contrary to those making the interest of those making the pledges

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Simeon Newman: pledges that were putatively motivated by a desire to secure beneficence from the political leads in question. and again, this pattern transcends institutional variation.

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Simeon Newman: the second thing we get with this theory is an explanatory model. specifically to explain political development without relying on patch making abilities amongst political elites. so on this view, political elites have the ability to drop followers, which is negative. He should be their success, but they don't have the ability to shake their one and get people to follow them politically to support them.

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Simeon Newman: so, in other words, requests for subordination are the sort of causative factor here, and they operate on political elites

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Simeon Newman: potentially, even drawing them together, hailing them because they seek a base of support and creating institutions, or what promptions to call historical blocks on that basis. So the first example is the United Kingdom Prior to unification, the area that would become the United Kingdom was riven by 2 kinds of conflict. On the one hand, a conflict over the centralization

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Simeon Newman: of rule, and, on the other hand, a conflict over the form of government, whether monarchy or Parliament, reign supreme.

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Simeon Newman: and of course, Parliament appointed William and Mary of origin 1,688, which raised the possibility of Parliamentary control, but didn't resolve the centralization question.

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Simeon Newman: however, when Scotland solicited the subordination to England to become a junior partner in its overseas empires, in 1,707. This cemented the the the political form resolving the conflict over centralization, and locking in the relationship between the Crown and Parliament as a sort of political block. and then preventing civil war from returning to the political landscape. henceforth.

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So I'm going to have to wrap it up.

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Simeon Newman: Okay.

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Simeon Newman: oh, time is up that one. So so then this is

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Simeon Newman: this is just the conclusion. And yeah, thanks.

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Thank you so much.

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Okay, thank you. Our fifth presenter is Anand Raja, who is joining us from India today

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because these 2,

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so you just need to start sharing your slides.

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Can you share your screen? And you are muted.

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and and are you? You are muted?

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anand raja: Oh, sorry. Yeah, we can hear you. Can you share your screen? Yes, it's right of it.

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anand raja:  perfectly conceived. Do you want to start with your first slide? Yes, please.

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anand raja: Okay. So my name is Alan Raja. I'm in the centre professor at the professor at the University, in paragraphs India

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anand raja: and The title of my presentation is the meeting of Hindu nationalism, and because a power to

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anand raja: and The central thesis of my presentation is

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anand raja: that what happens in Indian society is a deflected

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anand raja: is mirrored in Indian politics, and what happens in Indian politics is mirrored. in what happens in the Indian Society. That is main thesis that I'm presenting. And this coming

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anand raja: of

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anand raja: images is coming about to images. It's it's something that

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anand raja: really constitutes the Hindu nationalism and development agenda of India's Prime Minister.

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anand raja: So okay, the argument of my paper is that

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anand raja: Mr. Moody presents himself as a very powerful and invincible politician, who is also a Populist.

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anand raja: and

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anand raja: I conclude by saying that populism is a danger to democracy when democracy is seen as the republic of the and not as a republic of Populism.

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anand raja: So you can see the poster on the right hand side of my presentation, which has moved this picture on it. And the hosted says, I'm a patriot. I'm a Nationalist. I'm a born Hindu.

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anand raja: So nationalism and patriotism, on the one side, on the political side.

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anand raja: are related to being a Hindu which is a religious identity.

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anand raja: So the outcome. So the outline of my argument is the thing in Prime Minister, and the name of it is very powerful. His appeal lies in an us persistent Connecticut.

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anand raja: I say that Monday is a Populist, and Populism, as politics involves people being opposed, the elites and involves the elements of both the left and the right.

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anand raja: I say that new nationalism is a Populist project, that device people into us versus them, and of course, and people work with the meets.

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anand raja: And then

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anand raja: the desire for development or the desire for what in India we call the costs involves turning economic growth into a symbolism.

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anand raja: And all of this?

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anand raja:  because in Hindu nationalism are part of an unfitiated of Populism, in which one thing mirrors another.

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anand raja: And this process, this democracy being caught in a middle house. A democracy being caught in images.

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anand raja: poses a danger to democracy. If democracy is Republican.

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anand raja: I'll start with movie and Populism modi works with the and say what son? Which is a 99 year old organization that has devoted itself. turning India, which is a secular country constitutionally into a Hindu nation

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anand raja: in a Hindu Nationalist nation

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anand raja: and movies. Populism is both rightly and letting many of his welfare policies are quite left wing, while many of his privatization drives and his economic policies. Quite rightly.

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anand raja: so, Modi tries to build a symbolism of himself with many names, and what he called himself a watchman or a choked that during the 2,019 elections.

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anand raja: And he meant to say that he, the watchman of the

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anand raja: and, as you can see in this thought to movie seated next to a real watchman and is saying, How many countries have you seen? Jokingly?

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anand raja: And then Mr. Moby. he also called himself.

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anand raja: means a person who sells tea, and he said he sold the on the railway station when he was a a young child, to earn money.

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anand raja: and he called the opposition leader Rabb Gandhi, who comes from a family of Prime Minister or the Prince.

