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OK, we're right on 8 30 in the morning, so I just like to welcome you all and thank you all for getting here.

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And also to make an acknowledgment of the the country on which we are meeting today. We're Audrey Country and express my respect for elders past, present and emerging and to bring greetings from the Nungar people.

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I am on my side of the country, which is Western Australia. So my name is Farida Fosda.

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For another but this is the the idea that I would have been using. I've talked with some of you about this as well.

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So just just before I do that just everybody will have 12 min. We have quite a tight schedule of 6 speakers that we need to fit into the time and we do want to have some time at the end to have a bit of a discussion.

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So I do have a little five-minute marker and a 1 min micro so I'll just hold that up for people to.

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Yeah to wrap up and yeah we have most people in the room but there are Sorry, I'm just checking.

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There are a couple of online presentations as well, including the first one. Okay, so the topic for this morning is African diaspora settlement, opportunities and challenges.

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And this was the blurb that I had written for the panel and you'll all be familiar with this.

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And one of my reasons for inviting this panel is that in the Australian context and I don't think this is necessarily true elsewhere.

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98% of the research that has been undertaken on the African diaspora in Australia has quite a negative pathologizing kind of approach.

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It's looking at the problems and the challenges that those of African backgrounds face in terms of racism, employment, etc.

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And I have a lot of my work has also had that sort of focus. This is how I ended up kind of being a scholar partly of African diaspora.

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It's because my interest is in racism and nationalism and social inclusion and exclusion. And so much of the research is about that and about a particular group of of those of African backgrounds, those who have come through the refugee or humanitarian program.

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And I think there is so much more to say. And so this panel was an attempt to hear that so much more to say.

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One of the projects we are just finishing that we are just writing about is a project looking at African-american youth navigating identities and this was a project where we conducted an online survey and also did some.

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Some interviews with people. And I just want to share with you one tiny element of of that. These are the general themes you can cast your eyes across those themes that came came up from the focus group and interview data which are you know the sort of stuff that we hear from all of the research on migrants generally and those of

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African backgrounds specifically, the sorts of barriers faced, racism and so on, cultural dissonance, issues around citizenship work and so on.

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But the most interesting feature was the ways in which the young people talked about their own lives as an aspirational project.

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They used what I call psycho entrepreneurial language. The language of self leadership. Apparently that's a term that gets used within kind of business academics use this notion of self leadership and and I've used the term moxie courage spirit pep determination energy perseverance confidence especially in the face of difficulties

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to describe the The tone of the language being used and I just want to share a couple of examples with you just because I think it's so cool and so interesting and I'm not quite sure what it is and whether it's something particular about this particular group or their particular experiences or, you know, is it a kind of a response to the challenges

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being faced or is it is it a result of leadership training that they've undertaken? It's just unclear to me what is actually going on here.

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But they talk about The goals that they have, they identified their goals and the means that they are going to use to achieve them.

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And this was not the topic of the research. The research was around identity, but they talked about and regardless of whether they were permanent residents or or citizens.

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They talked about their career goals as well as community-minded goals. Travel goals, personal goals.

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These are direct quotes from different people talking about themselves. Young people between 18 and 34. They talked about their long term goals.

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Their best values, their end goal, that they are an asset, that they want to make an impact on a global scale.

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It sounds like a blurb from a company, right? That they're innovative, that they have a growth mindset, that they want to achieve more goals in life.

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They see themselves as having capital or as being capital yet to be realized. They also talked about helping others, the younger generation and people like themselves going back to help their countries of origin, living their best life.

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Creating just more love and happiness. Many were oriented to social justice and helping the community. And so here's just one little quote.

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Which illustrated an overwhelming sense of optimism. We read through all of the trends and yes, there were all of those challenges and barriers and so on.

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But this was what came out most strongly. I'm so excited to see what's going to happen in the future.

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Yeah, I'm excited for that. So it was this that triggered kind of a recognition for me that we've been focusing on the negative a bit too much and we're just starting a project it's not youth focused but it's an ARC project looking at political and economic agency of those of African migrants.

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Australians of African background within Australia and this is what we will be studying for the next 3 years. So just sort of a bit of a sprout for for that project and that's with a number of scholars around Australia.

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Okay, so that's where I'm coming from in terms of my motivation for for this panel.

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So I'm looking forward to the to hearing the wonderful speeches of our 6 contributors today and I will give as I said each of you 12 min and I'll let you know at 5 min and at 1 min.

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No, I have no idea how to get back to a return to session display. It's very obvious for Okay.

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So to start off, we're very pleased to invite Rachel Ayton, so to start off, we're very pleased to invite Rachel Ayton who I believe is online and Rachel is from the University of Birmingham.

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And she will be speaking about. Searching for home conflict, Deterritorialisation and national belonging among the South Sudanese diaspora in the UK and I'm very pleased that we had a number of presentations from across the world, not just Australian ones, but also pleased to hear the Australian ones as

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well. So I'll click on that. Presentation is loading. Excellent.

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And Rachel, are you there?

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Share my screen then or is am I using what

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You don't need to, I've got your slides uploaded here, but would you prefer to share your screen? But would you prefer to share your screen? And we can see you.

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Okay. I, just if I can navigate it. Yeah.

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Okay. Stop shearing.

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There we go. Hi Rachel. And you you should have permission to share your screen. Yep.

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Excellent. Thank you very much.

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Hey, Come up there. Okay, well, it's really lovely to join you all. I'm sorry I can't be there in person.

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I'm based in the UK and 34 weeks pregnant so it was gonna be pretty tricky to make it in person.

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And so I'm just gonna start by whizzing through a bit of background to the project so I can spend as much of my time as possible and on the findings.

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And so this study looking at national identity and belonging amongst the South Sudanese diaspora in the UK is a collaborative and participatory study.

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I'm working with an advisory group. Of members of the South Sudanese community in the UK and they've been very involved in, managing and directing the project in collaboration with me.

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The research question we've been focusing on is how do you South Sudanese citizens living in the UK negotiate their national identity.

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And we're treating narrative as a privileged site for researching identities. We conducted, a number of interviews.

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They were sort of, really testing the ground really before moving on to focus group discussions. And so the focus of the analysis is on the focus group discussion data and those focus group discussions involved photo elicitation and there's some examples of the pictures.

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That we used here. And these were, what I think of as visual verbal, narratives of identity.

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And I collected them online and through and communication with some some journalists and photographers. Based in South Sudan and internationally and because they said something to me about what was happening at the time of the referendum in South Sudan and I was interested to hear how a South Sudanese audience.

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Reacted to that reacted to these pictures rather than trying to interpret them myself. So just to say a little bit about the theoretical orientation of the project.

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And I'm following Stuart Hall in conceiving of identity as a positioning rather than an essence.

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Identity isn't something that I understand as being kind of innate. It's not something that you're born with and is just part of who you are.

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It's a positioning that people take up or are allocated. By others. And although, as Narival Davis has said, belonging tends to be naturalized as part of everyday practices when it's under threat in some way it becomes articulated and formally structured and in conflict context that of course is very

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important. When they get identity and particularly national identity and I believe that they're formed through national narratives.

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In other words, the claims that people make in talk about the nation aren't simply descriptive of the nation but they construct the nation.

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And so ways of speaking about the nation shape the way that we think of the nation.

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I'm finally, I'm also using there, you, of the politics of belonging. And by that phrase she means the specific political projects that construct belonging.

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And by that phrase, she means the specific political projects that construct belonging. And so it's about the boundaries and that include the next 2 people in different groups.

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And who has the power, to draw those boundaries and what the meanings are that are attached to those.

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So I'll focus in a bit on, South Sudan. South Sudan is the world's newest country exceeded from Sudan in 2,011 after over 50 years of civil wars.

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The referendum and took place in 2,011 with an overwhelming vote for separation from Sudan that followed a short kind of rocky early period of independence that was very financially volatile and before very sadly in December 2013 a new civil war broke out within the new country.

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Now, there is currently a peace agreement in place. There's ongoing insecurity. There's been delayed implementation of peace deals.

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There's an enormous humanitarian crisis and a huge amount of forced migration. And in terms of national identity, and Francis Dang has described the Sudanese civil wars as an acute crisis of national identity.

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Independence, Abraham Ableich has suggested that there was a fledgling national identity in South Sudan based on the common struggle that they had done to take in in order to achieve recognition as a state dignity and equal rights.

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But nevertheless many commentators identified an urgent need for nation building at that point in order to help to stabilize this new country.

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Many citing possible foundations of national identity such as the remembrance of the liberation struggle, language or Christian heritage.

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So just to give you a bit of background on the South Sydney Jasper in the UK, those of you in Australia or if any other.

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Participants are in and the US or with Canada, the situation in the UK is quite different. The South Sudanese desperate is a very small minority here.

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In fact, it's statistically subsumed within the category of Sudan based on when our censuses have happened in the language that they use.

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It's very difficult to identify how many South Sudanese people there are in the UK but members of the community estimate it to be in the thousands there was never any mass resettlement of South Sudanese and refugees to the UK.

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In fact the majority came in the 19 eighties or 19 nineties because somebody in the family had the opportunity to pursue.

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Higher education, particularly masters or doctoral degrees in the UK, which was then followed up by family reunification.

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And The community is doubly marginalized and they they're very return orientated and so to some extent have remained on the margins at the UK society but at the same time as we'll see in the data.

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And they can be quite ostracized within South Sudanese society as well. They're transnational they they live these lives stretched across national boundaries and they're deteriorated and through the kind of the threads and the traces that have been left through complex migration pathways.

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Sort, of me very very quickly into my findings to try and make the most of the time I have on those.

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So first we're looking at the national narrative.

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Sorry Rachel, that's about 5 min left to go.

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Okay, thank you. So looking at the national narratives, of South Sudan and although in the photos that I presented.

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They're kind of individual messages. Overwhelmingly they were taken as a collective representative of the long held hopes for the imagined community of South Sudan.

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As one participant said looking at the photos altogether. That's when we were dreaming. And these are a couple of examples here.

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Okay.

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The idea of being first class citizens in your own country or no longer being the backyard. And this is something that a participant Liz picks up in her narrative here.

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She picks up on this idea of not being the backyard. She said because normally when you have your house you make it clean when visitors come.

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They will look at it. But if you have dirty stuff or I wanted stuff, you put them in the backyard and that's exactly what happened.

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She described Sudan as the face of Sudan and then whatever you wanted to dump is in South Sudan they said.

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So all the development happens in the north. And people in the south felt that nothing had been done for them.

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And so there was this big aspiration at that time to be first class citizens. In their own country.

