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. Good morning. Thanks for joining us on this final day of the conference. For those of you don't know, my name is Michael Gillin from the University of Western Australia and this session is authoritarian innovations in labor governance.

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Just before we start, just like to acknowledge that the country we're meeting on for this World Congress is called NAM, the home of the coolant nation of the Wurangji Wuarong people.

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We acknowledge their sovereignty and pay our respects to their elders and ancestors and emerging leaders.

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Just before, we begin with our paper presenters and we've got a number today so we'll stick to 15 min pretty strictly I'll give you a warning when we get to the 5 min mark and then the 2 min mark and then I'll start to Just gesture to you when we're really running out of

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time. This particular session is in part inspired by work Michelle and I began to do and now we've been encouraged a number of other people to engage with a particular perspective that is drawn from the political sociology and political science literature on authoritarian innovations.

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And this concept has been defined by Curato and Fasati as novel governance practices designed to shrink spaces for meaningful public participation in politics.

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What's I think useful about this concept? Is that it moves away from thinking about authoritarian. And democratic political regimes at the macro level and shift the gaze to the miso level of actually thinking about authoritarian practices.

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Now what actually changes in terms of practices and often these are work through in terms of institutions. It's also a concept that really points out that the authoritarian practices in terms of their functioning often changes that are occur, innovations that are occur gradually, incrementally.

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Or through the design of institutions. In so far as they actually shrink the available space for democratic participation.

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So that's what we think is useful and interesting in this idea and for our purposes we think is useful and interesting in this idea and for our purposes we think that it can be applied and has been applied in our purposes we think that it can be applied and has been applied in a paper that Michelle, myself and Christie Ward, has been applied in a paper that Michelle, myself and Christie Ward have

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written about Cambodia, and Christy Ward have written about Cambodia actually applying this Cambodia actually applying this concept to Labor governance and obviously we're broadening out this conversation to other authors today.

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So without further ado, let me pass over to first paper presenters and we've obviously got a range of different countries.

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Where we can thinking about this idea of authoritarian innovations. And her first Paper presenters Mark Anna and Sharilla.

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I'm not sure who's presenting. They're going to split that between labor control and worker empowerment, authoritarian innovations and democratic reforms in Mexico.

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Just quick. And then there's one thing to mention while we're setting up is that a lot of our kids to these books at which quicker in chance if we're looking at a had a major break from his face as was right.

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So that, that's sort of a fun term between the language of the, the language of these National Plains standards and so on and practices that actually come through the

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I don't like a feast. Oh, anywhere on the screen. Okay, gotcha. Okay, gotcha.

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Okay, gotcha. Oh, well thank you. Let me get my own timer going here.

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It's a real pleasure to be here. It's a real honor to be part of this project.

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We have, I should have, this is my, anyway. The previous slide we have a third author. I just want to acknowledge him.

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Matthew Fisher daily also at Penn State. Yeah, it's a challenge. This is it's a great topic. It's coming.

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I think it's a great topic. It's coming. I think it fits. We think it fits well.

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I think it fits. We think it fits well in the case of Mexico. I think it fits well in the case of Mexico.

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Mexico is going through some pretty complex changes starting in 2,018. Mexico is going through some pretty complex changes starting in 2,018 and it's certainly in the language of democratic reforms, democratic reforms.

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Within the workplace. And so we're trying to figure out within those reforms because we certainly see these whether they're mechanisms or tactics or actions taken by authoritarian actors.

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We're seeing this in the Mexican case. Some of the things that Michel Mike already mentioned in their work.

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Whoops, this is going quickly. The MESSA level seems very important to us in fact, you know, it's a federal system, we see it playing out very differently in different states.

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We actually focus on the northern border region of Mexico where we find the authoritarian innovations are particularly strong.

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And this just for us, we can have this discussion about how much is just really about things happening with how much is just really about things happening within the state and by state actors within the state and by state actors.

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We see in the writing too, which caught our attention this reference to the writing too which caught our attention this reference to authoritarian practices can be initiated.

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This reference to authoritarian practices can be initiated by the party, this reference to authoritarian practices can be initiated by the party in power, the political practices can be initiated by the party in power, the political opposition, unc Civil society, the party in power, the political opposition, unc Civil society groups or parties that succeeded the political opposition, unc Civil society groups or parties that succeeded authoritarian

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regimes or parties that succeeded authoritarian regimes. So we see that and I'll explain why.

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So to contextualize this in the Mexican system, you had this system of state corporatism, real strong increases on the state with the official unions, CTM, there's others, that's why I put CTM plus and the employers and these protection contracts.

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It's a really big part of what's going on now. So the discourse of democratizing the workplace is getting these protection contracts out, often associated with ghost unions.

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So unions know a new about that these old official unions worked out with the employers and state protection got in and they had these protection contracts that prevented democratic unions from bargaining.

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You get into an interesting point 2,000 an opposition party comes in the pawn which is considered a more business friendly party.

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And there was a debate. Was this corporatist pact going to break off? Were these unions going to split from the state and become independent unions while it didn't happen?

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And it didn't happen, Gracie Levi and Sousa and others write about this because the Pan Party, once it was in power, realized it wanted labor control through this imposed labor peace and they work out a agreement of source with the CTM.

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So here, I keep going the wrong way. Here we get to the present period which is really quite interesting to us.

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The Marina party comes in, 2,018. The government, ammo, they say for sure, Andres Manuel Lopez Ovarado, progressive coalition, a mixed party comes in and they have this labor law reform in 2,019 and there's a bunch going on there but the key part of it is

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this. All workers in all workplaces will vote to legitimize or not their existing collective contracts.

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And it's really interesting they use the word in Spanish, they use it legitimized, we talk about this use of democratic discourse to legitimize models of accumulation.

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And that's actually the word they use. So it sounds great, right? Every single workplace in the country.

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And only that the first step was you had to print and hand the workers a copy of their contract which they hadn't seen before and then they go to a vote and they're going to vote on it right democratizing the workplace.

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Well let me get to the punchline and Cyril can give you far more data on this in over 90% of the cases they vote to legitimize these protection contracts.

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You have some very, very important and I don't want to be little them. There's a pushback.

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There's a fight by democratic independent unions. Important cases, GM Salau, gets an independent union and they're successful.

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Panasonic is successful. Threem is successful. Sam Goban, a French wilt, shield, a windshield company are successful.

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But by and large, they're not, it's not going as planned. So here's just a quick look at it, the laws that go into place in 2,019, what the laws said and then there are limitations.

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You have these legitimation votes and here's the clinch that they put into the law. The incumbent union gets to control the voting process and we have seen everything once they control the voting process, including the stealing of ballot boxes when the vote was going wrong.

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It was the case of Good year in the standard we spoke to see. The same time in Cyril can also add to this, there's new institutions being formed.

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There's going to be new labor courts. There's this new federal center for conciliation and labor registration.

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However, they're at this point very underfunded and they haven't gotten the full training and they haven't gotten the full training they need to do their functions well.

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And keep in mind these are trade agreements and this is a labor chapter in a trade agreement that's deep in trade liberalization and all that competitive pressure.

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And to give you a couple data points, just year on year, foreign direct investment has increased 48% in Mexico.

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Okay, so here's just real quickly and I want to turn this over to Cyril. So you've got these 2 major reforms in the language of democratizing the workplace.

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You've got this labor chapter right, this gold standard in the USMCA, but with the mixed agenda, you've got this progressive Marina government coming in but also with mixed goals a desire for you know the discourse of democratizing the workplace but also a desire for labor control, a model of accumulation.

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So then we get to these these changes. It does lead to to use the language in some of the literature, there are some democratic innovations going on in some important cases.

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But we highlight 3 authoritarian innovations in this mix. And in the first one, we see this state bureaucratic control over union petitions and the right to strike and limited resources and training.

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So that's another way to undermine. Do the reforms with one hand. Limit the resources to them in the other.