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anand raja: So basically, you see Populism at work here. On the one hand, you have to chive with the symbolism which means that the modi calls himself as one among the people and calling it Raja, is a way of saying that he is one of the elites. So Populist strategy

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anand raja: what he call himself a watchman or a chocolate that

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anand raja: and

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anand raja: use these images in biological election campaigns.

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anand raja: then collective in such election campaigns in which a lot of images coming into play turn him into a and great God. I say in one of my papers for the premium studies

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anand raja: and modi deliberately creates a symbolic and images existence of himself that I call Semi. Okay, strategy.

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anand raja: I say that movie is a performer.

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anand raja: which means that his physical appearance is no longer of steel, but it's quite flamboyant

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anand raja: in one of the very interesting deductions he had on foreign soil with the portrait he was standing with the lady who was showing him a gift, and Mark Zuckerberg. And then Mark Zuckerberg

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anand raja: came between Modi and the camera movie pushed Mark Super. But the site to come in a full view of the camera. So you can see this picture here in which Modi is trying to look into the camera, while Mark Zuckerberg is just about to come between him and the camera.

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anand raja: He says that he wants to develop the country, and modi's performance involves a script of Hindu nationalism. And with us.

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anand raja: and maybe it's a

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anand raja: I then say that in India there are multiple leaders in which there are multiple reflections. So in the media. there is a mirroring of what happens in politics, and is mirroring of what happens in society, and one image, one reflection

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anand raja: feed into another dimension in that the.

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anand raja: And then, as a result of these multiple measures, as a result of this month, the sections.

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anand raja: it comes about

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anand raja: collaborative, whole collaborative consensus, which is a form of collective moving.

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anand raja: So because of what is happening in the social media because of what is happening, different media because of the foot soldiers of modi on the ground, there is an environment

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anand raja: such that everyone seems to be moving together to a consensus and to a collective.

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Okay. okay?

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anand raja: So okay. how is it that movie

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anand raja: things about an imagery of Hindu nationalism.

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anand raja: movie constructs and image of Hindu nationalism primarily through 3 means?

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anand raja: See, first of all, he uses words which imply in mit towards some sections of the society to become a Hindu Nationalist, uses images like the images on my right to become a Hindu nationalist.

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anand raja: Secondly, there are many communal events that happen in the country.

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anand raja: and he lets them happen. And, thirdly, what members of the San Periva and the Bgp. His political party do in terms of the communal actions, enjoys this side and to

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anand raja: so they said that he is both a Hindu and a Nationalist, and so he is into Nationalists. Moti has in augmented temples like the the

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anand raja: one of the temples. In his constituency in the religious city. You are on the seat, and has wore session robes by doing meditation. As can be seen in this picture.

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anand raja: he has chanted communally charged emotions.

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anand raja: He is often called the King of the Hindu hearts or Hinduism of the Indian society.

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Yeah. So

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anand raja: another way in which Hindu nationalism happens is that when Finn starts, say something against the the religious and tolerance in the country. They're put down so in Shahu Khan. They've been politicians, said something. Saddi Prasi said. The Saudi Khan is an agent of neighboring country, Pakistan, which is a Muslim state, as he reflects Pakistan's ideology. Such a man go to Pakistan.

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anand raja: So

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anand raja: okay, yeah. So Hindu nationalism, and that the recent Hindu nationalism of people is mirrored in such stadium.

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anand raja: So not only is the politics in India

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anand raja: meeting, the Hindu relation of the society. The Hindu religion of the society is reflecting itself in Indian politics, and these statements reflect back on the people, creating, never ending cycle. Such creating means such an authentic viewpoint as to what is

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anand raja: so when what is on through cannot be identified

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anand raja: because of development is also something that is mirror. Multiple images appear and disappear from this screen like a fiction film, satisfying one or the other audiences on different locations.

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anand raja: Those images could be taken out singly and put on the screen

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anand raja: with multiple meetings for different people.

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anand raja: I will then talk about the of Populism

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anand raja: movie as an individual has set himself completely apart.

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anand raja: he is considered sacred by many.

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anand raja: It's performance. It has to be 6 to 2,

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anand raja: the way from the shadows. So.

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anand raja: and these symbolic performances happen in the. There is a 7 h long program of the inauguration in this new part of the city building

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anand raja: the performance, and from the village this budget at the giving of a fully expected to move. The the event was already cast it for the whole

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anand raja: in this.

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an, until your time is up if you can summarize, please. Okay.

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anand raja: So in this. inauguration of the new Indian Parliament, a religious

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anand raja: the the large was given to the and

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anand raja: I just want to conclude by saying that Moody has taken the war of

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anand raja: politics into the value of deliberately constructed symbolism. Modi has also taken a Populist stand in which he has combined influences both of left and the right. According to Heber mass. Rational debate in the public sphere is very important for democracy.

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anand raja: and then symbolism and Populist. So take the place of rational debate in the public sphere. Democracy takes a dollars in the and in done. Thank you.

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Thank you so much.

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The last, but not the least. We have Tom Chanowski from the University of Kentucky.

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Okay,

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basically.

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Okay.

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can you see the slides?

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Oh, where's the picture of the people?

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Okay? Oh, just go ahead

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this. this talk is part of a a book that's currently under review called political sociology, a synthetic theory of power.