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So we can see how the narrative of SS. Sudan was constructed against this significant other of the North or her team.

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However, on achieving independence, and what people found was that That wasn't this sense that they were all equal first class citizens as they as they had as they as they had aspired to be and this is very well articulated by Amos here he's describing the pecking order or class system as he puts it.

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That had developed in South Sudan. He says at the very top arrest PLA soldiers who trains.

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And they continued in to be part of the SPLA until peace. Then you've got people who fought but they were injured or whatever and they couldn't continue to the end.

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Then you've got the people who were inside South Sudan. Who, suffered, and he says, cause they, cause they say about people in the wider diaspora, you ran away.

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Neither did you join the war front nor did you stay under the bombs when we were being shelled or staffed or whatever.

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And so they're considered. To be. Peripheral members of the nation.

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So there isn't this idea of equal membership. Of the nation. Belonging is not evenly distributed.

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So this brings us to. This image of the cow which was one of the most controversial pictures that we looked at.

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In the focus group. And discussions. It was singled out and because it indicates the lines of exclusion being drawn within the new state of South Sudan such that many people feel once again their second class citizens who do not belong.

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Participants gave graphic physical descriptions of this experience describing it as nausea or pain. So here we have Alafi saying this cow even in my experience in my own homeland is worth more than my life.

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So it's supposed to be a blessing to the nation, but to me where I'm coming from in my homeland, it's a curse.

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Looking at it. He says it makes him wish decide that he wants to abstain from beef because just the sight of beef meat makes him feel sick.

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Because it has these connotations of having greater value than he does

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And although participants do a lot of parallels between the current experiences and the oppression they experienced as part of Sudan, they described the current conflict as being worse on 3 fronts.

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Firstly, it's worse because as one participant put it, this is what we are doing to ourselves.

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In the CGNE Civil War, of course, there was a really clear enemy at least in the national narrative of that war the reality was much more complex but there was this clear clear enemy this clear other and to the nation.

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And there's no hiding from the fact that South Sudanese people are both the perpetrators and the victims of violence and oppression in the current conflict which causes a rupture in the imagined connection between co-nationals.

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It's just, it's described as people as worse in terms of the nature of the violence.

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They say you've never seen these things before, even the war with the north. So the nature of the atrocities that have happened.

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And as they described as worse. And they also say it's worse in terms of the trauma experienced at a distance due to the of communication technologies, particularly social media and the proliferation of photographs.

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Woman woman described how her first thought when she wakes up in the morning is what she'll see when she picks up her phone.

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And many participants describe their own sense of national identity in essentialized terms. That is, they feel that it's something that is inescapable, albeit that I'm that I'm arguing that it's a positioning.

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And therefore, this leaves them in a very compromised. Position where their own sense of national identity which is inescapable can be experienced as a source of shame.

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And that's something that Savannah articulates here. And she says so identities to shrouded when you hear I'm a South Sudanese you hear pain you hear death you hear just desperation she says you're connecting with something that you don't really want to look at.

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Sorry Rachel need to wrap up soon. About 30 s, sorry.

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So what we find. Yeah. So you have this mismatch between the national narrative and people's experiences, the citizens of South Sudan.

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And there are a number of coping strategies that people use in order to live with this tension. First of all, there's avoidance.

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Avoiding social occasions, avoiding contact. With people there's despair and some people discuss wishing that they'd never separated from Sudan in the first place regretting their votes.

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Some take this long term or developmental view that this is kind of part of the natural progression of becoming a stable country and eventually they will get there.

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In the end. Some people choose to sort of discursively retract the national boundaries. So either identify at smaller scale such as a tribe or even a subgroup within a tribal ethnic group.

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Some would advocate for federalism so kind of putting in place administrative divides within the country to manage the conflicts.

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And some even talk about separatism. And of some regions of South Sudan from the wider hole.

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And then perhaps the most interesting strategy was the selective disidentification with co-nationals. So redistinguishing the nation from the state.

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In other words, if the if the state or its representatives or other groups are not acting in a way that.

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That affirms and upholds South Sudan if they're not showing that commitment. And affinity with South Sudan, then they become kind of they become excluded.

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From the state on that basis. So that's the end of my time. Thank you for listening and I look forward to some more discussion later.

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Thank you very much, Rachel. Really fascinating and important work. Thanks. Now, I'll just get out of this one as well.

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Right now, next presenter is

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Clear, sorry, I'm just scrolled through my thing. So Claire Moran, Claire's got 2 presentations and her second one is with other scholars as well.

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Looking at some research this particular one is on African kids can using social media to reclaim the African youth narrative in Australia.

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Thank you.

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Thank you, Farida. I'd like to start by acknowledging the War and Jury where we were wrong people of the cooler nations who were wrong people of the cooler nations on whose lands I live and work and pay my respects to all elders of the cooler nations on whose lands I live and work and pay my respects to all

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elders I live and work and pay my respects to all elders and indigenous peoples to all elders and indigenous peoples here with us today.

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I'd also like to acknowledge the work of Indigenous Australian scholars such as Brumwyn Carlson and Tristan Kennedy whose work on social media and Indigenous Australians has greatly contributed to the foundations of this paper.

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I'd also like to begin by acknowledging my positionality as a white Australian researcher documenting and writing about the experiences of Black African young people.

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I'm a racial and cultural outsider to this group and this paper and my whole body of work is positioned from the perspective of a white ally in training, which signifies that as an outsider to this group.

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I'm always in the process of learning and reflection and that I need to constantly be critical of how I can use my privilege to elevate and center the stories of my participants in spaces such as these to educate, advocate and enact change.

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So thanks everyone for being here today. I'm going to be presenting work from my PhD which was submitted this time last year.

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So despite having now moved on from this work due to COVID, I didn't really get to present it so I'm really thrilled to be able to do so at ISA today.

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So my PhD was the first in-depth study on the social media experiences and practices of Black African young people in Australia.

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It employed a multiple method study design that included individual scrollback interviews at the outset of the study and 6 months of social media ethnography with 15 self-identifying African young people aged between 16 to 25 living in Australia.

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I went into too much detail today on the methods as I've written a paper about these which you can see if you want to scan that QR code, but feel free to ask me questions about during question time if you have any.

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The avatars you see on the screen there are participants self-created bit emojis which are popular on platforms like Snapchat.

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I use them throughout my research to de-identify participants while still representing them as they want to be seen.

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I also use participant chosen pseudonyms and self-identified ethnic identities throughout the research.

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So in the interest of time today I'm going to present a very small overview of the findings from this paper which is published in Media.

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In particular of international guests today, the African Gangs narrative which I'm referring to continues to be underpinned by the settler colonial state in which the ongoing colonial project white supremacy and anti-blackness continue to be foundational parts of contemporary multicultural Australia.

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So this is all really important context which is provided in the paper.

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So I thought I'd start today with a brief background on some of the events and the discourses and the research that has influenced this particular paper.

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Over the past decade, the African diaspora in Australia have been stigmatized and racialized by the African gangs narrative.

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In particular, Sudanese and South Sudanese youth have been subjected to hypercriminalization and hyper-problematization and hyper-criminalization and hyper-problematization, often characterized, often characterized as violent, out of control, belonging to gangs, often characterized as violent, out of control, belonging to gangs, and a threat to social

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cohesion, out of control, belonging to gangs, and a threat to social cohesion by Australian media outlets and a threat to social cohesion by Australian media outlets and political figures.

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Significantly, researchers documented the harmful impacts of these narratives on African young people in Australia who have described themselves as exhausted by these representations and powerless to challenge them.

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The research has documented how these negative portrayals have been detrimental to their pursuit of education and employment opportunities and have really impacted on their health and well-being.

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So this paper is really inspired by a counter narrative movement that took place in 2,018 when a group of African Australians took to Twitter, co-opting the hashtag hashtag African Gangs to fight back against the racist media reporting that was particularly dominant.

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In the lead up to the 2,018 Victorian election. You can see some examples of these parts on the screen.

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What was particularly interesting for me about these posts is that they demonstrate a particular point in time where there was this collective effort by the African community in Australia to use social media to co-opt a harmful dominant narrative and to expose it as racist and untrue.

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So over to my study. So in my study, participants expressed their frustrations with the negative portrayal of African youth by the mainstream Australian media.

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And they perceived social media to be a place where they could show the good side. For example, participant Eddie explained.

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We're not that bullshit that you see in the media. Social media helps us to show that African kids can.

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Significant within Eddie's statement is his use of the word us. To which he is collectively referring to Black African youth in Australia.

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Eddie saw social media as a essential in connecting and uniting African young people so that they could take back the narrative of African kids in Australia.

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This African youth collectivism was a fundamental part of the Afrocentric digital counter narrative that emerged as through their cultivation of these digitally mediated Afrocentric youth communities on social media, they formed a collective resistance to change the narrative.

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Eddie was particularly active in using social media to call out the mainstream Australian media for portraying a false narrative about African young people in Australia, while also encouraging African young people to get involved in opportunities to change it.

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You can see an example of this on the screen there. Yeah. Okay.

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No, that's okay. Sure, let's try and.

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Sorry people online. I can't see the slides.

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So.

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The slides are the visuals I'm sharing are in the paper. So if you have that, oh no, they went up the QR code.

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You could Google the paper. You could Google the paper and then you could follow along some of the visuals there directly from the slides.

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The name of the paper is African Kids Can. It's in media international Australia and so basically the slides just have the data that's in the paper.

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So that might be a way forward because we have to get on with it, don't we? Sorry people online.

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I'm also happy to share the slides later if that's useful.

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Sure. Okay, all this is so nice. We're trying to work out a solution in the room.

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I might continue while you do that. So notable amongst the findings was that participants described how digital spaces allowed them to be in control and to agentically tell their stories.

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This was significant when compared to their experiences in physical or offline spaces in Australia where they were subjected to racism and discrimination that they described as unavoidable.

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In digital settings, participants felt in control using the affordance as a social media platforms to create racially safe and friendly spaces.

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And ultimately this felt empowering to participants as they no longer had to be passive victims to the media's portrayal of them, but could rather share their stories on their own terms.

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Also significant within the findings.

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Now it's not moving for me, although we go. Okay, yep. Was this emphasis on black African contributions and collaborations?

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And so many of these posts as you can see on the screen document how Africans in Australia are actively involved in contributing to the Australian community, such as raising money for drought affected farmers, participating in cleanup Australia Day and raising money for UNICEF.

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According to participant Eddie, these posts represent the true contributions of African people in Australia. And therefore social media could be used to draw attention to African stories that deserve recognition.