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The second is the state endorsement of incumbent union control over the collective bargaining votes and lastly the limited capacity of the rapid response mechanism.

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And as explicit exclusions, agriculture is out. Don't talk to us about agricultural cases, it's out.

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And I got happy real quick because of the time we've we then sort of mapped out what we expect how this plays out locally local you know you've got the Marina government in power in Mexico City and most of the country.

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There are regions where the old peak party is still in power, such as up in the north here. There's negatives.

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We think it plays out differently across industries. Which we think it plays out differently. Sorry, keep going the wrong way.

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No, I'm going back with my going forwards or back quick, sorry. This is weird.

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I can't go backwards. Does anyone know how to go backwards on this? Oh my goodness.

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Let me start. Let me stop here. Can you represent anything? Interesting.

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Yeah.

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To that one.

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To this. And we'll go one more. I'm sorry. So those are those are the 3 cases all in the northern region.

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I explained Litre's case that we analyzed in the history. We have 3 cities, it's San Quentin in California.

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Beyond the interest in Kovela and Maromotos in Tamo Lipas.

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When we went in these cases, FIFsAM says, showed that in impacts of the reform is very different.

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It's not the same. The local outdoor is very important. In the first cases we analyze about the green industry in Baca, California and we in this case we checked out how the process of the new model is controlled for the youth official units.

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This is a big point. In the second point, we see we in the koala we say how the the local union are very very strong and is a stop all the change in this city.

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And, is a stop of all the change in this city. And finally, Tamo Lipas, the local union is very, very important.

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Do you see the case? First case is about the San Quentin. This is a very important point because he is in the angry industry is no important for the, the, the, 40, ozmeca because only in Australia out the workers is important.

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In this in this city in this place we have a very important industry and according to Inundi, other industry and the workers want to to happen in labor right but it's very difficult because in the government and the marginalized quickly union continue to control this rise and also it's very important to say we're with Ozmaca the workers percent one

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one demand with this maker bought the which make a donor steps. This is very important because the sector is no important and one also in exportation is very important.

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This is one part the support we got. The stroller or the workers in Chantin has a long time.

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Is not recent almost 15 years this is important how is possibly one sector very important is not considerate in this moment.

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The second point is about auto workers in Peter Negroes. This is very important because in this radion he's very important official unit.

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It's in the north of Mexico. In this place, almost 90% is belonging to official union and also in this with the new labor with new code labor.

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The one company BU manufacturing present 1 one the month in earlier LM but as was accepted the most inclusive was the the man who was going both the manager don't accept the resolution.

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This is important because it's one limit of the of the use meta. What is happening? You recommended that you change and don't accept.

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And also important in this case is about the participation of the NGOs. One MTO is very older in the border and also a new actors is about the supporting to comfort and to have a new independent union.

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But this is a very good some case because in this moment, 100 open workers were fired for the company.

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This is a better, very important. And this is one picture, OTiguana meeting of the NBA.

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And finally it's metabolism. These, this city is very interesting because we have a very important history about the units.

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We in this place we see innovation wait because we have very important maybe the most important labor movement in Mexico in the Russian times.

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And only 50,000 workers moving to protest. This is environment 290,000 workers moving to protest.

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This is environment 290. And the second point is also very important is about how the new labor authorities stop the process.

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This is very, very late in the resolution. This is very, very, because the OPCL unions controlled the procedure.

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Then the new office also is analyzed to with all unions. This is prohibited to advance in the workers.

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And the other point, we have the first independent union in Mexico, in the New East, bought what is happening.

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It is a union is controller but the one I told it year and leadership. This is and as this I'm very important.

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It's independent, both have and very Outeratian literacy. Yes. Finally, this is the movement on Madame Morose and also there is the question of the official and support to the independent union.

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Do you want to? Anything? No. OK, thank you.

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Thank you. Perfectly on time. Now I'm very worried about all this. Thanks so much.

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A really fascinating paper and interesting in the sense of both. That disguising authoritarian innovations in democratic sort of form but also I think the pushback is really interesting as well.

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So our next presenter is Adam Roswiki. I'm probably saying that's wrong, Adam.

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Sorry about that. So please come to the podium and You just get back clicking between different apps here.

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For your presentation, authoritarian innovations in the Polish in Polish industrial relations from liberal to a liberal illusory corporatism.

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Thank you very much Michael and thanks Michael and Michelle for inviting me to this panel and also for inviting me to this panel and also special issue.

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So we moved from Mexico to Poland. Which she was probably headlines of many news in the last couple of years for as a country in which the authoritarian term happened.

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But Poland is also the country which was the leader of democratization and this is the paradox which I want to a little bit unpack here.

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In this presentation. So this is the overview of the presentation. I will not go into the framework that much because it was sadly presented before, but I will focus on sketching a little bit of historical context because it's important for my argument and then the cases of undermining social dialogue both liberal governments and then illiberal

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government of the lower end justice which is currently governing party. Okay, so the point of the picture of the paper is the ongoing discussion about the emerging industrialization system and authoritarian tendencies in Eastern Europe and beyond.

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And unlike the most studies that analyze ultra veteran capitalist since the right-wing law and justice party came to power in Poland.

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The analysis takes a longer historical perspective. I drove from the thesis of illusory corporatism by David Ost and argued that the fundamental element of neoliberal transformation in Poland was the introduction of the weak 3 partite institutions used by the liberal governments to suppress social conflicts while complying with international standards.

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I argue that this institutional tactic can be understood as in terms of alternative innovations of the central topic.

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About what I would panel. And the main research question which I address is how did authoritarian innovations in the labor governance, evolve over time and what was their role in elaborate elsewhere in Poland after the electoral victory of the law and justice in 2,015.

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I drove from them out of victory of the law and justice in 2,015. I drove from empirical data in 2,015.

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I drove from empirical data including documentary analysis but including documentary analysis but also 30 expert interviews which including documentary analysis but also 30 expert interviews with social partners collected into projects in 2,016 and also 30 expert interviews with social partners collected into projects in 2,016 and 2,02130 expert interviews with social partners collected into projects in 2,016 and 2,02123.

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And I tried through this analysis to explore the connections between the arbitrary forms after 89, the rise of this system of illusory cooperatism under left wing and liberal rule and new authoritarianism after 2,015.

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I also tried to show that trade genius role was somehow ambivalent so on one hand they supported a part of authoritarian innovations on the other hand they were important actor in defending the social dialogue mechanism.

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That's an important component of democracy. So this is the framework which I will largely save except for saying that why I refer to this concept of illusory corpuses, which was coined by us in early 2,000 and which really resembles the authoritarian innovation concept in some respects because what us says in his

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original article is that in from 2,000 is that post-communist countries instead of aiming towards achieving compromise tripodite commissions were aimed towards achieving compromise tripodite commissions were aimed at extracting compromise tripodite commissions were aimed at extracting labor complicity commissions were aimed at extracting labor complicity for neoliberal policies that undercut labor

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power complicity for neoliberal policies that undercut labor power. So basically speaking this was the project which was designed to maintain social peace and the project which from the very beginning did not give the workers real voice in a crucial areas of their working life.

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And I will also argue that preserving this initial institutional innovations in a subsequent decades after the nineties can be understood in terms of institutional drift.

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Which can be defined following hacker as the failure of relevant decision makers to update former rules when shifting circumstances change the social effects of relevant decision makers to update formal rules when shifting circumstances change the social effects of those rules in ways but they are recognized by at least some political actors.

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Okay, and as I said at the beginning, Poland, can be understood as a perfect example of how democratic reference in one domain of socialized can be accompanied by the authoritarian innovations in our domain of social life.

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An important aspect of social life. An important aspect of the democratization process was the creation of the democratization process was the creation of the democratization process was the creation of the legal foundations of the democratization process was the creation of the legal foundations of industrial relations systems in the United States, including the laws on trade

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unions, employer organizations and collective disputes resolutions which all were passed in 1,991 On the one hand they granted workers the collective rise of which they were deprived under such state socialists.