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and it has 3 parts. First is on power in general, the second part is on the social psychology of power, and the third part is on macro bargaining.

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So today I'm going to talk about part part 2,

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let's see

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to do.

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So. I'm focusing on a social psychology. Unlike many of the other people who focus on countries, a lot of this comes from W. E. B. Dubois. With a particular kind of

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observation that this was concerning race, of course, that African Americans in the United States have a double consciousness. And what I'm going to do is basically say, all of us have multiple

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consciousnesses. And so it's kind of following from du Bois. But building on Mead. However, there's a number of different kinds of problems with Mead.

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And one of the things that's kind of propelled. My interest in this was that John Libby Martin did kind of a critique in the new handbook of political sociology about the social psychology of politics, and basically said it was a good old-fashioned

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you know, theory of of politics that was he called it go fat, and basically said it just relies on categories. So you just correlate categories, and you try to explain why people do things in politics, and so consequently, he didn't tell tell us exactly the way to get out of this, but nevertheless, it kind of inspired me to take the social, psychological approach of symbolic interactionism.

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In George Herbert Mead. However, there's 3 problems associated with this. First of all, the the generalized other.

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which was the social, how the social gets into a person's psyche and consciousness. It was largely ignored in subsequently so symbolic interactionism. And so so this was the one problem. Another problem was a focused on association which kind of gave an overall impression that people generally get along with each other.

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and that in politics, of course, is kind of a problem, especially in our age of polarization. And then, third, it had a limitation of scope focusing mainly on individuals interacting with each other. And it focused in general way too much just on identity or the self

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Oops.

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So consequently, in this talk I'm going to focus on 3 or 4 points. First of all, people have multiple and signed generalized others. There's no single generalized other, you might say. This kind of reflects. roles! People have many different roles, but their roles oftentimes are feel like they're kind of imposed from the top down in kind of a Parsonian sort of way.

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So I want to look at how people construct their own multiple generalized others, and that these generalized others are signed. You have generalized others kind of networks of people who like you.

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you have generalized others. people that don't like you and give you a hard time quite frequently.

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The second point is that you go from the journal whips. You go from the journal as other to group formation.

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And third, I'll be looking at Power. How we can get over this association aspect of Mead and introduce power mainly. I'll do that through Lonnie, Athens. And then, fourth, I'll look at how the generalized other is the creation of inequality. Multiple generalized. Others create inequality through othering, and are the basis of power at a more social psychological level.

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So point 1,

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the multiple and signed generalized other. Mead was very important. And basically coming up with a social psychology that says society is important. It's part of our social psychology, and it comes from the generalized other and subsequent symbolic interactionists don't pay much attention to it either. Sometimes they refer to roles, but

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roles, as they indicated, are somewhat problematic, because they kind of like come from organizations or they come from without. I'm trying to see what comes from within, how you construct your generalized others.

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So this is an overall model of social psychology.

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people develop multiple selves, they monitor environments. the I you have the I, the me and the generalized other. Those were the 3 major components of means of Mead's theory.

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and so the I is the decision-maker, the I presents, the Me. You have multiple kinds of me that you present within society is. I'm taking kind of a Gothmanian approach here, especially adding in stages, and so on. And then people engage in social action, which I conceive of this habit, tradition, emotion, and rationality, but you would recognize, is a pretty B Veryian viewpoint towards action.

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But the critical theory is from a part of this theory is from social action that you then construct, generalized others from your actions. You see how other people see you.

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but you see this in different different kinds of contexts throughout throughout your life, and that in constructing a generalized other, you just don't. You're not determined by what everybody thinks of you.

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You select who you think is important. Some people you ignore, you don't care what they think. Are there people? You? You have significant others, and you pay tremendous attention to what what they think of you, and so on.

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You frame your generalized other in terms of you know how you think things are important, and you rank, generalized others, and you rank them in importance, and you rank them in terms of

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do you people like me? Do people hate me? Are people indifferent? And so on.

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So Here's just an example. I'll go over this quickly of some This is a study. During an idea of automotive assembly plants, and we're especially looking at gender and The first person here we find it kind of unusual that teams became so dominant among people in this Japanese transplant that women

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viewed team members as their most important

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generalized other, and it was very positive they were very invested in their teams and so on.

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and in comparison to Janine Johnson, a woman I interviewed, who in the nineties worked for GM. She had an absolute, horrid time. People cat called her all the time because it was a dominant male kind of an environment. So to a certain degree, team members were a very positive for Anna Gibson team team members didn't really exist for Janine John.

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but the top 2 generalize others are positive and the bottom 2 are

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are negative

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and a couple of other examples. I'll just skip over this just for the purposes of time. Okay. Point 2. How do you construct from a generalized other various kinds of groups. Well, the first thing I use are interaction ritual chains by Rando Collins. People may be familiar with this.

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This is an example of Sarah interacting with Beverly. You have a sense of opportunity, cultural capital, emotional energy from every interaction you increase or decrease the levels of those different those different aspects.

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And Sarah doesn't have very good interaction with Beverly here, and comes out with 0 sense of opportunity. And perhaps she is it in her. She's a a Democrat, and perhaps she's interacting with a trump person and comes out with, you know, kind of a negative response. Then she interacts with

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with John and say, John is a Democrat, and they get along well, and she has a greater sense of opportunity, and I'll put this into differential Association from Edward Sutherland, a criminological theory.