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For the participants in this study, social media wasn't just about sharing these stories, it was also about feeling like they had been heard and the validation that participants experienced through friends liking, commenting or reposting their stories was considered really valuable to participants who felt that they were being seen and understood by the wider non-black

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African- community. So for African young people who have been stigmatized as violent, disease and needing help being civilized by the Australian media, it wasn't really a surprise that Black Excellence emerged as one of the main counter narratives in this study.

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Several participants explained that these posts were meant to be thought-provoking and were aimed at raising awareness.

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Eleanor, for example, explained that it was important to her to share content that highlighted black excellence for her local Aussie followers as it allowed them to gain different perspectives about Africans that are rarely seen in the mainstream Australian media.

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Eleanor had spoken in her interview about being one of the only black people at school and described the preconceived and racist assumptions her schoolmates had about her intellectual abilities saying people often think of me as less.

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For participant Zoo Berry, he described how the lack of representations of black people in Australia as successful was having a detrimental impact on African young people.

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He described Somali young people as struggling to find a job after graduating and in need of a mental shift.

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This led to Barry to seek out and be part of African professional networks on social media such as African professionals of Australia and the Somali professional network.

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The counter narratives of Black African success as Duberi was able to see within these communities convinced him that Black African success was achievable in Australia and was within his grasp if he worked hard enough.

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Oh goodness. Okay, so the data from this study overwhelmingly indicates that the Afrocentric Youth Digital Counter narrative was empowering to participants who perceived their counter narratives as a genetic, creative, and free.

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And I do think it's important to frame these digital practices as constituting a form of resistance against racist discourses and a space of reclaiming.

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And yet I'd like to finish my talk by also suggesting that the digital counter narrative also constitutes an extensive and ongoing racial burden as the work involved to shift these racist stereotypes is imposed on Black African young people who must engage in this work if they are to build meaningful futures for themselves in settler colonial Australia.

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Indeed, Mepedzahar and Kwanzaa I do write about black embodiment in Australia as a symbolic and material burden where negative stereotypes constructed by the white gaze are imposed on black Africans who must then navigate the discomfort and the challenges and the limitations of black embodiment.

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And we very much seen this with the African gangs narrative with the blame of African gang violence was firmly placed on the African community with elders forced to explain and take responsibility for this violent behavior.

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And as we can see in all of these examples, the burden of proof is then placed on African young people to prove themselves encounter to these negative discourses, to constantly demonstrate how they contribute, how they excel, how they are deserving of a life in Australia.

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And as such, these canner narratives are deeply influenced by Australia's white multiculturalism in which African young people can be seen to be performing the good refugee or the good migrant role.

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To prove their worth and value so that they can be seen of deserving of a life here. And so to conclude, despite the importance of these counter narratives as giving African young people in Australia the space to reclaim and contest the African gangs narrative and as spaces to resist and to reclaim they do constitute a significant racial

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burden as African young people must use their digital spaces to offer this proof that demonstrates that African kids can.

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That's where I'll leave it for today. Thanks very much.

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Did it work in the end? No. Thank you.

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Skips. Come back in. Okay, we're just going to stop the Zoom Meeting and allow and come back in to try to get this Zoom Meeting and allow and come back in to try to get this to work and it's wonderful we've got come back in to try to get this to work and it's wonderful we've got 15 people no sorry

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17 people online so it's great it's great everyone's there so please be with us while we fix this glitch.

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Sorry, it's Melissa Kelly. He's, yes, that's right. Yeah, remote here.

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Yeah. It's got really good news in the week for my last night.

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Okay, so hopefully this will work. So presenter is Melissa Kelly from Toronto Metropolitan University coming to us from Canada and she will be speaking about the Metropolitan University coming to us from Canada and she will be speaking about intersectionality coming to us from Canada and she will be speaking about intersectional identities, highly educated

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Zimbabweans, and she will be speaking about intersectional identities, highly educated Zimbabweans, negotiating race class and ethnic hierarchies in a South African city.

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Thanks, Melissa, if you'll share your slides with us.

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Thank you. I'm actually going to present.

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Great, thank you. That makes life easier.

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I'm afraid of technology. So, thank you everyone for coming today. I'm so sorry.

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I couldn't be there in person, but I really appreciate having this opportunity to present online. So thank you so much to the organizers and to the audience.

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So I'm going to take us to the South African context. Where I will consider the intersectional identities of highly educated Zimbabwean migrants.

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But before I do that, I'd like to provide you with a brief background on xenophobia and afrophobia.

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In the South African context. So South Africa attracts migrants from all over the world, but particularly the African continent and especially neighboring countries such as Zimbabwe, Mozambique and Les Sutu.

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These migrants typically come to South Africa looking for economic opportunity as well as political security. And I'm sure as most of you in the audience are already aware.

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So Africa has struggled with xenophobia and in particular,rophobia since the end of apartheid in 1994 from time to time riots and violent attacks of erupted and violent attacks have erupted against foreigners resulting in injury and sometimes attacks have erupted against foreigners resulting in injury and sometimes even in

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death. Academics have argued that the reason for the sphere of foreigners and in particular fear of African foreigners can be attributed to enduring levels of inequality in South African society.

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South Africa remains a highly segregated society. Along lines of both class and race. And while some South Africans, mostly white South Africans and also a minority of black South Africans could be considered middle class or upper class.

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The majority of black South Africans are really still struggling to get by. Access to jobs, housing, and government services have become particularly contentious, contentious issues in post apartheid South Africa and migrants from other African countries are seen as adding to competition for scarce resources.

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To which they are seen as unintitled. Successive governments at different levels of scale have not been able to effectively address issues of xenophobia and Afrophobia.

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And in some cases have even perpetuated it or made it worse through their political rhetoric.

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African migrants often use my African politicians, South African politicians part of me often use African migrants as scapegoats.

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And unfairly associate them with disease and crime. Most African migrants to South Africa come informally and work in the informal sector.

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They may live alongside disenfranchised South Africans in informal settlements. The negative discourses around African migrants tend to focus on these individuals.

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And they are also the ones who have been the most vulnerable to violent attacks. Which typically break out in the most marginalized of spaces.

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There are, however, also a number of highly educated or highly skilled migrants from all over Africa that come to South Africa to work or study.

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And these migrants typically come legally and often with the workers study permit. Less research has addressed how these individuals navigate their positionalities as black but somehow relatively privileged.

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Migrants in South African society. Intersectionality provides a lens through which to analyze the unique positionalities and identities of highly educated African immigrants living and working in South Africa.

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In the 19 nineties, Kimberly Crenshaw highlighted how different interlocking systems of oppression were such as race and gender.

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May influence one's positionality, experience, and identity. Since then, the theory has evolved to encompass a broader range of variables, including things like sexuality and age, for example.

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More recently, there has also been a growing interest by scholars such as Holvino. Kong and Beauregard in understanding how context impacts how intersectionality is experienced.

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I contextual approach resists static interpretations of how individuals fit into a given society and instead considers how they experience their positionalities.

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Through interactions with people or organizations and systems in variable contexts. This in turn influences how they construct their own identities.

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Well, there are different ways of defining context, a contextual approach lends itself to an exploration of how individuals are perceived and how they perceive themselves.

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As in different spatial contexts. In my research, I set out to better understand the experiences and identities of a group of highly educated Zimbabwe and migrants.

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Living in the mid-size city of Bloomfontein in South Africa. Given the pervasiveness of xenophobia and Afrophobia and South African society, I was curious to know what difference, if any, it made that these migrants had a high level of education.

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A legal status in the country and a professional standing at a local university. The individuals who took part in the study were all international students at the PhD level.

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Or early career researchers, namely postdoctoral fellows or junior faculty. Interviewees were asked about their experiences in South Africa with special reference to the class and racialized hierarchies they encountered.

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The interviews were analyzed thematically with the goal of linking the individual sense making and identity formation processes of the participants.

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With the wider structural context in which they were situated. In the end, I found it productive to distinguish between the different spaces in which the study participants found themselves living out their daily lives.

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Spaces associated with the university. Their residential neighborhoods as well as urban public areas. I know I don't have much time left, but I will briefly touch on the findings.

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So the space of the university campus was where the participants felt the highest degree of relative privilege. As highly educated individuals.

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They took on a position of status at the university. They felt appreciated. Well, perhaps not coming from high class backgrounds in Zimbabwe, their level of education was often stronger than that of many blacks South Africans.

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As PhD students, course instructors and researchers they could disassociate from the negative stereotypes usually attributed to Zimbabweans in South Africa.

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And instead enjoy positive stereotypes that were that Zimbabweans tended to be highly educated and hardworking.

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As PhD students and early career academics at the university, they operated in a predominantly white world as most of the instructors at the university were in fact white while most of the students were black.

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Hence, while identifying with other black self Africans culturally, they identified with white self Africans professionally.

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It is on campus where they found the highest level of congruence between their own self understandings and identities and the way they were treated by those around them.

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In off-campus faces it was often much more difficult for African academics. To enjoy the privilege that they experienced in on campus spaces.

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Their visibility as black took on a new degree of salience. Most of the participants lived in neighborhoods alongside whites because they could afford to do so and because they generally regarded these neighborhoods to be safer and more secure than the alternatives.

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Well, walking about in these neighborhoods, however, participants were treated as if they did not belong there. One female participant for example.

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Noted how she was taken for a maid while walking down her own street as this is the role that most black women coming to the area typically played.

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It could be said that the study participants occupied a kind of ambiguous position. On the one hand, their professional status made it possible for them to occupy the same residential spaces as white middle-class people.

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These were spaces far away from where xenophobic and Afrophobic violence typically took place.

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Nevertheless, as black people, their presence was not expected in these neighborhoods. Giving them a sense that they did not fully belong and were somehow out of place.

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Melissa about 4 4 more minutes

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Okay, perfect. Thanks. It was really in urban public spaces, however, where the participants felt the most uncomfortable.

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Here their professional status was given little value and could even be seen as a negative. The majority of people in Bloomfontein are black South African.

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In interacting with individuals in public spaces such as buses, stores and parks. These are the individuals the participants encountered.

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However, despite being black, they could not lay claim to belonging to the black majority in these spaces.

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Instead, they were criticized for not being black enough. Insofar as they could not speak the local language and instead preferred to use English.

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Which they generally spoke at a high academic level. Thereby alienating local self Africans that they interacted with.

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It was also much harder for them to escape than negative status attributed to foreign Africans. As a result, they tried to hide their identities by refraining from wearing traditional Zimbabwean clothing as well as speaking the regional languages of Zimbabwe.

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Instead, they kept a low profile. In general, the participants tried to avoid going to these spaces altogether.

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Preferring to spend time on campus. They therefore felt that their true identities in the general broader self African society were actually hidden from view.