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On the other hand, they were designed in a way in which many ways, in many ways, limited workers interest representation and the participation in economic governance.

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Okay, and from the industrialization perspective, 3 foundations of labor weakness can be distinguished. The institutional structural and age show.

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Yes, so institutional foundations of labor weakness and those. In fact, authoritarian innovations in the heart of the democratization process included the legal constraints on trade union organizing and strikes which were included in 1,991 92 regulations the organization of collective bargaining actually at the sectoral level with no incentives to

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enter into collective programming at the sectoral level. And then finally, this tripartite body which was actually created following the wave of worker strikes in 1,991 192 but we very limited mandate basically consultation of minimum wage and some wage growth in indicators.

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With no binding. yes, so it's up here. When the structural conditions included marketization and privatization, which led to a erosion of regions like many other parts of the world but perhaps in at quicker pace and then identical conditions including market ideologies and institutions, including the spread of

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self-employment and entrepreneurial culture which had an impact on workers in the DELISC strategies and they withdraw from unions.

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So the attempts to reinforce the relations institutions were rather than taken, but they already failed in the ninetys and 2 thousands.

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And now the state which comes out of the interviews is described by the by one union environment as an apathy.

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Yeah, so kind of kind of slices. Now coming to those 2 cases which which I analyze in MORBITO, the first one is the case of the rule of nowadays oppositional Liberal Agarian Coalition of Civic Platform and Polish People's Party.

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Which coincide with the crisis with the impact of the global financial crisis on program, which was in fact limited.

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So it was rather at the fear of the crisis than the actual crisis which led still to quite tight consultations and negotiations between employers and trade unions which formed the entire anti-prises package, which then was presented to the government but the government at the end picked up on the employer's demand or mostly MEANs, rather than unions demands.

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So it used this negotiations as a way of showing but it complies with the with the tripartite mechanics of negotiations but it didn't really implement what followed.

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Yes. And in the next years, the same mechanism appeared. So any kind of austerity measures were not subject of any formal consultations when the labor coach changed with the working time regulations becoming more flexible.

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Also pension reforms which then then included the rise of the pension age to 70 not yet 67 67 yes for women and men And this all spread trade union opposition and in particular It increased the connection between oppositional largest opposition party lower justice and solidarity, which don't reorganize mass demonstrations, protests, also

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unions together with decided to withdraw from the Tripile Commission in a act of boycotting it.

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In 2,013 and Finally, it led to the replacement of triparted commissioned by Social Dialogue Council which had this broader prerogative, it can be understood as democratic innovation in a sense.

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But at the end, the social dialogue console also, as I will show, has not brought the desired effects.

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Well, and then we have 2,015. The parliamentary elections and presidential elections. Interestingly, in case of presidential elections, the candidate of law and justice signed an agreement with solidarity promising to fulfill its demands in exchange for support in voting.

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And then, yeah, I can see that, yes. And those special relations between solidarity and peace, I think it can be understood indeed also in terms of part of those authoritarian innovations.

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So the governing party is also in terms of part of those authoritarian innovations. So the governing party is supporting its authoritarian innovations.

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So the governing party supporting his allies and marginalizing. So the governing party supporting his allies and marginalizing the enemies is one of those observant practices.

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And it's all organizing the enemies. It's one of those authoritarian practices. And low interest rates, it's one of those operating enemies, it's one of those authoritarian practices. And low interest delivered what it promised.

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So it reversed pension reforms. We are back in 65 60. Vansion age. It's regulated better precarious employment but interestingly no real reforms of the minimum wage. It regulated better precarious employment.

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But interestingly, no real reforms of the labour trade union law follow. So the main postulate of taking us to change the trade union law and include the possibility of organizing precarious workers on short-time civil law contracts was full fit only in 2,019 4 years after the elections and it was after constitutional tribunal rabbits

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rather than the will of peace. This has no interest in making social dialogue stronger in Poland because it's too strong.

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Yes, so it can govern without unions. It can still use the support of solidarity for its own purposes.

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And then there are those procedural mechanics which are interesting, which make the social dialogue really effective. But in this social dialogue, there are not enough experts, there is very short time for consultation by getting a lot of acts which are beyond the progressives to consult so it makes them even the progressives to consult so it makes them even more busy

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and the major reforms, so it makes them even more busy. And the major reforms, core reforms are not consulted because they are more busy.

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And the major reforms are not consulted because they are introduced as a member of Parliament's project which do not need consultation according to the law. And because I don't have too much time, to the law.

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And because I don't have too much time, I, according to the law. And because I don't have too much time, I just say that pandemics, according to the law.

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And because I don't have too much time, I just say that pandemics basically accelerated those trends which started earlier.

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That is very interesting. Practice which is used by the government which I call try and see. So government tries to introduce some reforms which would limit labor rights for instance.

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To introduce the reform which would give the Prime Minister a prerogative to revoke the members of social dialogue parties, then trade unions react or not.

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Here they are acted very strongly, including solidarity. And then government says, no, okay, we do not do this.

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And the same with the strike law. Yeah, so it's really the matter of the extent in which government can can do what it was.

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Sometimes it cannot especially when solidarity is against it. But on the other hand, solidarity made a special agreement with the government institutionalized agreement in 2,022 in December which played a sort of parallel body.

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For consultation only between solidarity and the government. So we have tripleized commission and we have solidarity government, bipartite consultation body, which actually brought some, again, good results for what sorry that he wanted to achieve and he's not surprised that he wanted to achieve and he's not surprised that his functions now have elections this

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year. And he's not surprised that these functions now have elections this year, so they want to get electoral goals.

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And it's not surprised that these functions now have elections this year, so they want to get electoral goals.

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So conclusion, this is the story of partially failed authoritarian innovations. I would see I agree with Parasha fails because of this, of the fact that we are still having some mechanics of worker voice in Poland and unions are using this mechanism.

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Protect themselves against this authoritarian attempts nowadays. But the core of the argument is simply that you cannot understand what happens now under the law and justice rule without looking at what happened during the liberal and left in row before law and justice.

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So this solution of the mechanisms of the participation of meaningful participation, updating a weak mechanism of participation, it's really a matter of what happens in at the very moment of democratization in Poland, yes.

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So it's rather institutional drift than institutional change which we observe now and I think it's important also to see that trade unions have role in legitimizing some of those authoritarian innovations.

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But also defending such a dialogue institutions and worker participation mechanisms against the full term to authoritarian capitalism.

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Thank you.

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Yes.

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Questions after the first 3 papers? Should we do that? Yeah, we'll have, yeah, we have a set of questions after the first 3 presentations.

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So we do have a number of presentations after the first 3 presentations so we do have a number of presentations but we'll have a short burst right we don't want the time to get away.

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Okay, so.

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Alright, so next presentation I think we need to get. Out of this, right? I don't get out of this.

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I need to get to zoom now.

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Next presentation. Okay.

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Yeah.

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I can share my screen if you want to. I didn't I discovered the time I didn't I forgot to send you the PowerPoint because I don't have this hoping that's a detailed.

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Okay. Yes.

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That's okay. Thank you very much. Okay, so next presentation is Issu Urdinich with authoritarian innovations and labor governance in Turkey.

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So if you could share your screen and thanks for being with us.

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Yes, thank you. And thank you for all the presentations. Is it okay? You can see it, right?

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The, the presentation. I will just do it maybe for, Yeah, okay. So hi everyone and thank you for for this for this for these 2 presentations and so this is a challenge for me too to presentations and so this is a challenge for me too so you get working on Turkey and on the same subject for 12 years now.

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Now I'm love with this notion of with this concept of this lens of authoritarian innovations.

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So I had to really reflect on my material. That I'm really familiar with, to which I'm familiar with, for 12 years now.

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So, bear with me. Let's see what this learns will let us understand and we lead us in the in the better understanding of the AKPA government also.

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So the period that I'm just, in, in the better understanding of the AKP government also.

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So the period that I'm just really been before starting and getting into details. So the, the period that I will be analyzing is the AKPPR good.