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But this basically, says Sarah, at the beginning, interacts with, say, John with young Democrats and gets kind of a positive response she goes to, you know the Health Alpha health authority, which doesn't exist, but just made it up and has, you know, a mildly positive thing. She goes back, and, you know, interacts with the young Democrats and gets a positive sense of

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opportunity. And so on. She goes back to the sorority. And this is to say, during an election year, and pines

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that people seem to be a little bit more elitist than she is. Then she goes back to the young Democrats, and more or less joins that group.

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So through through this process of of a differential association, people choose different groups to subsequently belong to. And from here you start constructing structure through symbolic interaction is at which

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I don't have time to go through. You know the further aspect. Okay, the next point point 3 is power. How do you get power into Mead's theory? Well, a lot of this comes from Lonnie Athens, and I won't go into all of this. But Lonnie Athens.

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you know, severely criticizes me because he doesn't have a real concept of of power. And of course lining Athens comes up with a theory of violentization. He was a criminologist. I'm not a criminologist, but I found all these criminology theories were kind of useful, so kind of put them, put them together.

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and so I add 2 different aspects of

454
01:22:58.870 --> 01:23:23.890
interaction. One. You have general interaction. Where you engage in association, you get along with people, and so on. But then you also have strategic interaction where political power is kind of important, and you basically become kind of a hard bargainer. And I use exchange theory in terms of your bargaining power depends on your alternatives.

455
01:23:23.890 --> 01:23:34.090
the value of those alternatives, and the probability of achieving those alternatives. If you have more valued and probable alternatives.

456
01:23:34.440 --> 01:23:48.029
Then the person you're bargaining with you're going to have more bargaining power. How oftentimes you use a simple example of buying a house. If you're dealing with somebody. It has all sorts of different people who want to buy the house.

457
01:23:48.140 --> 01:24:02.369
and you have, say, only 2 alternatives, and perhaps you really want this house? That's the worst bargaining position to be in. You really want something, you know, badly, whereas the other party has all sorts of different choices.

458
01:24:03.780 --> 01:24:05.230
Point 4.

459
01:24:08.360 --> 01:24:12.400
The generalized other is the source of inequality.

460
01:24:13.470 --> 01:24:40.769
especially if you have negative generalized others who engage in other othering negative. Othering. From this I take from Michael Schwalby, who put this table together about people of high status interacting with people of lower status, and so on. And the people of higher status engage in othering through feedback through the generalized other. You know, again, a major point here is, I'm

461
01:24:40.770 --> 01:24:50.099
focusing centrally on the generalized other and multiple generalized others, and especially negative generalized others where higher status people

462
01:24:50.100 --> 01:25:09.619
negatively, other lower status people. And so you have, like, you know, high merit status people. You have a script of status. People who, you know, got their position from, say, their parents. You have people who have excriptive protection, and this is kind of like a lower.

463
01:25:09.720 --> 01:25:16.690
lower middle class, kind of like Trump's. trump's base in the sense that

464
01:25:17.750 --> 01:25:42.799
you're white, and you go along with higher status people, and then negatively, othering lower status people within within society. So the people who, you know, lack merit in the low status, you know, sort of say, well, this is more or less my fate and accept it. You have people that have, you know, relatively, you know, decent skills, and they'll pursue defense of othering.

465
01:25:42.830 --> 01:25:59.100
And then you have people who basically say, I'm a high, skilled person, even though I'm in low status position, and people are negatively othering me, and they will be the people who subsequently engage in resistance active resistance in terms of how much

466
01:25:59.290 --> 01:26:05.180
I'm done. Okay, so summary, in conclusion.

467
01:26:05.460 --> 01:26:14.569
focus on the generalized other multiple and negative generalized others. This is where the social is in social psychology.

468
01:26:14.630 --> 01:26:41.169
go into interaction ritual chains and differential association to construct groups rather than just looking at individuals who have various sorts of selves and identities, integrate a stronger view of power, you know, through bargaining within interaction, and focus forth focus on the construction of inequality and power through the generalized other itself.

469
01:26:41.580 --> 01:26:43.039
Okay, I'll stop there.

470
01:26:48.440 --> 01:26:51.980
So we will open the floor for questions.

471
01:27:00.510 --> 01:27:02.029
See people online

472
01:27:13.780 --> 01:27:25.339
right? Awesome. So any questions for our wonderful presenters. It was quite the marathon of presentations, but so much exciting research that was shared.

473
01:27:28.020 --> 01:27:33.699
And I will invite you to come here to ask the question. So our colleagues from online can see you.

474
01:27:34.310 --> 01:27:39.379
So yes, please, do you mind coming here to ask you a question.

475
01:27:47.010 --> 01:28:10.299
All right, so you can see yourself. I'm Tom. I I wanted to comment on the first paper, especially regarding Russia, since I'm also interested in the same kind of questions. And also I'm using the Buddhism. notion of the field of power! And this was largely convincing.