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So just to conclude, rather than simply looking at how Zimbabwe migrants may be marginalized in South African society.

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The findings of the study offer a more nuanced view. Showing how migrants with high levels of education and a desirable professional status.

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May experience South African society in variable ways. Depending on where they are and who they are interacting with.

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In some contexts, they may find themselves at in an advantageous position while in other cases the opposite may be true.

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This makes it challenging for these individuals to cultivate a sense of belonging to the wider society. The research has reinforced the argument that intersectional identities are indeed fluid.

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It is also emphasized the importance of context in shaping how people are perceived as well as how they perceive themselves.

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And I think I'm out of time. So I will leave it there. Thank you very much.

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Thank you, Melissa. That was perfect timing. Really appreciate it. Our next speaker is Byron Williams from the University of Waikato in New Zealand.

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Byron will be speaking about understanding housing discrimination through African storytelling, exploring experiences of racism among African renters in Wellington.

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New Zealand.

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I'm just trying to bring up your you had some slides right Yeah. The slides are on there.

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Just just for me

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Here we go.

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Cool. Good morning all. Very nice sounding title.

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I don't remember writing it but There it is. My name is Baron Williams. I am a PhD student with the University of Waikato and I'll talk about the University of Waikato in Altoreo, New Zealand.

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In this presentation I will present 2 findings from qualitative data found in my PhD research. Currently I'm selling the purchase of collecting data and findings.

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In the finally discussed, still under development. The PhD research aims to explore and understand as it says the experiences of racism amongst Wellington-based African living in the rental sector.

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The research makes you sort of semi structured interviews together data. So to explain the kind of stories and narrative that come out of this, I think it's useful to give a kind of brief background to the context in which everything's racialized in New Zealand.

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The presentation will take part in 3 parts as a consequence. Let's say first I'll provide the context of which Africans are racialized in New Zealand.

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This section will explore very briefly the state of the colonial context of New Zealand. Establishing it as a white in a dominant country.

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Within this context of white supremacy, immigration rules were structured around accepting predominantly Anglo-celtic immigration and limiting others.

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But following the 1,986, 9 87, he's an immigrant immigration policy drop emphasis on ethnicity and necessarily requirements for immigration and sort of accepting people from other nations.

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Secondly, the first thing or the first finding under discussion is discussing the role of anti-black racism and anti-African racism in shaping the mental experiences of participants.

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Due to negative stereotypes limited narratives and anti-African sentiment in addition to white supremacist racism, many landlords and other rental actors understand Africans as poor in need of help uneducated and undesirable.

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These understandings of Africans in this context are the ability to obtain rental accommodation. It shapes the experiences while in rental accommodation and influences how they search for accommodation.

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And third, I will explore the intersection between race and class which relate to how acute and inescapable the racist experiences are.

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I should think the previous, presentation we're giving an understanding of intersectionality because as I say, we're giving an understanding of intersectionality because as I say, they're still kind of under development.

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I haven't really given much of a definition for that today. Because as I said, it's still kind of under development. I haven't really given much of a definition for that today.

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I haven't really given much of a definition for that today. So thank you. So yeah, so Altier Doloni has a long history of certain colonialism that is marginalized and exploited to the indigenous Maori is marginalized and exploited the indigenous Maori or promoting white supremacy.

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Or promoting white supremacy. The signing of Tit to D to Owai Tangi in 1,848.

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The signing of Tiktaali to Owai Tangi in 1,840 facilitated British colonization in 1,840 facilitated British colonization and settlement of the country.

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Altieroni is only has been shaped by a dominant white lanes and Hokkama Etel argue a history of colonialism still plays a fundamental role in contemporary race relations.

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It is through this white lens or racial framing that has shaped immigration policy in the country. He only has a history of European and white ethnic bias when it comes to immigration policy up to the 19 but until up until the mid 19 eighties.

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Immigration policy focused predominantly on migration for the British Isles. Resulting in an overwhelming population of Anglo-caltic origin.

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The 2,018 census showing that 70.2% of the population identified with at least one European ethnicity.

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Particular anti-norm white policy existed alongside the pro- immigration policy which needed to target Chinese immigration with a few examples up there.

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However, post, 19 eighties. So in 1,986 there was a major review which was conducted to change immigration policy which dropped the focus on race and nationality.

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In 1,986 the review stated that any person who met specified educational business professional age or asset requirements was to be admitted regardless of race or ethnicity.

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Under the Immigration Act of 1,987 7 immigrants are admitted into the country through 3 major streams and the first being skills in business.

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Second being a family stream and third humanitarian stream. There's a small cafe I want to give here in terms of even though The official policy change to address nationality and ethnicity the fact that they go on a business and skill stream kind of still limits who's going to come in from what country.

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So it is this context of the post 1,900 eightys New Zealand immigration policy.

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The majority of Africans arrived in the country. Africans make up a very small portion of Zealand's population with the vast majority born overseas.

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71.4 according to Statistics New Zealand. I mean according to the 2,018 census the African population number have a total of 16,890 of a total population of 4,000,699 755 people in New Zealand so Africans make up 0 point 3%

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of New Zealand. So Africans make up 0 point 3% of New Zealand's make up 0 point 3% of New Zealand's total population and tend to live in the 3 major cities total population and tend to live in the 3 major cities of Auckland, Wellington's total population and tend to live in the 3 major cities of Auckland, Wellington and

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Christchurch. Consequently, many non-African Easterners are less likely to interact with Africa than a day-to-day basis.

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Those there are like specific landlords in this case may be informed by negative stereotypes and fair media portrayals and racialized views informed by anti-black racism.

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These historical and contemporary realities provide the context for the racialized experiences of Africans in the Valentine mental sector.

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For the sake of time I think, oh yeah, we should get straight into talking about be the first finding.

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So for African renters There was quite a clear understanding of how anti-black and anti-Baccurate and anti-African racism shape their experiences within the rental sector.

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So to understand. How those shape the experiences. I think it is important to gain a kind of understanding of how Africa is viewed in the country.

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So one clear example actually comes relatively recently from Mike Kosking who is a New Zealand broadcaster.

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Everyone knows if he's generally quite conservative and says often times quite racist things and just flippantly applies them.

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So in the conversation he was having in a breakfast show talking about numeracy outcomes in New Zealand.

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No, no, no, don't do that. Don't compare us to some sub-Saharan African country that's useless.

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So the images of Africa tend to be bombarded with poverty, stupidity, and apparently uselessness.

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While to sum his commentaries every day thoughts are relatively benign, Hustling's views can be seen to express a common framing of Africa and is particularly dangerous.

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A dreamer does not exist within a vacuum and assists in shaping the persistent negative.

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And racist views of Africa. He consciously and unconsciously normalizes this kind of rhetoric and it plays out for Africans in their everyday lives.

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These ideas expressed by Husky and others. Act as a barrier to gaining and maintaining.

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Oh, hey, finance. Maintaining adequate housing. I think we could sort of say for the second time I think when I want to move into some of the quotes and some of the The data found.

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So I've been told by some participants that a name was a bit of a barrier as well and one participant in particular used a British maiden name to gain access to a rental property but explained that when a black woman turned up to receive the keys, the property manager was dumbfounded.

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The same participant explained that once they got into this rental property, neighbors complained, stating that the family would bring down the value of the street.

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Where am I now?

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Yes. So, following this to the same participant explained that once they 2 year lease was up the property manager tried every opportunity to get them out of the house even though they agree they wanted to stay along.

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They were eventually told that the landlord was returning from overseas, but 2 weeks after moving out, she had found that a white friend of hers had actually moved into the same property as a tenant.

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So when I query participants about why they thought they received this treatment, many explained it they couldn't explicitly prove that it was racism.

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That's kind of the difficulty of explaining in improving racism in this place. But they related the experiences to past racialized treatment and drew similarities.

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Part participants also pointed to the way they see Africans portrayed in New Zealand society stated that the media definitely does not help to display diverse perspective of Africa and Africans.

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Part participants were also aware that in many circumstances they had put themselves in a prime position. To gain access to the rental property, the outstanding factor being the ethnicity or skin color.

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I'll actually leave you to read that by itself. I'm going to skip to the second theme.

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Again, very briefly, as I said, I haven't really provided much of a explanation of intersectionality but the relationship between being black and poor was quite came up as a kind of recurring theme that people spoke about.

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So while this is still under development, there seems to be a general sense of intersectionality between racing class that is occurring within the interviews conducted so far.

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The following discussion of the theme is mostly based around the ability or inability to escape racism within the rental sector by accessing home ownership.

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And I want to be very careful with how much but I want to pretend as if There is no racism within their space or there's a solution to racism.

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In a housing sector. However, the participants had very specific racialized reasons as to why they wanted to access.

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The the home ownership place space And this was first they cannot be kicked out because the landlord changes their mind.

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Currently there are laws against that in New Zealand. The national government who Hosking supports quite very, very obviously have come out until they're they were thinking about repealing that law.

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They've had instances in which they they feel as if the landlord Can't just be racist and then attempt through different mechanisms to get them at the househtag raising rates or anything.

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All of them wanted to sell. But secondly what was quite important for participants was actually they felt if they were to own a home they would gain a sense of security but also ability to express their Africanness freely without having racial oversight.

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So again, while home ownership. Isn't an answer outright. It does provide certain mechanisms for people to escape racialized oversight from.

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Rental agents.

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Let me know. So yeah, for those participants racism tends to feel quite inescapable.

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I had some participants who spoke to me about, living in the the social housing circumstance in New Zealand and often they would try to avoid the private into mouth because they knew that it was so racist.

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Obviously if they were to earn more money they would have to move into the private sector and then they would kind of get stuck in the spaces like many people do.

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But racism tended to be quite an important factor of of why they wanted to avoid that space. How we move time?

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One more minute! Right, okay, so yeah, so in conclusion, I think one thing I just wanted to bring up in this conclusion was that.

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As Corina mentioned, kind of changed the narrative around not being so negative in our approach to research. What has come up quite interestingly is that most people tend to have answers and responses to racism or ways in which they challenge racism in their everyday life.

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One participant in for example, spoke about how people would often ask her, did you have lions?

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In running around in a backyard. I don't see there quite a lot when I first moved to New Zealand as well.

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People assumed that I had lions as pits, which I still don't understand really. But what would be interesting?

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She would just have them on. She would say, oh yeah, of course I did. And kind of take them on this really, really long.

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Tangent which and eventually people realised oh my gosh You're kind of having me on here. But I really like that response in terms of while racism seem to be that's really inescapable overarching factor of their life.

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They found unique ways to respond to it in ways that gave them empowerment and agency in that space.