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This means that the party of, development and justice party who is in power in Turkey since 2,002.

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However, I'm not going to, even though the party is still in power. I'm not going to talk about the period between us 2,016 and 2,000 and until today.

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The reason is that in 2,002, so they put the party, had reached the power and then in 2,016 the policies of theKP government that's clearly more more impressive.

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So this is why this the lens of talking innovations. Let me see, but let me understand better.

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Do I APP practices? in the beginning of its, of its power rather than the, usual need to catch on Ottoman governments and all the authoritarian practices that have been happening since 2,016.

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So this is the, this is why when I'm talking about the, since 2,016.

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So this is the, this is why when I'm talking about the, 2,002 and 2,015, because it's, I know that it's still in power since 2,015.

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So, the I don't first talk about, I won't be getting into detail with the theoretical part because, so, because of all the 3, because they have been discussing on this before so I will just get into the empirical details and the case of Turkey.

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So then and then I will talk about this, the authoritarian innovations of the AP government, more concretely.

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And then I will talk about the consequences of this AKP policies on the training field and then I will conclude with some, so the, the, question that I will be asking is a 2 at the standard give you government power relies on labor.

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So this means to what extent the they keep pieces if you can say success and the electoral success realize on labor reforms and realized on these these new policies that they've been it has been realised on, this new policies that it has been, this new policies that it has been, it has been,

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doing this, this new policies that it has been, it has been, doing.

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And, the research question of course has 3 objectives. The main objective is that this period is marked by the EU enlargement process of Turkey.

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And I will talk about this more into details if during the in auto talking innovations. So the objective one of the objective is that is putting into question the you management process impact on labor governance and progressive labor policies.

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Understanding the ACP government's legitimacy construction process through a focus on labor policies and revisiting the consequences of labor laws and regulations during the EKP will on Turkish trading field.

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So the idea is to use the DOTORY taking innovations. Of course, concept, in order to understand the, the labor policies and the labor governance and the impact of this and the consequence of this newly labor governance during theKP rule on the trade union field.

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So the empirical that data is coming from the, my mother PhD and a little bit of postdoctoral research.

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That is, composed of, so that presents, 111 semi structured interviews with the union leaders and representatives in several cities.

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In Turkey that's conducted so between, Tottenham and, 2,017.

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And of course with the press review and some archival research. So just to start with, because since we are talking about the trade unions in Turkey, the, there are 3, I will be talking about the trade union, conflagrations, which are the main trade union confederations in

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Turkey. All are members of the Confederation of European Trade Unions Confederation or European Trade Union Confirmation and International Trade Union.

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So the confidation of trade unions of Turkey, which is founded, which is the biggest and largest, the historical largest trade union confederation found it in 19 7 6 52 which is from a centrist a political the background the the background the confidation of progressive trade unions of Turkey which is founded in

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1967 which is from a social social democratic trade unions of Turkey which is founded in 1967 which is founded in 1967 which is founded in 1967 which is from a socialist social democratic trade tradition and the conflation of real trade unions.

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So, to start with, the question is that when I'm, when I was trying to see, that when I'm, when I was just trying to see, what, can I understand it? Oritarian innovation concept?

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Was it, was he, brought me to the, on, the EU enlightenment process impact on Turkey.

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In the literature, this, process is always a is usually is usually that is usually explained through the to the through the process EU process to study EU European studies.

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In that 1999, there was that there was a coalition government up. So the 30 Turkey became an official candidate and then not 1,999 and to 2,000 that was a political and an economical crisis, which led to the AKP governments coming into power in 2,002.

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So this is like, the EU and management process had its consequences and the chapters, in order to, in order to be comfortable, with the EU or legislation.

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It's been started to be opened and instructed to be opened in 2,002 to 2,003 and especially 2,004.

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So this is why the especially in our subject on labor governance, it was the 90 chapter 19 all social rights and labor rights that has been opened up in order to give some in order to set some benchmarks and set some expectations.

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So the expectation of the labor unions is of trade unions was that there will be a progress and that new will will.

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We'll provide a more democratic and liberal, labor legislation. However, the situation didn't, the consequence, did not match with the expectations of the trade unions and and the EU management process and these chapters because the opening of the chapters and the setting of the benchmarks

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didn't it didn't give didn't open a more M more liberal space for the trade And I'll explain why, is it can be can be seen, So, what was, contradicting, in the literature?

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Was it, well, that even the 19 during the eighties in Turkey there was there was the military rule the trade vote and there was the military rule, the trade, and there was open.

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So, to the, to the, COP, to the ATP policies during the enlightenment process.

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Was similar to the, to the, to the top to the HAP policies during the enlightenment process, during the 2,000.

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So what happens? So what, these concretely these policies? So there was this new in 2,010.

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Especially, it's, provoked by the by the EU and national process.

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And, expected by the, by the neighbor leaders. This has, I won't get in detail if you have any questions.

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I can explain the details. I can explain the details. But if you have any questions, I can explain the details.

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But the slow, I can explain the details. But that this law has his advantage ended up advancing giving advantages to pro-TP, got trade unions, ended up advancing giving advantages to pro-KP, trade unions, excluding the 2 others and, giving this and

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then, trade unions, excluding the 2 others and giving this and then giving this and then changing the balance and, giving this and then, changing the balance and the, giving this and then, changing the balance and the equality, However, the democratic, the

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progress that was expected is that the trade union, threshold, so we expected that would be more continuous being constructed and having, yeah, the, so we expected there would be more continuous calls being constructed and having, yeah, the represented, being constructed and having, yeah, the represented

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the, being constructed and having, yeah, the represented the, to sign collective bargaining. And then the the EU and ISIS process has set a pre-ite platforms between the trade union states and the employers and then And then this, so, so that however in this, 3

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part-time platforms, we saw in the end that it was again, the inclusion of the, trade union conflagration and they again the exclusion of the explicitly the socialist and the social democratic Oh, and then another low, during this process was the 2,010 labor representation law.

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which reduced the, the labor, the, the, candidates in the National Assembly, is, with, political parties.

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So the political parties, so the trade unions have been having close ties with it. So the political parties, so the trade unions, it has become more difficult for the trade union representatives and, it has become more difficult for the trade union representatives and, to be a candidate, to be candidates for the

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electoral cap during the elections. So this is going to be kind of for the, electoral during the elections.

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So, this is reduced to, the, labor candidates and labor deputies in the National Assembly.

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So the idea of us, to reassure that the trade unions are independent from ideological political parties and the day would be emancipated from ideological political parties and the day would be emancipated from ideological political parties and the day would be em emancipated from the political field.

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However, in the end that the consequence of us to shrink the participation of trade union representatives in the labor process, labor in the law making processes in the National Assembly.

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So I won't get into detail with the statistics because, so if you are asking questions about the change in the statistics.

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So this is why in, in, in, in, in, in, in, in, in, in, in, in, in, in, a, Consequence, the, the, the, these policies and this, quote, EU enrollment process and the benchmarks of EU enrollment process and the benchmarks for the chapter 19 social rights and labor

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right. So, for the chapter 19, social rights and and the benchmarks for the chapter 19, social rights and and labor right so didn't give up didn't issue a meaningful participation in and more liberal space for the trade unions.

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However, it's Sri Lanka to meet this participation and it created this participation and it created a polarization in the political field. And it created a pull organization in the political field.

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So putting the, this participation and it's created a pull organization in the political field.

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So putting the EPC, and it created a pull organization in the political field.

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So putting the a pull organization in the political field. so putting the EP pick up a trade union in a dominated domination in a dominant place and it's shrinking also the solidarity ties between the trade union conflagration so it has become more and more difficult for the

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trade union configuration to create a common policies to create a common platform so in order to to protest against the common platform.

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So, in order to, to, protest against, the, or the, or the, or the, or the, or the, or the, or the violation of, of labor rights and liberties.