476
01:28:10.300 --> 01:28:35.300
An argument which you made it for me. But I would have one comment, maybe a question regarding the role of the cultural elite which is especially interesting to me because it is a of my interest, but I in, I believe in the role of the culture elite in Eastern Europe, especially Poland and Russia, and I think the notion of

477
01:28:35.300 --> 01:28:46.130
that should be mentioned in this context, because you have mentioned the power leader, the political elite of Russia, the oligarchs, which is economically.

478
01:28:46.130 --> 01:28:48.460
I think, the third

479
01:28:48.510 --> 01:29:15.809
erez agmoni, one that that is the little joint I should be mentioned and and and then using. If you, if you refer to Eugenia, you can make some historical interpretations, and a and and one interesting observation which could be made is the role of the Jenza in the late Soviet period, when Gorbachev enters into the kind of alliance on cops, part of the Ingentia, and and then Yeltsin continued this for the first time, 250

480
01:29:15.810 --> 01:29:27.169
period of his rule, and then he gets rid of the intelligentia, which is now quite weak. One could argue, but but

481
01:29:27.170 --> 01:29:50.400
but I would like speculate if it's possible that that it's a role may possibly increase. Given the current turmoil. And in in Russia and in here, I would like to make a question. Your suggestion regarding this, this, this restrictive laws which put an imposes on on freedom of expression, is, etc., etc.

482
01:29:50.400 --> 01:29:57.310
If I understood you well, you suggested that it decreases the role of the cultural elite of the cultural capital.

483
01:29:57.310 --> 01:30:14.760
But my question was, we could it productively not increase it? Because if you compare what was happening in the late Soviet period and also in Poland. Those restrictions at that time relatively mild, were increasing the role of the cultural elite.

484
01:30:14.760 --> 01:30:29.140
because these these were the people who had the courage to represent values, and also in a more technical level. Now I think the Russian Dugent, especially the liberal part of the Russian agencies which most left Russia

485
01:30:29.140 --> 01:30:42.519
has this important asset of being controlling the large part of the free information channels. So they role as as as as this.

486
01:30:42.650 --> 01:31:05.289
and the people who transmit information, who? Who? Who? Who? Who? Who? Who who spread the free and information, and and and and have relative credibility in comparison to the to the state media seems to increase. So I don't you think this this

487
01:31:05.440 --> 01:31:08.789
could be observed currently in Russia. Thank you.

488
01:31:09.500 --> 01:31:10.280
Okay.

489
01:31:18.820 --> 01:31:22.669
First of all, thank you for that comment. That was excellent. And

490
01:31:22.710 --> 01:31:38.679
 I have a number of responses, and I think that that would be actually a really fun thing to look at and to make these historical comparisons especially, and then it develops more into an analysis of culture which I love and did not do in this for the purposes of this paper. Too much.

491
01:31:39.280 --> 01:31:45.840
 So one thing that I stress in the paper I didn't really stress as much for the sake of time is that

492
01:31:46.080 --> 01:32:03.150
all of these are still fields in their own right. So politic, there's a field of politics. There is, you know, a market that that exists in its own kind of field of economic activity and the cultural, the civil sphere. The public sphere is also a field in its own right.

493
01:32:03.160 --> 01:32:05.470
and that never goes away.

494
01:32:05.620 --> 01:32:17.049
And one of the ways that I first developed this this theory was, in fact. comparing environmentalism as it existed in the Soviet Union to the present and kind of coming to understand that that

495
01:32:17.180 --> 01:32:34.799
civil society was something different in the Soviet Union, but it was probably conditioned by this power arrangement, but it was always there just it just was greatly weakened by the over weaning power of the State. And I think that's happening again, right? So the States once again really trying to clamp down, but doesn't mean it ever goes away.

496
01:32:34.950 --> 01:32:39.089
 I would. I think that the it?

497
01:32:39.150 --> 01:32:49.450
One thing I was listening thinking is, I heard you talk also was comparing the the role of the intelligentsia. So again, yeah, it. It also is different in this day and age.

498
01:32:49.740 --> 01:32:50.690
I think

499
01:32:51.170 --> 01:33:04.660
I would be interested also to to look at that again as a field itself, and bring in other kinds of influencers. Other kinds. We're not simply intelligent who don't, I think, have the cultural power that they used to, although maybe I'm wrong in the 1980 S.

500
01:33:04.750 --> 01:33:23.919
 I've also I and other other other scholars of civil society in Russia have wondered a lot about the role of exile. And I don't think it's a clear-cut question so clearly, it's important because it keeps those ideas alive and circle it circulating. And the question is.

501
01:33:24.090 --> 01:33:42.330
how much did they get back and across that border and influence, especially given the repression. Now, of course, again, you have people using VPN and people are getting around these restrictions. I don't, I think, in the moment, at any rate, it is not empowered, but again, because it is a field and it exists over time.

502
01:33:42.440 --> 01:33:46.610
People are always finding workarounds and finding ways. And then. as this

503
01:33:46.710 --> 01:33:57.080
struggle continues, it's a it's a dynamic process, which is why I brought in field theory, because it is in fact dynamic. But I appreciate the comment until against you and I will continue to work on that. Thank you so much.