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So yeah, conclusion. Thank you.

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Well done, Byron. Thanks. It's we we had similar findings in in our research where people would and they would respond to racism.

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They wouldn't automatically assume that what was going on was people being racist. They would determine and then respond appropriately.

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OK, so our next speaker is, sorry, I'm just finding it on my. So Giselle Isimway from Western Sydney University who's currently doing a PhD but she's talking about her master's research I believe and set me into integration experiences of African refugee youth in Perth, Western

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Australia.

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Oh!

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Yes. Yeah Okay.

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Thank you. Oh. Right. Thank you all for your patience.

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And the people online, especially my family that woke up at 60'clock in the morning. We took the time on.

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All right, well good morning everybody. My name is Giselle Shimoi and I'm going to be presenting part of my work for my PhD.

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The title of my recipient Well, I missed it up. Let's, I say PhD it's masters.

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Let me come back. Let me come back. This text stuff has got in my head. Okay, so starting again.

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So this work is from my masters where I export cediment experiences of refugee young people that are from African backgrounds based in Perth, Western Australia.

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So to start this off, I guess I want to be very clear in terms of the fact that I approach this work from a positionality of being an insider but also an outside of some extent but a lot of the stories that I collected I found so many similarities with my own personal stories.

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So just to kind of paint a picture of the global crisis, the first time I did this presentation, I remember looking at the stats was about 70 million people that were displaced in the world globally who as a result of persecution, conflict, violence and human rights violations were scattered everywhere in the world.

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And back then we had 3 solutions. We still have 3 solutions. And one of them is going back to the country that you left as a result of conflict, whatever it is that made you leave, usually the solution is that if it's possible going back to that country but it has to be you know if it's safe or any

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signifying. But that's not the case a lot of the times. And the other solution was local into integration when people run away and they find home in this new community that they are part of and that's usually really challenging especially with the fact that these new communities are usually under resourced and there's not enough systems in place to

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support these new people who are coming from very challenging situations. So the one that's like my favourite and I will be talking about majority of the time is third countries resettlement, which I am a beneficiary of.

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I came to Australia on a humanitarian visa and I am super grateful to Australia for that and So looking at the kind of the picture, Australia is one of the largest resettlement countries over time alongside the US and Canada but it's also important to note that countries such as Sweden, Norway and New

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Zealand. Shout out to New Zealand. Do better in terms of resettling more migrants and having you know their doors open for more people to come through this migration stream.

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So while looking at the projection of resettlement needs across the world, even though numbers have gone up drastically as a result of protracted displacement, ongoing conflicts in insecurities preventing refugees from going back to their countries, but also like I mentioned before, these new sediment spaces that people have run to for

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refuge are usually very challenging. They don't have the resources to be able to take care of the people that are coming in.

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So third country resettlement remains a key tool for international community to provide urgent and much-needed protection for solution for refugees mostly at risk.

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But in Australia, over the years we continue to slash down the number of people that were leading into this country.

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And a part of that is to do with our history but also our racial landscape and how we perceive people who are not of white skin, looking at the history of colonization in this country, but also looking at how that shipped the white Australia police that are only in there with people with white skin to come to Australia.

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And then even the ideas of assimilation and back in 2,007 there was a A statement made by Kevin Andrews who explicitly said that the government squeeze the African component of the refugee program because some groups don't seem to be settling and adjusting into the Australian way of life.

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So it went from 70% to just a 30% out of the total population of people that were coming into Australia.

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So what this tells us is the fact that Australia remains Relatively you are centric in its outlook and identity.

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Even though when we talk about integration and assimilation, we are going for integration, people coming as a two-way process where people come into a country and there's almost like a partnership in a way where we welcome you but also you make some effort to get to get to get to understand this new community you are part of.

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So you find that in the literature we talk about the policies, the popular discourses and attitudes often perceive integration as a one way process, but Australia has this.

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Lingering sort of notion of assimilation even in our immigration policy.

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Now to look into youth resettlement. The literature tells us that for a lot of youth who are who resettle into new countries often experience triple trauma as a result of forced migration.

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During transition while they're young and gain and gain even more challenges when they arrive into a new country.

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The fact that displacement imposes significant stresses on youth in terms of copying with loss trauma, discrimination, financial insecurity, education and occupation challenges while migrating.

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While in transition. And then when they finally arrive into a new country, there's also challenges of language not being able to speak this new language that this new community speaks, but also the interaction of schooling, having traveled all over the world at different times of their lives, their schooling is disrupted, and then experiences of racism coming

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to a country that is like a Western country where there's notions of what it means to be black, there's always going to be these experiences of racism where their visibility presents a challenge for them.

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So for young for young people with refugee backgrounds establishing a sense of belonging in their family in community.

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And to their country and to their country of resettlement is essential for their well-being.

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That's what the research tells us. But is this the reality? That's a question. So I wanted to read this quad from your doll because I think it captures really well the picture of where this kind of journey that a lot of migrant a lot of refugee young people engaging while trying to find their place in the

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world. You reads, could someone who looked like me call this home? Was home something you embrace?

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But it would also have to embrace you back. Would I always be seen as a conditional citizen to whom citizenship was not right?

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For a gift that I could only be kept at could only be kept by incapable character. With any mistakes or wrongs committed by people who look like me mean that my stay in this new home became no longer acceptable.

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With any complaint or sign of ungratefulness be deemed as a lack of appreciation of the opportunities presented to me?

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Should I consider a backup plan? I don't know what bugger plan is. Or going back to where I came from?

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Where was home? So in this caught it captures the different layers that have come across even through the literature the sort of challenges that young people navigate while trying to figure out their identity.

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Their visibility leading them to experienced racial discrimination, their blackness becoming a mucker of this disadvantage.

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This is even worse for people with refugee backgrounds who who as I mentioned before experiencing layers of other traumas but now have to also deal with these new challenges.

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And then there's the idea of an unwelcoming mainstream society that usually makes them feel really isolated.

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And then the idea of an unwelcoming mainstream society that usually makes them feel really isolated. And then the idea of conditional citizens where you get your citizenship paper, but it's really just on paper.

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So when you step outside you're still an outsider. And there's also this unrealistic expectation of a prescribed identity of what it means to be black.

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And this whole thing about not having a right, you have no right to be basic. You have to be excellent at everything you do.

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You have to be exception. Otherwise, we don't care about you. And then there's the expectation to be grateful.

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I came to this country, you know, Australia brought you to this country. You should be grateful to be here.

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And that can sometimes pose a lot of pressure on young people. So I'm just gonna jump because I got 5 min left.

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I'm going to turn to the findings. So when I interviewed my participants, something that made me laugh but also was interesting to see and sad to see at the same time was that my participants My participants kind of had this idealized idea of what Australia would be like.

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And one of them said that before coming here you're told Australia is heaven and white people are just angels.

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And another participant shared with me, we had crazy stories about Australia like money grows on trees and all that kind of stuff.

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They say that every day you get free money for no reason like wow so that so that was the expectation that we came here with when we got here was still, you know, appreciated.

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But that wasn't what we expected. So you find that a lot of for through these interviews that I had with young people they shared this They put Australia on a pedestal and they were expecting so much they were expecting to come to heaven and see angels flying everywhere.

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So there was this kind of idea of abundant provision, acceptance, a safe space, you know, to have a space to have freedom of speech.

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And taking the burden off their parents in terms of the pressure to provide and and kind of create a safe space for them.

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But also once in a lifetime opportunity. But the issue with this kind of view, this idealised notion of Australia is that when you come with this kind of, it's one thing to enter a room when you think you're going to be rejected because you're ready you got the thick skin you're ready for it but then

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to enter room when you think you're going to be embraced you're going to be celebrated.

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I don't know if you've ever gone to a house and they welcome you they give you tea they show you what to sit down and you're like oh my god wow but then you enter her house and we don't even look at you we ignore you like we're giving you attitude this bad energy everywhere it makes the experience

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even worse for you so I found that a lot of my participants the shock of experiencing discrimination and being excluded was much worse for them because they had these expectations of Australia being like Kevin.

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Oh, oh lord. The slides have started again.

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Oh, well, well, well, well, well, well.

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We have suffered through this presentation. Well, the next point.

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So. Hide this? Okay. 2 min.

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OK, so another point, another really interesting point that came out of the interviews that I did with participants is that there were little grown-ups.

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From such a young age, they felt like they had to grow up so quickly. One participant said, when I came here I was about 7 years old.

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So that's like an age where you're able to see your parents struggle, they look after you in the process of coming to this country and the process of coming to this country and the process of coming to this country is a bit of a hustle you know.

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At my age I was able to recognize, I guess I matured a lot quicker. So by the time I got here, pretty much I lost my innocence.

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As soon as we came here, it was almost like if we were on a mission. So it didn't feel like just resettling into a new country but coming here for a reason.

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So that put as a kid a lot of pressure on me when I arrived. So this is kind of painting this picture of you know, the expectation that the Australian society may have for you to be exceptional, but also you came with the expectation thinking my parents brought me here they've worked so hard you're watching them struggle every day and you've

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become their personal interpreter and there's all this pressure that's put on you that makes it that is quite dehumanizing in some way which further complicates their experiences of settlement.

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Oh my gosh.

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This is so annoying.

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Okay.

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The slides are just acting out. Okay, yeah, great, great, good. 30 s. Also noticed something really interesting about the way my participants cared so much about their parents.

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I remember thinking about this actually much later and I'm like every participant for some reason has talked about their parents has talked about how they worry about their mental health, how they worry about, you know, how they've parents are navigating Australia and and I think this goes back to this notion of them having to grow up so quickly now

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they've taken all this responsibility of being an adult at such a young age. And on top of that, they're also navigating their own identity crisis.

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Or figuring out who they are, like this participant talked about this whole identity thing, I feel like I had an identity crisis for the longest time.

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This participant was born in a refugee camp but was from a different country. So when people would ask her where you're from, she would then just think, you know, her mind will go everywhere.

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She wouldn't know how to identify where she's from exactly. So while navigating these other challenges are also going through these different challenges as well.

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And not forgetting the intergenerational sort of conflict that comes out of them seeing their parents struggle and trying to find ways to communicate that which is often not simple and sometimes they don't say anything so it just becomes this kind of silent conflict.

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And there's also something I noticed was about this competing conditions of the competing conditions of belonging, whether there was an expectation for your parents, for you to be culturally aware, to continue to maintain those traditional ties with your family, but also the expectation for yourself to connect with your own culture and where you've come from and who you

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are, where you have all these questions because you don't know where you sit in in all this stuff.