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So this is why it was one of the, one of the, it was one of the consequences. And, and of course it's another consequence and I will finish up, but was it, labor, was that these laws are regulations in the end.

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His, or his, augmented, labor control or, of the ACP government, reducing a more, reducing the space of the more combative, collective action reporters of the trade unions.

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So in the end, the management process that paradoxically didn't. Open more more liberal space, but it legitimized the Akp's pulled practices in order to shrink meaningful meaningful participation and in order to polarize the trade union field that putting in the dominant place a pro-government Thank you

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for the for the listening.

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Thank you. Thank you.

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You stop sharing, it's great. So we'll just take a few minutes for questions so maybe Mark, Cerilla, Adam, do you want to come to the front?

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It's probably better if you answer questions here. I'll try and get it so we can see you.

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So if you actually answer, you can answer at the podium, it might be better. If you come to the podium, you all stand along here.

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That way people online can see you and you all stand along here that way people online can see you and you just talk into the microphone All right, so let's let's take 2 questions.

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So Steve. She. Yeah.

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I thank you very much. Steve Tapstick University, this is for the paper from Mexico or about Mexico.

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Because of the trade reforms that sort of led to the labor reforms under NAFTA sort of arrangements.

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There's also an appeal to nationalism. Among the state led unions. Against the independent unions that are trying to gain a little bit more strength.

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And in Canada, the Canadian Labor Congress has actually sponsored groups to go to work with Mexican independent unions to help them win votes.

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And I know this because my former PhD student is actually doing this work right now for the CLC and it's used it really brings interesting questions with the role of nationalism and labor imperialism in this process of reform.

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And I'm wondering if you've had, I think it's hinted at in your presentation, but I just wonder if you can comment a little bit more.

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Let's get the show Okay, well mine's for Adam. Adam, I think the way you present the Coalition case is a great example of the decoupling is a great example of the decoupling of regime type and labor governance.

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But I was curious thinking as I was listening, a great example of the decoupling of regime type and labor governance.

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But I was curious thinking as I was listening, does this mean that all corporate systems state or societal are in some way a form of authoritarian innovation.

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That, that was sort of along the line of my question. I was curious, and I don't know the literature on authoritarian innovation.

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So my kind of question, the simplest way of putting my question is what makes it what explains it as authoritarian in other words how can and I think it's really interesting that the Turkish case in the Polish case are kind of fraught prima, it's almost like you're sort of thinking what is the

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conditions. What is a prior moment to something we can identify very clearly as a more clearly authoritarian shift.

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So what makes those, what is different from an, you know, the way in which a state is using trade unions and these institutional processes to legitimate and undermine the, I mean, this could be neoliberal, innovative contexts.

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So, That's a really great point the question about the nationalism and Okay, okay, so it's interesting in the writings on it, it refers to rhetoric as part of a discourse. And in the writings on it, it refers to rhetoric as part of a discourse.

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And one way to put somebody is familiar with the old literature on Kek and Sikh in the boomerang pattern.

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So you have these weaker Independent unions, democratic, not all, as Carilla says, weak at the national level blocked going outside to get outside in support and you have these CTM corporatist official unions afraid they're going to lose space in their appealing then to the rhetoric of

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nationalism. And the first time I really saw this clearly was the General Motors Salau case and they were actually was this Facebook thing and I'm watching them on Facebook they're doing this Riley Brazilian unionists came in this guy Pablo Marinaro who's an Italian nationalist is leading the event and all the

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stuff that the CTM units kind of zoom bombed or whatever and it was all Gringo's get out of General Motors which struck me as odd because General Motors is an American company but we know what they meant.

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I mean, gringo unions getting out, but the ones in the room were mainly Paolo Martinez's Italian and the Brazilian unionists but so but it's it's clinging to pushing this is the battle right going on for these in this dynamic and this is an enormous part of their of their rhetoric

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now is of appealing to nationalism as they fear losing space in some of these big campaigns. Do you want to add to that yet?

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Yes, at least the nationalists is a very important point because the officialists is a very important point because the official unions are very bearing nationals because you remember in Mexico we have had one corporate activities and the universe was wearing side of the state and then and but the other point is that the we have 2 size one size is the official units

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nape charity unions and the other side is independent units supporting for the foreign support Act. This is the point in my opinion is very important to interlink in this this size because the OPGL unions see to the independent units lie to enemies in all unions say to the independent unit like 2 enemies in all unions say to the independent units like 2 enemies in all and I

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don't know anyGL unions say to the independent units like 2 enemies in all and I don't know in enemies at the same workers but in Beiou it's to the independent units lie to enemies in all and I don't know any enemies in all and I don't know any enemies in northern I

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don't know and I don't know in all and I are not knowing in enemies at the same workers.

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But in Beiou, it's interesting because it's accepting the participation of the foreign supporters because it's participation NGOs. And yours are more open to the collaboration than unions.

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And this is very important because nationalism in Mexico also is linking with it's already an international nationalityity.

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This is important.

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Thanks Mitchell for the question. Well I think the main difference with the old. Well, I think the main difference with the old Turkish corporeality system and the system it was created after, the old, yeah, kind of socialist corpator system and the system it was created after basically in 1,900 and

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93 is the system and the system it was created after basically in 1,993 is that in the previous system there was no legal foundations for work participation at all.

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So it's not the method. But there was a law which formally covered collective bargain interest. But I, you mean, you mean in Western Europe for instance?

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Yeah, okay. Sorry, I think I didn't get your question then. So your question is It's corporeatism authoritarian in itself.

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No, sorry. Are the sorts of techniques that governments use to bring unions into corporate assistance, whether it be an authoritarian corporate system as in Indonesia in the new order as in Poland before democratization or whether it be a corporate system where there is actually more room for trade union engagement.

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Is it still a form of pacification that is in fact. And, innovation. Absolutely, sure, sure, sure, sure.

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But, but, but then, you know, this, this is the question, what is the real worker participation?

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Yes, so, this is the question, what is the real worker participation? Yes, so where do we find it?

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Yes, and I think it was the real worker participation. So where do we find it? Yes. And I think it was included in the original programme of solidarity in and I think it was included in the original program of solidarity in 98 years.

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And I think it was included in the original programme of solidarity in 1,998 years of solidarity in 88 years.

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So the problem of solidarity in 88 years, so the self government republic it was called the self government republic it was called here so basically creating a parallel structures to the state structures of workers governance but this is anarchy.

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So basically creating a parallel structures to the state structures of workers governance, structures to the state structures of workers governance, but this is anarchism to the state structures of workers governance, but this is anarchosynicalism.

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So in a sense, but this is anarchy cynicalism. Yes. So in a sense, I see the point. I see the point. I see the point.

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I see the point. I see the point. I need to reflect on it. And then, I see the point. I need to reflect on it.

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And then the Brexit question, I mean, what makes it authoritarian? The main thing is simply that it's limits the space for for some real worker participation but again this is not just the matter of law and dust.

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I think this is this is basically the point which I was making this historical argument. Yes, so those authoritarian practices were considered an important element of democratization project even if they were not called out to return practices because even you know, like Valencia, this is a famous quote from him, said that we cannot have strong unions if you want

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to have democracy and capitalism. So this is quote unquote, yeah, so and she said in the 19 nineties.

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So in a sense, they were aware that they have to undermine more press power because otherwise it could constrain the process of optimization.

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And so, but you can talk about it later. Space. I see my girlfriend. And of course it's done.

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DSU, have you got any comments on Bridges question?

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Yes, for the last question. So why is it? It's a good question. The time I have been also asking to myself.

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And of course it is in the older people. So it's not as if it's either authoritarian or a newly bundle.

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It's all, all, it's nail to boggle, authoritarian innovations.