504
01:34:11.250 --> 01:34:20.860
yeah, I also have a question for you. it's more of a of, let's say, fundamental question regarding the theory that you're using. And I

505
01:34:21.030 --> 01:34:50.130
to me when someone sells some. When someone says field theory, then it's really about the relations within a certain field. And what's sort of missing, or I'm sure it was implicit in some way. But what? What what I thought was missing in your model is that? Whenever we look at power, we need to look at a look at it as a network of relations, and as a medium that facilitates, facilitates the networking of acts, providing that these

506
01:34:50.230 --> 01:35:06.320
and that those exercising power, and those subject to power agree on Consummating the same act, the act That is sought by ego, and the act that is forced upon alter ego in the Parsonian sense.

507
01:35:06.320 --> 01:35:29.710
Which has, who has no sufficient motives or avenues for resistance, and so power, interconnects subjects to the power, interconnects, those subject to power and those exercising power. So the the notion that it does not. So what I'm trying to get at is, if we look at Russia. We need to look at the way Russia is dealing with that kind of exercise of power.

508
01:35:29.760 --> 01:35:45.100
And and, for instance, in how they how Russia has, now sort of appropriated some kind of post-colonial a discourse in its response to the West's sanctions, and so on and so forth, something that

509
01:35:45.260 --> 01:36:02.280
I didn't really see coming at all. But I think it's it's part of that sort of field of power, because you can't simply look at what the Us. Is doing. But the fact that that kind of field is also being constituted by Russia itself. Does that make sense?

510
01:36:06.680 --> 01:36:15.349
Thank you so much for that comment again. My understanding. I'm not a strict Bordersian scholar. I'm just stealing and borrowing and

511
01:36:15.740 --> 01:36:33.620
building my own I thought that should be clear as well from the presentation. But what I will say is in about the power over. That's specifically what I'm moving away from to a certain degree just by stepping back and saying means, and how means are interacting with one another. So I mean, maybe I should

512
01:36:33.820 --> 01:36:40.600
think more about this, and I thank you for that comment. But the way that I've been thinking about it is rather not power over, but powered too.

513
01:36:40.760 --> 01:36:50.360
and how one kind of power to can then act upon another kind of power, too. is really specifically where I'd like to draw attention.

514
01:36:50.530 --> 01:36:55.539
So when a lot of these activities

515
01:36:55.600 --> 01:37:13.199
are really about cordoning off other people who hold other kinds of power and making sure that they are limited in scope, or that I'm somehow I'm enhanced. So, for example, if there is a if there is cultural power circulating in in the West, for example, on, say, post-colonial discourse.

516
01:37:13.230 --> 01:37:30.960
then by latching myself to it, I can enhance my claim. So this is, it's that's kind of I'm actually not. I don't know. I have to think more on that. But the fact is that that is a power play as well, that this is a way to enhance the power of the State, bringing by bringing in

517
01:37:31.320 --> 01:37:35.510
a respectable cultural residence. I guess

518
01:37:36.470 --> 01:37:37.170
you

519
01:37:38.380 --> 01:37:39.160
so that

520
01:37:40.520 --> 01:37:43.410
on the top you might know here because it

521
01:37:45.810 --> 01:37:46.619
and I would

522
01:37:50.650 --> 01:37:51.530
thank you.

523
01:37:51.680 --> 01:38:07.879
So Wyan is asking Tom, do you incorporate concepts or theories of power from other fields such as political science and international relations in your synthetic theory of power.

524
01:38:09.080 --> 01:38:15.780
Okay? well, based on the talk I gave today, you probably say probably not.

525
01:38:15.920 --> 01:38:25.099
But actually, part 3 of book is based on a similar kind of theory of bargaining power

526
01:38:25.210 --> 01:38:27.070
which comes from

527
01:38:27.150 --> 01:38:40.449
Buck Rock and Lauer, but but but combines culture into it also. So consequently bargaining power exists between business

528
01:38:41.350 --> 01:38:49.640
Political parties in the State. Social movements and Ngos and labor unions

529
01:38:49.710 --> 01:38:52.630
and the media.

530
01:38:52.870 --> 01:39:09.189
So I include the media as a direct power power force. So it's 4 different kinds of power, you know business, state and political parties, social movements and organizations, and subsequently the media.

531
01:39:09.240 --> 01:39:20.440
the media is kind of an unusual institution, because it's kind of orthogonal oftentimes it's much more interesting instead of

532
01:39:21.120 --> 01:39:38.400
particular positions, despite fox news, and so on. it's interested in readership or viewership, and so consequently the media will go after any particular kind of scandal, you know, because it will get that kind of viewership.

533
01:39:38.550 --> 01:39:45.129
So, consequently these parties engage in bargaining, and in terms of a

534
01:39:45.230 --> 01:39:52.740
in terms of who's involved oftentimes depends on the issue like a policy arena or like a field.

535
01:39:52.780 --> 01:40:12.340
sometimes, you know, particular people are not interested in what's going on, and so you may have fewer meant, like the media is not always interested in every bargaining situation that goes on between groups in society, so, consequently they'll engage in bargaining, depending on their alternatives.

536
01:40:12.370 --> 01:40:26.359
People that have more alternatives are going to have more power. Business usually has a lot more power, but not but not always, and they engage in bargaining. But what brings a cultural element to it is what I call a bargaining curtain.