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But then the expectation for you to also fit into an Australian society. And that's that's a lot for anybody having to navigate all these different things, but on top of that, be experiencing being in a society that excludes you as well systemically.

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Oh, don't know how long do I have? Oh, well, let me just summarize this now.

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Thank you so much for your patience. Well, let me just summarize this now. Thank you so much for your patience.

458
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But the point is, I think what I found as much as, at the beginning was talking about, we want to focus on the positive stories.

459
01:18:00.000 --> 01:18:03.000
I think these stories are, you know, It's I think that's really important and that's ultimately the goal we want to get to.

460
01:18:03.000 --> 01:18:13.000
But we have to deal with these difficult stories. There's really hard, uncomfortable, painful stories to be able to get to that point of thinking about how.

461
01:18:13.000 --> 01:18:29.000
We perceive these stories were taking from people. And I think for me what I noticed out of this research was I was inspired by the resilience of my participants and regardless of what the challenges were facing they were still holding on they were still pushing themselves they were trying to find where do I fit in the world how can I contribute which goes back

462
01:18:29.000 --> 01:18:39.000
to the optimism that you discussed at the end. Well thank you so much for listening. No!

463
01:18:39.000 --> 01:18:45.000
Thanks, Giselle. Okay, cool. And Giselle, we had a similar, similar finding in terms of the concern for parents and also vice versa.

464
01:18:45.000 --> 01:19:01.000
So the I don't know whether they're talking to each other, but when they're talking to a third party to the interviewer, you can see the care from both sides, from both the kids and the parents and about each other.

465
01:19:01.000 --> 01:19:13.000
It's really quite. Touching striking. So I don't need to. So return to session display.

466
01:19:13.000 --> 01:19:20.000
How Zoom? Do it.

467
01:19:20.000 --> 01:19:26.000
Do I just click on that? First.

468
01:19:26.000 --> 01:19:29.000
Okay, I'll try to share my screen.

469
01:19:29.000 --> 01:19:33.000
Yep. Hey, Virginia.

470
01:19:33.000 --> 01:19:35.000
Hey, Brain, how are you?

471
01:19:35.000 --> 01:19:39.000
Laugh

472
01:19:39.000 --> 01:19:46.000
Can you share, Virginia?

473
01:19:46.000 --> 01:19:47.000
Keep your

474
01:19:47.000 --> 01:19:51.000
Yeah, hold on. I'm just trying to share it now. But, Let me go.

475
01:19:51.000 --> 01:19:52.000
Awesome. Yes.

476
01:19:52.000 --> 01:19:55.000
Can you see my screen? Can you see the presentation? Excellent.

477
01:19:55.000 --> 01:20:00.000
That's perfect. Good. Leave it there. I'll give a bit of an intro and then authority.

478
01:20:00.000 --> 01:20:01.000
Fantastic.

479
01:20:01.000 --> 01:20:11.000
Cool. So hello, me again and I'm joined by my fantastic co-author and former PhD.

480
01:20:11.000 --> 01:20:14.000
So I'm just going to start this talk by giving an introduction to paper and I'll hand over to Virginia and she's going to present the findings.

481
01:20:14.000 --> 01:20:26.000
So this paper once again forms part of my thesis which explored the social media practices and experiences of 15 Black African young people in Australia.

482
01:20:26.000 --> 01:20:41.000
This paper in fact my whole thesis was really influenced by a paper written by Virginia and her co-author Carmina Kwanzaa I do titled Black Bodies in and Out of Place, Afrocentric perspectives on racialized belonging in Australia.

483
01:20:41.000 --> 01:20:50.000
I'm sure some of you who have come across this paper. It's published in the Australasian Review of African Studies, which has an incredible amount of excellent Afro di Spark literature.

484
01:20:50.000 --> 01:20:56.000
So I'd encourage you to seek out that journal if you haven't already. So, Virginia's paper and you can see both the papers up there next to each other.

485
01:20:56.000 --> 01:21:11.000
It was hugely influential because it lay an important theoretical foundation that centered the significant role that blackness plays in the complex and contested experiences of belonging for black Africans in Australia.

486
01:21:11.000 --> 01:21:12.000
So essentially in this paper, Virginia and Cormina present a typology of belonging that involves 4 dimensions.

487
01:21:12.000 --> 01:21:32.000
Contestation, negotiation, ambivalence, and compromise. And so ultimately in this paper they argue that black Africans in Australia have subjected to experiences of everyday racism and discrimination that fractures their sense of belonging and acceptance in Australia.

488
01:21:32.000 --> 01:21:46.000
This typology was based on the experiences of first generation continental black African migrants aged between 34 and 55 and situates their belonging by examining their everyday experiences in offline or physical settings.

489
01:21:46.000 --> 01:22:00.000
And so therefore the aim of this other paper that we've written together was to really kind of reconnectualize this typology by centering African young people and their practices and experiences on social media through the data I collected.

490
01:22:00.000 --> 01:22:09.000
So here, however, I do want to emphasize that we don't see the physical and the digital as distinct from one another but rather deeply intertwined and here I'm led by the work of Nathan Jackson.

491
01:22:09.000 --> 01:22:20.000
And as we'll talk about more in in detail with the findings, many of the things that participants did or experienced online had significant implications for their offline or physical lives as well.

492
01:22:20.000 --> 01:22:29.000
So as such the typology of belonging that we present in this paper centres the digital whilst also acknowledging the deep inseparability of the digital to the physical.

493
01:22:29.000 --> 01:22:33.000
So in this paper and as Virginia is going to discuss, we suggest a typology of belonging called Afrocentric Digital Belonging, which involves 3 core processes.

494
01:22:33.000 --> 01:22:45.000
So recultivating identities in black spaces, evoking boundaries and forging digital physical connections.

495
01:22:45.000 --> 01:22:55.000
And we explore this type of belonging as conditional due to the underlying presence and influence of the white gaze in digital spaces which African young people must work to manage.

496
01:22:55.000 --> 01:23:09.000
And we proposed that through these core processes, digital spaces can offer new ways of navigating, contesting, reimagining and forging new understandings of belonging for Black African young people who live in predominantly white spaces.

497
01:23:09.000 --> 01:23:17.000
Before Virginia presents a typology, I'd just like to briefly outline the role of social media in regards to belonging for our participants and how they articulated this.

498
01:23:17.000 --> 01:23:23.000
So for the participants in this study, social media was considered an important part of everyday life. And contribute and contributed enormously to their sense of belonging in Australia.

499
01:23:23.000 --> 01:23:35.000
Participants describe social media as essential for staying up to date with their social networks and current news and events.

500
01:23:35.000 --> 01:23:47.000
Without social media they would feel disconnected, isolated and like they were missing out. Belonging when explained by a participants was described as unconditional acceptance no matter what color you are.

501
01:23:47.000 --> 01:23:56.000
Acceptance involved having the power to determine who I am and not having to hide who I am. Okay, over to you, Virginia.

502
01:23:56.000 --> 01:24:04.000
Thank you. Thank you, Claire. Can everybody see me? I can't see everybody because I'm sharing my power point, but.

503
01:24:04.000 --> 01:24:05.000
Yeah, you're good.

504
01:24:05.000 --> 01:24:23.000
Before I thank you, before I start, can I also just, acknowledge that I'm dialing in, to the session from the lens of the one go people of the Iran nation and the traditional custodians of the lens that now cover what's called, what's now called City of

505
01:24:23.000 --> 01:24:33.000
Stratfield here in Sydney. I wanna acknowledge, Elders past present and emerging and any First Nations people amongst us today and acknowledge that sovereignty was never seated.

506
01:24:33.000 --> 01:24:42.000
And that this is, was and always will be Aboriginal land. Okay, and on that note, I'm gonna whiz past.

507
01:24:42.000 --> 01:24:55.000
The 3 typologies that Claire and I kind of came up with out of her incredible data which actually but there's a lot of similarities to in terms of what play found in a research with what you were talking about earlier.

508
01:24:55.000 --> 01:25:07.000
Farida in this idea of resilience and creativity in creating spaces and of racial safety for themselves.

509
01:25:07.000 --> 01:25:17.000
And it's class said social media was a really good place or space for that. So.

510
01:25:17.000 --> 01:25:22.000
Okay, somehow I can click. Okay, so the first typology, I'm sorry, the first pill off the topology is.

511
01:25:22.000 --> 01:25:39.000
Recultivating identities that belong. And what we found what Clare and I found was that participants actually saw social media as spaces where black African or the black African or the Black African self.

512
01:25:39.000 --> 01:25:46.000
Could be re-cultivated in digital spaces. So social media actually gave them like the freedom to express themselves.

513
01:25:46.000 --> 01:25:57.000
A constituted space where others could actually really, see, Black African youth as, who they are as fundamentally like the fundamental cells.

514
01:25:57.000 --> 01:26:02.000
And we, heard some participants talk about being in control of these digital spaces and how they could sort of create and just.

515
01:26:02.000 --> 01:26:26.000
Really loving how they could create or employ the creativity of the platforms to cultivate. A self on their own terms which is something they didn't feel that they had in real life because they sort of felt like what Giselle was saying before that they sort of walking into this predetermined spaces and spaces where

516
01:26:26.000 --> 01:26:40.000
they are already constituted and defined and seen and constructed in particular ways and social media gave them some kind of control to be creative on how they cultivate themselves on their own terms.

517
01:26:40.000 --> 01:26:48.000
So they saw it a space that they could be authentic. You know, they'd be their authentic cells or authentic to who they are.

518
01:26:48.000 --> 01:26:59.000
We also heard our participants talk about and at length really about, they desire to express these different parts of these different aspects of themselves.

519
01:26:59.000 --> 01:27:11.000
On social media so they spoke a lot about hybrid identities so kind of being like, African and Australian all at this same time.

520
01:27:11.000 --> 01:27:12.000
You've got 5 min left for Virginia. Sorry.

521
01:27:12.000 --> 01:27:19.000
And so we Oops, okay. And so, and this is what some of the participants said. So I'm gonna rush.

522
01:27:19.000 --> 01:27:24.000
And read this. This is what some of our participants say. I, this paper is available online anyway.

523
01:27:24.000 --> 01:27:44.000
So feel free to. To go there. So another aspect of the process of really cultivating identities is really cultivating much needed black spaces where, social media played a really crucial role in facilitating those digital connections that African youth.

524
01:27:44.000 --> 01:27:55.000
Long to find safety solace and sustenance amongst black communities and black spaces which is again very much missing in the in the physical spaces.

525
01:27:55.000 --> 01:28:16.000
This was particularly important for participants who, who talked about experiences of racism. Again, nothing new here and how this, this, these experiences of racism impacted their sense of belonging, lots of literature on how race negatively, experiences of racism and negatively affect a sense of belonging.