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So because the policies are nearly what changes is that because the EU even though I don't have time to talk about of course the economical dimension of the EU policies because EU was not just trying to talk about of course the economical dimension of the EU policies because EU was not just trying to, to make a progress on social rights in Turkey

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because EU wasn't just trying to, to, make a progress on social rights in Turkey because the EU was always also expecting Turkey to, to, to make a progress on social rights in Turkey because the EU was always also expecting Turkey to, to make a progress on social rights in Turkey, because the EU was always also expecting Turkey to, to, create,

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international 2, and then to, that the, the, companies were competitive and this opening to the international economical economic system.

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Okay, thanks very much and Yeah, just to pick up a little bit on Bridget's questions is great questions.

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This is one of the things about this concept. So, Kurata and Fosati basically have introduced this idea of authoritarian innovations.

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Also picking up on pass work in the sort of democratisation or authoritarianism literature by Glasgow who basically said we have all this discussion about the macro level political regime type.

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You know and all this confusion about how do we categorize. Is this democratic? Is this authoritarian?

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Is it some sort of hybrid state? And when we look around the world now I mean what is the United States of America?

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You know, where is it going? Exactly what point in the continuum is it at, right? Or many other countries, right?

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So the point of Glasgow was to say there needs to be a lot more discussion away from the macro level than the miso level at practice, authoritarian practices.

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And as soon as you start doing that in a governance field you start to identify authoritarian practices meaning attempts to control things and actually limit democratic space in terms of voice.

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Participation. So you can have democratic states that are doing authoritarian things at that miso level or authoritarian regime types that are you know, concerting all these things to align with the 2 levels.

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So, but Isil's point that she made at the end is also really salient. They don't have to be authoritarian by design.

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It's about their impact. All right, so let's push on with our next 3 set of presentations.

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Is me now, I think. Flipping between all these apps and things.

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Okay. And so our next next presenter is Ernesto. Glad you can be with us, Vanesto with a paper co-author with Primela D Cruise, the interface between authoritarian innovations and labor implications for Indian workers.

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So, Ernesto, please share your presentation.

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Thank you Michael, but I'm not sure whether I can share the presentation. I had a similar problem.

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Last time and

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Share the screen on Zoom if you can find share screen.

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No, I've done all that but

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Very long. Green button down the bottom of the screen if you can

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Yeah, yeah, but it does not.

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Can you see something on the screen now?

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Not it.

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No, it does not, allow me to share, but I sent my presentation to Michelle because I thought this would happen.

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But if not, I can just go on with the presentation on this side. Is that all right?

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I can try and go out and see we that we're sort of, Nice, you know. Down.

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And Chris at the moment.

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Yeah, I sent it to me. Good evening.

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No, I don't think there's presentation there. Yeah. Sorry. I think just proceed in in terms of talking through the paper.

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No, Yeah, I can just proceed.

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Okay.

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Okay, first and foremost, thank you Michael and, Michelle for inviting me to do this onto this project.

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It has been very interesting and at the same time, you know, we've learned a lot through this project.

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Okay. So I'll be talking about the interface between authoritarian innovations and labor implications for the Indian workforce.

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Now, just to, basically one is talking about as Michael said, have been installed in wide variety of regimes across the world.

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So you have liberal democracies are becoming less liberal. Some competitive authority regimes are losing their pluralistic features.

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And blatant authoritarian regimes have been going in more intensive, intensely repressive.

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Okay, so there's an upsurge of authoritarianism also in India. Under the, MOODY, LED, BACK, BY, BERTHY, Senta party government and the party government.

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And, the, the party government. And, the, this government has decreed that major policy changes without democratic, deliberations and consultations.

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So they are censored journalists and news channels disbanded progressive NGOs and and and incarcerated critics on the basis of, you know, filing charges of sedition, deformation and terrorism.

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So, coming to the literature and authoritarian and innovations. I thought in innovations, are defined as non, as novel government practices designed to shrink spaces for meaningful public participation.

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Or, autocratic leaders, they play, deploy a range of, authoritarian innovations such as mobilizing electoral majorities against elites, deploying the rhetoric of sovereignty, mobilizing legally through constitution amendments and judicial decisions

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and the use of private medium. So I thought it didn't. Innovations have been deployed behind the facade of widely celebrated electrical democracy.

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And designed to sustain and not to undermine basically it's it's often packaged as designed to sustain and not to undermine democratic rights.

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The innovations are subtle and go under the ladder, go, go under the rather by invoking the vocabulary of rule of law or will or the will of the people and therefore analyzing authoritarian innovations in was going beyond the obvious.

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So, however, there are actors, other actors in the field who also are not necessarily passive.

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They constantly at work and resist and leopard, such processes. No, our study looked at.

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Actually gathered interviews from 25 labor activists in India and these union and labor actors are from formal informal sector national trade union relations and civil society organizations.

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Besides this, the besides doing interviews with these, 25 labor activists, we also looked at newspaper articles, radio and material and government documents.

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See ya, so this process of, you know, the, authoritarian innovations began in 2,014, but it, became more intense during COVID.

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For example, the India employment 1 one of the most draconian lockdowns and And, and you found it, the TV images showed you very clearly that, workers had to walk 700 miles to reach their, homes.

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There was rampant violation of government at advisories in terms of non-payment of wages and also termination of employment.

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No, this was basically done to, this whole, when you look, at the, how, the lockdown was implemented.

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It was done basically, to protect the employer's interest. So, so the, ministry of home office prohibited the movement of workers out of the states in which they were currently located the movement of workers out of the states in which they were currently located but allowed for their transmission within the state.

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Within the state to work within the state where they're located to work in industrial manufacturing and construction work as required.

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Those are defined. This requirement were were teated you know with extreme cruelty basically they were incarcerated or they were beaten up And, you know, on and, also confined to certain work, workspaces.

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Besides that the central government at that time also introduced structure reforms by which they tried to privatize 8 industrial sectors.

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And the state governments especially of BJP rule states issued ordinances diluting the existing existing label laws.

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For example, they extended the working hours from 8 to 12. Not surprisingly, then the, 2,022 global, rights index.

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Of the IDUC basically, says that India is a place where worker has had no guarantee no guarantee of any rights.

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Okay, so the there has been this, case for labor reforms ever since, of course it began in the 19 nineties but in 2,004 14 it became more intense So the government basically.

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Amalgamated 29 labor laws into 4 labor codes. Now the Department of Promotion of Industry and internal trade was tasked with the mission of reducing the time taken for starting business.

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Fast tracking various permissions required by businesses. Facilitating for a first-important exports building up resolution of commercial disputes and mandating joint inspections under 10 label laws.

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The discourse also is important here in the sense that, Prime Minister Modi often invokes colonialism to, to promote his labor reforms.

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And the other discourse that he often uses is with Jayate, which means labor crimes. But at the same, but and says that labor is the national builders but but what he does is completely opposite.

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So anyway, with regard to labor reforms, they, government is proud about the, you know, implementing the ease of doing business and therefore it has, you know, the World Bank's, index, it has risen in this, index, it is improved to 60 and

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from the, you know, between the period of 2,000, 14 to 2,019, it had to improve 79 positions.

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Of course, to 2,019, it had to improve 79 positions. Of course this World Bank index does not exist anymore. This World Bank index does not exist anymore.

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And, we do not have data, beyond 2,019 on it. So what is basically, the government is trying to say is and the often, you know, it often says minimum governance.

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This basically many means that, they are trying to, dismantle the existing system in favor of transparency and accountability.

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So the they also trying to build up a central inspection system by which they randomly and automatically assigned companies to be inspected following which reports would be submitted within 48 h of completing inspections.

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The role of inspectors has also changed and it is converted to inspectors. Now the duty of the inspector no more is, you know, the duty of the inspector no more is, you know, a, a, a prosecution under the, for the violation of labor law, but

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it's helping management to, but it's helping management to develop its business. So the, so they, see, also say this labor cause a futuristic and that, that empowers enterprises by reducing the complaint red tape and tyranny of, the inspection system.

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Now coming to the labor codes, basically one of the features that the government doubts about is the whole thing of recognition of unions.

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And it, provides for the, labor code or industrial relations provides for, negotiating unions and negotiating councils.