537
01:40:26.480 --> 01:40:37.620
and that that kind of a definition of bargaining that I have that is, bargaining as institutionalized lying.

538
01:40:37.920 --> 01:40:59.180
You don't tell the other parties what your real position is. You know you hold it back, you're strategizing, and so on, and so forth. So, consequently each one of these parties is engaging behind the scenes behind this bargaining curtain, you know, covering up, or exaggerating and bluffing their different kinds of alternatives.

539
01:40:59.270 --> 01:41:08.300
and I give an example of of labor a little bit similar. In terms of longevity to

540
01:41:08.330 --> 01:41:20.769
to what Jeffrey Broadband did with his 27 years of covering labor, market policy, and one of the biggest differences in labour market policy over, say, a 2530 year period

541
01:41:20.900 --> 01:41:23.580
is outsourcing

542
01:41:23.690 --> 01:41:44.530
from the north to the south in the United States, and then offshoring to China and other countries. So as a result, the bargaining power of business went up tremendously vis-a-vis unions, and consequently, you know, labour market policies change changed tremendously.

543
01:41:44.620 --> 01:41:58.690
I also have a chapter on globalization and bargaining between nations. I won't go into it. But it's a similar sort of thing of bargaining power based on your alternatives.

544
01:41:59.500 --> 01:42:00.310
Right?

545
01:42:01.380 --> 01:42:03.280
Question that you

546
01:42:08.280 --> 01:42:31.809
thanks everyone for your papers, which are all really interesting. And my, my, my question is actually for Yaaka. And the question is around the infrastructural power. So I think it's really interesting idea of the the infrastructure as being kind of the habit of of the State. what happens when States outsource that. So you know, in many places, including here in Australia, there's been a lot of privatization of infrastructure.

547
01:42:32.040 --> 01:42:35.030
And and

548
01:42:35.120 --> 01:42:39.590
what do you make of that in light of your theoretical positioning?

549
01:42:43.230 --> 01:42:52.390
Yeah, thank you very much for your question. It's a very important one and a very poignant one, because obviously the way.

550
01:42:53.340 --> 01:43:04.880
 I consider the way privatizations and commodifications of because and services are originally from the provided by the State as infrastructures

551
01:43:05.040 --> 01:43:31.870
are part of the distracting detracting of the States, the stays in the backfield in many ways, and I think this is part of the way. We are many, and I think the way we need to understand infrastructure change as a change of state power is also important. When we want to understand, for example, how an educational crisis evolved over time, like, if if the State is and is retracting from more and more areas.

552
01:43:31.900 --> 01:43:38.620
Yeah, then the presentation and modification makes way to

553
01:43:38.760 --> 01:43:40.320
by turn to facts, for example.

554
01:43:53.420 --> 01:44:01.160
and thanks everyone for the really interesting talk, something really good session. I've got a question for anand about Prime Minister Modi, and in terms, I guess

555
01:44:01.250 --> 01:44:12.880
the image he's trying to develop. Clearly, sport is critical in Indian society, and in how Modi's been trying to use sport as to present a particular image. So I want to. And if you could comment a bit on

556
01:44:12.990 --> 01:44:26.819
any thoughts you might have on how Modis tried to mobilize sport to present an image. and also are there opportunities for sporting organizations or sporting associations to counter that, and to present an alternative, or to challenge the power of modi.

557
01:44:28.730 --> 01:44:35.999
anand raja: Thank you very much. So that was a brilliant question. I think you first of all of thinking about

558
01:44:36.150 --> 01:44:42.390
anand raja: how is it that Mo. Day is, presenting an image of himself.

559
01:44:42.410 --> 01:44:50.579
anand raja: And the second question you are asking me is, how that image is being picked apart, or how attempts are being made

560
01:44:50.600 --> 01:44:58.769
anand raja: to pick apart that image. See, I have done a lot of work on this, and I want to say that there are many ways in which

561
01:44:58.810 --> 01:45:02.000
anand raja: Modi is building his image

562
01:45:02.410 --> 01:45:09.800
anand raja: the way he builds his image. Images rather, are what I call semiotic strategies.

563
01:45:10.190 --> 01:45:32.639
anand raja: And semiotic strategies are a deliberate way in which you give an imagistic existence to yourself. So one of the ways he does this is by coming into association with big ideas like Hindu nationalism, like economic development, or what is called the cards.

564
01:45:32.750 --> 01:45:38.989
anand raja: like talking about New India and like

565
01:45:39.550 --> 01:46:03.310
anand raja: talking about India's in this place in the world. He also does so by speaking in certain ways, by giving himself names like Choppy God and savvy. That is what man and Javada is somebody who Said Steve.

566
01:46:03.870 --> 01:46:21.030
anand raja: And he gives an images to himself by dressing up very boldly in fashionable floats big watches expensive watches, expensive pens, and giving himself a rather samboyant image.

567
01:46:21.200 --> 01:46:35.099
anand raja: Now, as per the counter to movies and son more, the counter remotely. First of all happens when the meaning of his symbolism is denied. So

568
01:46:36.240 --> 01:46:54.750
anand raja: when somebody says.