526
01:28:16.000 --> 01:28:30.000
So it's not surprising that participants in the study had a strong desire to cultivate black African spaces where they could escape kind of they embodied experiences of racism and these faces were racially safe.

527
01:28:30.000 --> 01:28:39.000
They could express their frustrations with the people that they were online with and they found support amongst other black digital users who embodied similar racialized identities and experienced similar moments of non-blonging in their physical spaces.

528
01:28:39.000 --> 01:29:02.000
Again, there's some of the data. The second PELA that, we came up with was this, notion of evoking boundaries because we found that an essential part of how African youth actually facilitate belonging in digital spaces was employing a variety of strategies.

529
01:29:02.000 --> 01:29:08.000
On social media to control who has access to their digital content and as well as what type of content they actually encounter.

530
01:29:08.000 --> 01:29:33.000
And what type of content they consume in digital spaces. We actually found this quite interesting this notion of like they created or have or they evoked this boundaries this sense of power because in fact a lot of the literature that the had, reviewed as part of a PhD actually found that, digital lives of

531
01:29:33.000 --> 01:29:41.000
non-white users is really defined by experiences of racism and that racism is the key experiences that they encounter.

532
01:29:41.000 --> 01:29:49.000
But for participants in this study, they encounter. But for participants in this study, they actually perceived their platforms as racially safe spaces.

533
01:29:49.000 --> 01:30:17.000
And what we found was they were these, digital platforms were racially safe spaces because participants had very, very carefully curated their social media spaces, utilizing a number of social media controls to invoke these boundaries around around the content and this actually meant that they rarely encountered any racist posts or comments and really only a few participants

534
01:30:17.000 --> 01:30:26.000
actually talked about and counting and or encountering this space as, experiencing this space as, racially unsafe.

535
01:30:26.000 --> 01:30:34.000
So this was. Something quite unique to this study we thought because. They were defined by experiences of racism.

536
01:30:34.000 --> 01:30:56.000
And this, some of our data as well. The last pillar, that we, came up with is this notion of using this digital spaces to sort of forge the kind of digital physical connection because what we found was that for many of these, kind of digitally mediated connections

537
01:30:56.000 --> 01:31:06.000
that the participants, established on social media were actually a starting point for relationships that were developed offline or in the physical space.

538
01:31:06.000 --> 01:31:08.000
1 min, Virginia. Sorry, 1 min.

539
01:31:08.000 --> 01:31:30.000
I'm on the last point. Yeah, thank you. Thank you. So participants saw social media is important to facilitating real life connections with other people through like common interests, passions and discourses and I'll stop here and hopefully we can share some of the things in question and time.

540
01:31:30.000 --> 01:31:34.000
Question and answer time.

541
01:31:34.000 --> 01:31:35.000
Thanks.

542
01:31:35.000 --> 01:31:38.000
Thank you, Virginia.

543
01:31:38.000 --> 01:31:41.000
Thanks, Virginia.

544
01:31:41.000 --> 01:31:43.000
I'll stop sharing the screen.

545
01:31:43.000 --> 01:32:13.000
Yeah. Thank you so much and I feel really bad having to police the time so strictly but thank you we did want to include as many papers as we could.

546
01:32:40.000 --> 01:32:52.000
Thank you. No, no, yeah, there but yeah speak yeah that's it My name is Ali Statusin and I am Rakh.

547
01:32:52.000 --> 01:33:06.000
And I am African. And, we have a big problem in to talk about a migrant from other state of Africa because we are African you can't say they are African.

548
01:33:06.000 --> 01:33:32.000
And we don't use the concept. Of Shi'ite because with the breaking africa into Then have perhaps Mandela say in in the free not only the South but also You know, and you must know that in Morocco that we fight to do to regularization for And we.

549
01:33:32.000 --> 01:33:45.000
Also working about one takes that our Could you? Talking about and you see the number in Africa.

550
01:33:45.000 --> 01:33:51.000
In the North Africa is very high. You must know one things. We have more accurate work about this.

551
01:33:51.000 --> 01:34:06.000
That African period It's something. Particular why because as we see all time every 5 migrants from Africa for remain in Africa.

552
01:34:06.000 --> 01:34:12.000
One go to Europe and you talk about it. It's a big problem. That's the first.

553
01:34:12.000 --> 01:34:23.000
The second. I don't know if you hear about the global form integration development. Next one, process.

554
01:34:23.000 --> 01:34:44.000
You need finishes? And I see I was in this globe from beginning in Brussels until 2 2,009 2,008 We haven't such that we have our time, expect and civil society.

555
01:34:44.000 --> 01:34:55.000
And Sesha, African Sesha. What can with civil society? Not with civil society, on civil society or in civil society, not within society.

556
01:34:55.000 --> 01:35:10.000
And we must to change the process of the Because when we talk about the aspira, when we say this presentation, I read, excuse me, if I come and Yeah, if I come late.

557
01:35:10.000 --> 01:35:24.000
I read the presentation. And they see that when we talk about their spur, we talk about African Outside from Africa, but in Africa, We have 4, then one.

558
01:35:24.000 --> 01:35:37.000
4, there are tyres poor in Africa if we want to be African. If we want to change the perception of I think we must work also.

559
01:35:37.000 --> 01:35:49.000
On diaspora in Africa, it's very interesting to the corporations south south and also it's very interesting to stop There are seasons and art things that you see.

560
01:35:49.000 --> 01:36:05.000
Don't continue to work on this site. It's good to work. In around the world but it is interesting for African to change Yeah, framework and working on Africa.

561
01:36:05.000 --> 01:36:19.000
I am coordinator of African network of integration and development and you are fighting about this. For example, you have this, I don't know.

562
01:36:19.000 --> 01:36:29.000
Yeah, please it's my it's not critics. It's only clarification. Yes, please.

563
01:36:29.000 --> 01:36:39.000
Thanks. Thanks. I had 2 questions. One was for Claire, you talked about social media demographic.

564
01:36:39.000 --> 01:36:47.000
It's a concept that I'm not familiar with, so I just wanted to hear more and if you can Maybe points to any references.

565
01:36:47.000 --> 01:37:02.000
The other was for Byron. I find I found your presentation interesting and I was just curious if you I mean you said that it was an ongoing study but I was curious about whether you and have explored.

566
01:37:02.000 --> 01:37:11.000
If these rentals were students, whether they had families. And whether gender mattered in terms of the experiences that they had.

567
01:37:11.000 --> 01:37:20.000
Questions? Thank you. Thank you so much for your question. It always struggle in such short presentations to talk about methods, but I love talking about methods.

568
01:37:20.000 --> 01:37:24.000
I'm happy to go into further detail with you later. There's lots of different approaches to social media photography or digital ethnography.

569
01:37:24.000 --> 01:37:36.000
What I did was I did a 6 month social media ethnography which involved friending or following all my participants on their social media platforms.

570
01:37:36.000 --> 01:37:50.000
And essentially screen capturing on my phone what they were doing. So every single day I would log on, I would be looking at what they were posting and I'd be screen captioning it often annotating it with my notes, my observations, particularly if it was of a video.

571
01:37:50.000 --> 01:38:01.000
And at the end of the 6 months of the ethnographic of the ethnographic period, I probably had in excess of 1,600 screenshots which are peppered throughout all of my papers.

572
01:38:01.000 --> 01:38:17.000
There's lots of people who use different styles of social media ethnography. I'd invite you to look at my methods paper that that's online because I reference a lot of the work that I build on as well so you can find lots of different approaches in there.

573
01:38:17.000 --> 01:38:20.000
If you Google Scholar Netnography as well, that's another, yeah, you'll be able to find some references.

574
01:38:20.000 --> 01:38:33.000
Yeah, thanks for the question. I think the unfortunate kind of structure of this platform is that we don't really get to express a lot of things that we come across in the research.

575
01:38:33.000 --> 01:38:42.000
I've done 9 interviews so far and unfortunately it's been quite difficult to get quite a wide spread of kind demographics for participants.

576
01:38:42.000 --> 01:38:58.000
The majority of participants are in their fortys and fiftys. I've had one. I there were sections in the presentation where I was talking about shade renting spaces flating which tend to be amongst young people.

577
01:38:58.000 --> 01:39:08.000
But there's really particular heck quite a lot to say about those spaces. So we can talk about that after if you like to but in terms of gender gender was really interesting in that it came up in a couple of ways.

578
01:39:08.000 --> 01:39:13.000
So for people for for women for example

579
01:39:13.000 --> 01:39:22.000
If women didn't have a husband, they would often have this immigrant like a narrative around, oh you're an immigrant and you're a single mother can you afford to stay here? That was quite a big narrative.

580
01:39:22.000 --> 01:39:29.000
When it came to men for example was much more about are you a violent black man? So Gina came up quite differently in different spaces.

581
01:39:29.000 --> 01:39:39.000
When it came to family, that was really interesting. Quite a few participants did have families. The way the individual kind of structure was talking about more on the life story a bit more as well.

582
01:39:39.000 --> 01:39:44.000
So what I found quite a lot was that some participants were like, look, as long as my children are safe.

583
01:39:44.000 --> 01:39:59.000
And have a place to say, I'm cool. I will deal with whatever I have to. The other aspect of families too was really interesting was that they found that children received a lot of racism at schools and that's kind of how they spoke about they were like look I don't care if I get racism but when

584
01:39:59.000 --> 01:40:08.000
my children are going through it is quite rough and quite difficult. My family was quite suddenly that my father brought us over but didn't, he never had an experience with schools.

585
01:40:08.000 --> 01:40:16.000
So when we went to school we experienced a lot of racism and we didn't again we had that kind of generational disconnect of hearing so much about your parents for not knowing how to communicate that between.

586
01:40:16.000 --> 01:40:21.000
I hope they kind of.

587
01:40:21.000 --> 01:40:26.000
Thank you. Do we have any more questions?

588
01:40:26.000 --> 01:40:35.000
Yes. We'll take a couple of questions together. Okay. Thank you for all presentations.

589
01:40:35.000 --> 01:40:37.000
I actually have

590
01:40:37.000 --> 01:40:50.000
Quick comment about Giselle's presentation. That resonated a lot with me while we were talking about this expectations that my parents leave.

591
01:40:50.000 --> 01:41:16.000
And that their they have to excel at everything is way isn't it a way of dehumanizing those people that come in terms of well they're not humans they have to be perfect they have to be these idealized migrant or refugee that's perfect at everything and that reminded me A lot about the work of

592
01:41:16.000 --> 01:41:21.000
Denisi Fiera the Siluba, which is a Brazilian scholar that's based on the US right now.