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Oh, the trade is how you raised doubt about doubts about this implementation, especially with the, given their experience with the Bombay Industrial Nation Act, which made the whole recognition, process, like a, a, a fast.

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It was basically unions were upon in the hands of management. So they fear that this is not really going to work.

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The, the definition of, settlement is also changed when now the code includes individual settlements which goes against the very concept of collective bargaining.

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Further, you know, under the IR code now, it, mandates that all organizations, all industries gave a 14 day notice, which was not the case earlier.

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The labor commissioner must admit this dispute to the cancellation to cancellation and during cancellation you cannot go on a strike.

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So, so it is, so, so, so it's in making, you know, the legal strike extremely difficult.

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At the same time, if the, if the unions go on illegal strike, they can pay, they have to pay heavy fines.

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They can, union leaders can also be imprisoned and the unions can also be deregistered.

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Besides, these issues related to collective bargaining, the, the labor code also, says that, to lay off workers now with the, to lay off workers now with the, with, workers now with the, with, sorry, organizations with around 300 workers do

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not require, permission to lay off. Of from the from the government and they can do it as in when they when they want to do that

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They also change the definition of industry to exclude religious charitable defense establishments and any other establishment.

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This means that these are where people working in these organizations will be, you know, deprived of any of, of their legal rights.

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Now the And with regard to the, again with regard to the, these labor courts coming to existence, they were drafted without any consultation with the workers.

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Even in the parliament they were passed without any debate. Given the majority, the, the, members, the, looting government having a majority members in parliament.

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The unions tried to go to the parliamentary standing committee but the views of the parliamentary standing committee were also not taken into consideration.

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Then the the central government is also usurp the whole, power out, sub the whole verification process whereby, you know, the, the whole verification process whereby, you know, yeah, the, unions had a say in, looking at the whole verification process whereby, you

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know, yeah, the unions had a say in, looking at the union membership and there was always this discussion with the registrar of trade unions as to what is the membership.

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So this is this verification process that now the central government has taken over. Then the central government also have this, labor, national labor conference where we did not invite union unions or even employees to participate in 2022 then the social security system has now been replaced by e by the each room

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portal which which means that the work that labor unions used to do with regards to registration of unions to do with regards to registration of unions to the welfare board is is taken over by the registration of unions to the welfare board is is taken over by private agencies.

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And, they have been, you know, deprived of this, right to connect with workers, when, registering, registering them for the social security system.

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Okay, then, the, government has also tried to split the trade union movements. So, and this is it has done to, create a facade of consultation.

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And, the union affiliated to the government that is the Barthi Mazur Sun has now formed a consent to kind of a group which, participates in, has now formed a consent, kind of, a group which, participates in, has now formed a.

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consent, kind of, a group which, participates in, in the, meetings called by the government.

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And, group which, participates in, in the, meeting scored by the government.

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And, this, this consent basically has been found by a breakaway group from the IMTC which is affiliated to the Congress and another trade union, called the trade unions coordination center.

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So these form the consent and they are the membership would be lower than the you know the other 9 central trade unions so the government is trying to use this as a facade for consultation and as and in the process also divide labor.

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On the division of between the trade unions began in 2,014 itself or 2,015 when the BMS that is the BMS, that is the Parthi Masum, which is affiliated to the, the BGP government or has a relationship with the BJP government, broke its ranks

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and then, decided not to participate in one day strike and, in 2,015.

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Then these government is also favoring the BMS by you know by unit actively and nominating the PMS to the Asia Pacific regional meeting.

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The PMS to the Asia Pacific regional meeting the PMS to the Asia Pacific regional meeting the PMS to the Asia Pacific regional meeting.

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This happened again in 2022 to the Asia Pacific regional meeting. This happened again in 2022.

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It is also, unilaterally appointed by the BMS to share the L.

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. This happened again in 2022. It is also, unilaterally appointed by the BMS to share the L.

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20, discussions, during this presidency of, in, as India as the, you know, a wholly presidency for the G.

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20 summit. Okay, so in so in some ways it's trying to also split the labor movement to create a facade of consultation as well as to, 2, to divide the, the trade union movement and, and gain support from the trade in a

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moment. Okay, while it's, tries to say that labor codes are from the colonial era, it uses section 144, a criminal procedure code to use, to ban, Public meetings, peaceful assembly and peaceful demonstrations, by the public at large.

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It also uses a sedition law against trade union leaders and it also uses the unblockful practice.

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On Loveful Activities Prevention Act, 1967, which allows it for at for an extended period of plea trial incarceration without bail of.

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Without bail on flimsy grounds. Now the.

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See, we're pretty much out of time in Esto, so you might need to just wrap up now.

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Okay, so I'll just wrap up. So a 100 it seems that although the, the, The, trade unions are attempting to push back by not by boycotting the government and by also.

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You know, demanding a scrap of the labor loss, they have not been able to do so.

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Overall, the, government seems to be, it seems that the, Authorities innovations has extended beyond repression to a more sophisticated and disruptive form of laboratory innovations has extended beyond repression to a more sophisticated and disruptive form of labor control that appears to embody democratic values and

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practices what is in fact impact impact in fact deeply this spot, despotic. Thanks.

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Thank you.

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Now invite our next presenter which is Chris Wombberg. Be presenting on authoritarian innovation in the United States, be presenting on authoritarian innovation in the United States, the role of judicial and sub-nationalitarian innovation in the United States, the role of judicial and sub-national labor governance.

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So, Okay, minimize that.

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I do want to share the screen. It's already sharing. Yeah. Let me just ask you to advance this.

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Okay. Okay, well I want to thank Michelle and Michael for organizing this session here today and all my fellow panelists and Michael for organizing this session here today and all my fellow panelists and all of you who have joined this session here today and all my fellow panelists and all of you who have joined us here this morning.

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Okay.

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I'm pushing the arrow button and nothing is happening.

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Yes. Okay. Okay.

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Pizzong?

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For my okay, there we are. Great. Thank you.

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Okay, well in recent years scholars have highlighted a range of threats to American democracy including the power of wealthy elites and money in elections, social and political polarization including racial and religious nationalism and right-wing populism.

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And Republican Party extremism. But less attention has been given to labor regimes as we've been arguing here today.

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And the role of the labor movement in sustaining democracy. So here my focus is going to be on 2 less prominent but crucial arenas of labor governance in the United States.

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The federal judiciary and its interpretation of labor employment law and state governments and their labor and welfare policies. I am still not having.

445
01:26:29.000 --> 01:26:42.000
Okay, well, so Curano and Facati describe all authoritarian innovations as changes that are gradual, cumulative and often framed as democratic, but that increased unaccountable power.

446
01:26:42.000 --> 01:26:46.000
Among the ways they do this are by restricting access to information, undermining political and civic institutions, limiting popular participation in decision-making and constraining rights to free expression.

447
01:26:46.000 --> 01:26:59.000
But authoritarian innovation can also thrive in social spaces that are defined as private and voluntary as in the employment relationship.

448
01:26:59.000 --> 01:27:07.000
These processes are mediated by actors and power relations in meso-level institutional arenas, including labor regimes.

449
01:27:07.000 --> 01:27:16.000
And to study these arenas, then I draw my analytical approach from the varieties of capitalism and power resources as theory approaches.

450
01:27:16.000 --> 01:27:28.000
Okay, very briefly. From the BOC, I take that labor regimes are part of a broad set of institutions and laws that correspond to models of economic development and affect actor formation and strategies.

451
01:27:28.000 --> 01:27:45.000
Regimes are embodied in past dependent historical processes that reinforce durable institutional patterns. The US is regarded as a liberal as a paradigm case of the liberal market economy organized mainly by private hierarchies in competitive markets.

452
01:27:45.000 --> 01:27:53.000
However, I depart from the VLC in that I drop the assumptions of market equilibria, national consolidation.

453
01:27:53.000 --> 01:28:04.000
And the centrality of employers. Instead I draw from power resources theory that regimes are the outcome of contested struggles not just about production but also about distribution and the social reproduction of the labor force.