569
01:46:54.750 --> 01:47:08.260
anand raja: and second, now, a deconstruction of movies, symbolism is happening, such that the intended meaning of this symbol. is being

570
01:47:08.310 --> 01:47:15.849
anand raja: question, and new and multiple meanings to move these symbols are coming about. Thank you.

571
01:47:16.470 --> 01:47:17.850
anand raja: So that's my.

572
01:47:22.410 --> 01:47:23.639
I don't.

573
01:47:24.740 --> 01:47:26.900
This is yeah.

574
01:47:29.720 --> 01:47:49.120
This may be a somewhat unfair question. So bit with me. I did miss a couple of the earlier papers. I'm sorry I'm struck. This session is called New Theories of power for political sociology, and yet what I feel I've heard of is a lot of, or Jeremy Goffman. the kind of classical canon in sociological thinking. And I'm not. I'm not criticizing that. So my question is.

575
01:47:49.120 --> 01:48:14.120
In some respects it seems like what we're talking about is is reimagining new ways of using some of these classical theories in sociology. For you know, analyzing power in contemporary context in new ways. So that's a question for the panelists to reflect on how you're using In some respects, you know, some recently traditional ways of thinking about power. That's first question. The second one is, are there new theories of power that you're drawing from that are interesting? I'm thinking about

576
01:48:14.120 --> 01:48:25.069
the temporary sociology. There are lots of new ways of thinking about power that have emerged, that I haven't heard much of in today's session. So again, slightly unfair, perhaps. But if there were some interesting reflections on that. I'd like to hear them.

577
01:48:29.110 --> 01:48:32.569
You said you missed the first talk. Yes.

578
01:48:32.800 --> 01:48:38.730
I'm a new theory of power, and of course I'm drawing. I'm in conversation with other people, and in some ways, of course.

579
01:48:39.040 --> 01:48:43.540
Pay dance, and I have a long lineage. But my my theory, this there is no

580
01:48:52.840 --> 01:49:19.029
me, me, too. I was the second talk, and so I'll say, Well, that that's that's exactly I want to talk about, you know. I think Jeffrey Broadband. So classification of different types of power is very in innate, innovative, and it is a step beyond what has gone before, the power of which I kind of. I kind of reconceptualize. You know some of the things that he presented.

581
01:49:19.060 --> 01:49:44.030
The power of. It's kind of a macro- of structure, a mesopower power over kind, of a bureaucratic coercive power, another mezzo-power power with which is more cooperative power in terms of collegial organizations as opposed to bureaucratic organizations, a micro power power, 2 concerning agency.

582
01:49:44.040 --> 01:50:01.719
and then subsequently going into material political economy, a political, economic, and expert. And then I kind of adjust his table a little bit and have 3 cultural powers of cultural behaviors, legitimacy and emotion of.

583
01:50:01.840 --> 01:50:25.390
And this really balances cultural and political economy approaches to to power, and then I inserted in the middle of a demographic power under the rubric of social. So I think what broadband presents is rather sophisticated, and then he triples down on the sophistication

584
01:50:25.930 --> 01:50:38.339
by doing his 27 year. Is it 27 year, 27 year analysis in Japan? Of why, you know, a particular social movement was was successful.

585
01:50:38.370 --> 01:50:43.020
and using that using

586
01:50:43.100 --> 01:50:53.300
social network analysis to break it down into three-year periods about who's exerting the most kind of kinds of power. I think I think that is really

587
01:50:53.750 --> 01:50:57.649
I'm quite innovative, and I think

588
01:50:57.950 --> 01:51:05.759
many of the other panelists have also done very innovative things, too. But I just want to single out broadbands since we hadn't mentioned it

589
01:51:06.040 --> 01:51:07.819
period when you want to.

590
01:51:14.110 --> 01:51:20.230
Right so that that sin is. And, Jeffrey. I'll let you make a comment if you like.

591
01:51:22.070 --> 01:51:29.150
Jeffrey Broadbent: Well, thank you, I I couldn't hear the the comment that was just made, though if it was in response to that.

592
01:51:29.280 --> 01:51:32.679
Jeffrey Broadbent: Was that was there a comment that we needed a response

593
01:51:33.460 --> 01:51:34.659
Jeffrey Broadbent: from the floor.

594
01:51:35.480 --> 01:51:49.889
I'm sorry, Jeffrey. I just said that that what I really appreciated was the extent to which these theories were being used to explore empirical cases, to make particular empirical observations about empirical cases where that kind of analytical aspect is really important, not just theoretical.

595
01:51:50.650 --> 01:52:00.250
Jeffrey Broadbent: Yeah, we need to combine theoretical insights with their analytical empirical applications in qualitative or quantitative ways.

596
01:52:00.610 --> 01:52:01.520
Jeffrey Broadbent: Yeah.

597
01:52:02.450 --> 01:52:04.899
Jeffrey Broadbent: that's for sure. Thank you.

598
01:52:06.670 --> 01:52:08.760
Time. Yes.

599
01:52:10.010 --> 01:52:25.289
Well, I would like to thank you all for being here today. I was a fantastic time to share new research and meet new collaborators or future collaborators. So thank you for being with us today. And let's keep in touch.