593
01:41:21.000 --> 01:41:34.000
While when she talks about this racial subject and the dehumanizing processes of racializing people and well.

594
01:41:34.000 --> 01:41:48.000
I don't want to divers too much and my question for you and for Byron is about could you elaborate a little bit more about the methodological aspects of your work as we have so little time.

595
01:41:48.000 --> 01:41:52.000
I would like to hear more about that. A little bit more and especially about how are you planning to work with the storytelling aspect.

596
01:41:52.000 --> 01:42:08.000
Do you have any particular approach to that? And well, Thank you. Take another question up the back.

597
01:42:08.000 --> 01:42:11.000
Yep.

598
01:42:11.000 --> 01:42:26.000
Just a quick one for. Yeah, the ladies sorry for all the interruption during this section I just want to understand because we talked about these young people have to experience a lot of things.

599
01:42:26.000 --> 01:42:35.000
And trying to unsettle or settle down or resettle in the new community. And you talked about their parents.

600
01:42:35.000 --> 01:42:45.000
Talked about the identity. And so much more. And at the end of the day, we are like that we appreciates their residence.

601
01:42:45.000 --> 01:42:48.000
Trying to overcome this things.

602
01:42:48.000 --> 01:42:57.000
Are you in that they may get to a point? Often. Breakouts or where they can no longer pick.

603
01:42:57.000 --> 01:43:05.000
And this kind of pressure coming to them. What are these petitions? If they come to the appropriate points.

604
01:43:05.000 --> 01:43:11.000
Of trying to manage so many things at the same time. I declare their service in new community. Have you ever imagined what could be the breaking point?

605
01:43:11.000 --> 01:43:24.000
And the aftermath of it? Thank you. I'll let people answer those questions and then we may have to wrap it up.

606
01:43:24.000 --> 01:43:34.000
Yeah. Thanks. It turns me that like I said, the research we saw on government was still kind of developing how we want to approach it.

607
01:43:34.000 --> 01:43:43.000
Make a dollar. What's happened was just kind of interesting this week is like originally I was like, I'll do some interviews and do some focus groups and it's turned far more ethnographic since.

608
01:43:43.000 --> 01:43:45.000
Because, you know, in South Africa, in New Zealand, such a small African population, I've just increasingly got more.

609
01:43:45.000 --> 01:43:57.000
New Zealand such a small African population, I've just increasingly got more more involved with his communities and because I'm African myself they're like oh but like in one of us come hang out so the researchers turned quite community based.

610
01:43:57.000 --> 01:44:12.000
I think when it comes to to the stories what I'm going to do with them I'm kind of centering that through my critical race theory approaches around counter storytelling.

611
01:44:12.000 --> 01:44:17.000
There's a few reasons why. So New Zealand, obviously painting itself is quite colorblind so they don't really have narratives around.

612
01:44:17.000 --> 01:44:28.000
What specific experiences are of non-white ethnic groups so that these stories are aiming to challenge that in the first place but secondly it's to kind of normalized stories of Africans within the country as well.

613
01:44:28.000 --> 01:44:44.000
But using the rental space is a very critical area in which these narratives around Africa get acutely effective.

614
01:44:44.000 --> 01:44:52.000
Thank you. Thank you so much for your questions. I start off with the methods one. I think the methods It's been, because this is when I first did this.

615
01:44:52.000 --> 01:45:03.000
This entire process was a confusing experience for me because I think that I initially did a masters because I wanted to learn more about Africa as a continent and then end up doing things about African experiences.

616
01:45:03.000 --> 01:45:08.000
So I at the time I didn't necessarily have like a theoretical framework that I was working from.

617
01:45:08.000 --> 01:45:12.000
But as I've gone back and I'm looking at the work and as I've been progressing through my PhD and I've been exploring different methods.

618
01:45:12.000 --> 01:45:31.000
Something that I would love to do once I start working on this paper is that I would love to. Sort of collaborate sort of the colonial theories around the way colonialism shows up in everyday life, especially with my participants where they're in a refugee camp and they're thinking I'm going to heaven those sort of

619
01:45:31.000 --> 01:45:40.000
perspectives and those sort of views that they have about the Western world, what that tells us about their perception, their psyche, and how they show up in the spaces.

620
01:45:40.000 --> 01:45:42.000
But also, so I wanted to combine a kind of the colonial framework with a bit of critical rest theory as well.

621
01:45:42.000 --> 01:46:06.000
Just exploring that intersectionality of identity and how they all intersect together, but also use the voice of color as another way to sort of write myself into this because a part of it is that some of these experiences I can relate to and I can understand and I think Something that I started to do that I didn't get to talk about

622
01:46:06.000 --> 01:46:21.000
in the presentation is that I started to develop a framework around how to conceptualize belonging, especially using, there's a proverb across different African countries about it takes a village to raise a child.

623
01:46:21.000 --> 01:46:40.000
And I wanted to kind of construct this model around what makes a village? What kind of ingredients make a village and how can I use that that to analyze the experiences of my participants to understand their sense of belonging to the experience of my participants to understand their sense of belonging in a context like Australia.

624
01:46:40.000 --> 01:46:43.000
Because them leaving their whatever space they belong to and then to understand their sense of belonging in a context like Australia.

625
01:46:43.000 --> 01:46:48.000
Because of belonging in a context like Australia. Because in a context like Australia. Because leaving their whatever space they belong to and coming to a new space.

626
01:46:48.000 --> 01:46:53.000
If we can think about some of those things that make a village and analyse whether they are present in that environment, does that change anything?

627
01:46:53.000 --> 01:46:56.000
Or maybe that might help us inform what are the most important things to focus on in helping young people feel like they belong.

628
01:46:56.000 --> 01:47:03.000
I think my methods and frameworks are kind of like a work in progress where I'm combining different things and trying to understand their experiences.

629
01:47:03.000 --> 01:47:06.000
Because I didn't want to leave too much of a CREPORIS theory because it was based.

630
01:47:06.000 --> 01:47:19.000
African-american experiences. I want to kind of draw it back to the continent of Africa, African experiences from the ground and then connecting that back to now the Australian experience and how those 2 work together.

631
01:47:19.000 --> 01:47:30.000
And the second question around the breaking point. I think I'll sign up for this. Some of my participants.

632
01:47:30.000 --> 01:47:42.000
Had reached that breaking point. And like this was one of the highest projects ever because I think after doing interviews I had a month off I had a mental breakdown I just couldn't think.

633
01:47:42.000 --> 01:47:51.000
Because it was a really painful experience hearing some of the stories that I heard and I think that positionality as well played a role in terms of how much I was affected.

634
01:47:51.000 --> 01:47:57.000
But some of our participants had reached that breaking point where they're no longer in communication with their families.

635
01:47:57.000 --> 01:48:03.000
You know one of them just said you know like I think someone should do something about maybe we should get countless for families.

636
01:48:03.000 --> 01:48:10.000
Just to look at how they can rebuild their community, how they can rebuild their relationships. So I definitely think that.

637
01:48:10.000 --> 01:48:15.000
That breaking point is bound to happen and I think that could also explain some of the stories that are coming out.

638
01:48:15.000 --> 01:48:22.000
In terms of. When you hear young people going off the rails. Some of that stuff if we look back.

639
01:48:22.000 --> 01:48:27.000
Will see that the, you know, their family is breaking apart and then being really isolated and meeting the wrong friends and things like that and they get into trouble and then it becomes like a web of different issues.

640
01:48:27.000 --> 01:48:42.000
So there's definitely a point where you know, throughout my interviews, some of my participants had reached that breaking point, but how they deal with it is what's interesting.

641
01:48:42.000 --> 01:48:52.000
Some of them, obviously the ones I was interviewing. We're doing well in dealing with it and I think there was that are probably not dealing so well we're not going to sit down with me and have an interview with me.

642
01:48:52.000 --> 01:49:10.000
Actually, now that I say that I just remember the story quickly, I'll be quick. Back when I was like 16 I made a short film about cinnamon experiences of young people around the area and there was a guy in the film he was acting like this bad boy who was trying to influence his friends and I remember we gave him a

643
01:49:10.000 --> 01:49:23.000
name in the film he was called Chris. So after that film here, this moment of like celebration, he was in the news, he was on local paper and everything and then disappeared and I recently traveled to Perth and I bumped to him on the street and he's like, hey, do you remember me?

644
01:49:23.000 --> 01:49:28.000
And I'm like, no, not really. And then he tells me, oh, you know, you know that film we made?

645
01:49:28.000 --> 01:49:44.000
It was kind of like about my life, you know, came to Australia and then he got into trouble and he was coming out of jail now he was in rehab he's trying to get his life back on track, but also he's had a child and he named the child Chris and it was just like.

646
01:49:44.000 --> 01:49:54.000
It was kind of like, it was sad. But it was also kind of beautiful how he's still being resilient and kind of pushing through and working through these difficult things.

647
01:49:54.000 --> 01:49:58.000
So I guess the breaking point is bound to happen, but it's. Kind of analyzing how we can do with it.

648
01:49:58.000 --> 01:50:07.000
Sorry for the law. OK, I'm sorry we have to wrap it up there. Sorry. Very quick.

649
01:50:07.000 --> 01:50:14.000
There's not a question. Just a bit of reflection on your. First of all, thanks so much.

650
01:50:14.000 --> 01:50:27.000
So informative and I really enjoy the session but I would love to obviously talk to you in person personally but I think you need to elaborate your methodology as well.

651
01:50:27.000 --> 01:50:42.000
Who are those young people who say Australia is a heaven. I mean, you need to tell us about their age, their muchity level, because that framing might shift the burden to the individual rather than to the society.

652
01:50:42.000 --> 01:50:58.000
If I come to Australia assuming it's a heaven and then I complain that means problem is with me having that idealist expectation so probably you need to tell us more about the background of those young people you interviewed. Yeah, thanks.

653
01:50:58.000 --> 01:51:13.000
Okay, thank you. And I'm sorry we have to wrap up. There's lots of thank yous coming through on the chat and we didn't respond to our Moroccan colleague but I think Melissa's paper was was a really interesting one looking at internal migration and certainly that's an area that would

654
01:51:13.000 --> 01:51:18.000
be very interesting to hear more about perhaps at the next ISA. So thank you so much for coming along.

655
01:51:18.000 --> 01:51:27.000
I really enjoyed all of the papers and I look forward to hearing you know to seeing them published those who haven't been published and to seeing more of your great work.

656
01:51:27.000 --> 01:51:37.000
So thank you so much. And we'll see you in more of the SEO 5 sessions. Bye.