454
01:28:04.000 --> 01:28:15.000
The PRT, of course, emphasizes power resources of different groups with a focus on working-class organization as well as employers.

455
01:28:15.000 --> 01:28:23.000
So past dependency is important but it's not entirely determining. That in fact the path itself is an object and struggle, the economic development model.

456
01:28:23.000 --> 01:28:41.000
This calls attention then to competing institutional logics. For example, between neoliberal markets and New Deal principles of New Deal principles of social citizenship and the decommodification of labor and new deal principles of social citizenship and the decodification of labor and subsistence.

457
01:28:41.000 --> 01:28:47.000
Okay, well I apologize these slides are all very dense and wordy but I'm just going to throw it all up there. Okay?

458
01:28:47.000 --> 01:29:01.000
So I have 2 arenas. The courts and state governments and in the first instance very briefly decades of Supreme Court decisions have deregulated employer action reduced the scope of collective bargaining and diminished union power.

459
01:29:01.000 --> 01:29:08.000
These rulings invoked pre-neudal ideologies of freedom of contract, rights of private property and freedom of speech.

460
01:29:08.000 --> 01:29:16.000
This judicial oppression then relies not on military force but of the enormous weight of legal constraints and a failure to protect workers rights.

461
01:29:16.000 --> 01:29:24.000
Secondly, I argue that since the 1930 s the US has had not one national labor regime but 2 competing sub-national regimes.

462
01:29:24.000 --> 01:29:34.000
The New Deal in the north and west coast regions and a quote unquote anti-new Deal enclave based in the former Confederate southern states.

463
01:29:34.000 --> 01:29:41.000
The Southern regime has historically had more restrictive labor laws, weaker welfare, and a legacy of authoritarian politics.

464
01:29:41.000 --> 01:29:53.000
It gained national ascendancy in the 19 eighties and nineties with the rise of neoliberalism and in the 2,010 it expanded its boundaries into the de-industrialized Midwestern states.

465
01:29:53.000 --> 01:30:00.000
Okay, again very briefly, let me sketch the historical context. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, the judiciary dominated American labor.

466
01:30:00.000 --> 01:30:05.000
In the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, the judiciary dominated American labor policies, the judiciary dominated American labor policies, people like Forbath and and the judiciary dominated American labor policies, people like Forbath and the Tomlins have written about American labor policies.

467
01:30:05.000 --> 01:30:15.000
People like Forbath and the Tomlins have written about this under an emerging doctrine about this under an emerging doctrine of employment at will have written about this under an emerging doctrine of employment at will, which are an emerging doctrine of employment at will, which emphasized formal liberty of contract and an assumed equality of employment at will, which emphasized formal liberty of contract and an assumed equality between employers and

468
01:30:15.000 --> 01:30:31.000
employees. So courts routinely struck down laws regulating work and employment, and issued injunctions against strikes and unions in what became known as the Lockner era named for a 1,905 Supreme Court case that overturned a New York State law regulating hours for bakers.

469
01:30:31.000 --> 01:30:36.000
The New Deal marked a critical juncture then to a new regime. It was built on 3 core federal laws.

470
01:30:36.000 --> 01:30:49.000
The 1,935 National Labor Relations Act, which broke from Locker and promoted voluntary collective bargaining and created the National Labor Relations Board to protect workers rights.

471
01:30:49.000 --> 01:31:01.000
The 1935 Social Security Act then provided for national systems unemployment insurance, poor relief, then provided for national systems unemployment insurance, poorly employment insurance, poor relief and work based contributor pensions and the 1,936, employment insurance, poor relief, and work based contributor pensions.

472
01:31:01.000 --> 01:31:06.000
And the 1,938 Fair Labor Standards Act pensions and the 1,938 Fair Labor Standards Act ban child labor and set national minimum wage, Fair Labor Standards Act ban child labor and set national minimum wage and overtime standards.

473
01:31:06.000 --> 01:31:14.000
The effects of the new regime then were too partially decommodified labor and subsistence and established social citizenship rights.

474
01:31:14.000 --> 01:31:20.000
But there were limits. The NLRA and the FSLA both excluded agricultural and domestic work.

475
01:31:20.000 --> 01:31:34.000
Then the largest sector is employing black workers, especially in the South. The NLR also exploded public sector workers whose later unionization in the 1960 s and seventies occurred mainly under highly variable state laws.

476
01:31:34.000 --> 01:31:59.000
Programs of unemployment insurance and poor relief preserved state-level administration allowing local authorities to accommodate employers. Some of you may know this history, but the 47 Taft Heart Act also excluded frontline managers and independent contractors and allowed states to pass right to work legislation that undermines unions by allowing free riders on union contracts.

477
01:31:59.000 --> 01:32:08.000
Okay, well since the s changes in the law have come primarily not from new legislation but from the Supreme Court.

478
01:32:08.000 --> 01:32:17.000
Now I've listed some of the landmark cases here and there's no time to go into any detail on these, but I'm having to explain it later.

479
01:32:17.000 --> 01:32:26.000
But essentially then these decisions have first expanded on expanded employers unilateral power in the workplace and capacity to resist unions.

480
01:32:26.000 --> 01:32:36.000
Number 2, limited workers rights to strike and to organize, and number 3, excluded groups from the protection of the law.

481
01:32:36.000 --> 01:32:46.000
And Let me emphasize that these are not just procedural innovations but political changes. And first of all, they are innovations.

482
01:32:46.000 --> 01:32:56.000
And labor law scholars note that they frequently lack grounding in the language of the NLRA in its legislative history or even in the facts of the cases.

483
01:32:56.000 --> 01:33:07.000
Rather they rely on hypothetical reasoning, show willingness to overrule the NLRB, the ballot courts, and really decades of established precedent.

484
01:33:07.000 --> 01:33:19.000
So this process is politicized, cumulative, and has accelerated in recent years. Decisions are made on partisan lines and majority opinions openly invite further litigation.

485
01:33:19.000 --> 01:33:33.000
Conservative and employer groups then use the opportunity to bring strategic cases and up in the law. Some of you may be familiar with the Janis decision in 2,016 that it basically established Right to work in the public sector nationally.

486
01:33:33.000 --> 01:33:44.000
But Janice basically went through 4 cases before they got the result they wanted. Right? It started with Knox in California in 2,012.

487
01:33:44.000 --> 01:33:47.000
Then it went to Paris V. Quinn, Ben Friedrichs, and finally they got the result they were after.

488
01:33:47.000 --> 01:34:02.000
So these are sustained campaigns by the conservative majority on the court to basically rewrite the law.

489
01:34:02.000 --> 01:34:13.000
Thus, in effect, then employers have not had to mobilize or fight for legislative reform. In Congress, because these changes have been achieved less visibly by the court.

490
01:34:13.000 --> 01:34:30.000
Let me shift now to state level policies and the argument for dual labor regimes. In the 19 thirtys, the New Deal Coalition included Southern Democrats who represented the region's agrarian and low wage industrial economy and racist one party political system.

491
01:34:30.000 --> 01:34:41.000
Southern elites demanded exceptions to the New Deal to maintain their paternalist control over their dependent labor forces, especially in agriculture and textiles.

492
01:34:41.000 --> 01:34:49.000
And so the Democrats backed Heartley so that by 1,954 10 of the 11 former Confederate states had passed right to work.

493
01:34:49.000 --> 01:34:54.000
The s and s are another critical juncture with mobilization and landmark victories for civil rights.

494
01:34:54.000 --> 01:35:13.000
Advances in the New Deal path like Medicare and Medicaid and rise of public sector unions. With the mechanization of cotton production, southern landowners actually abandoned labor paternalism and now sought to expel their surplus farm and black populations.

495
01:35:13.000 --> 01:35:22.000
So that by 1,980 some observers still expected southern modernization to lead to its assimilation into the Northern Nordial order.

496
01:35:22.000 --> 01:35:33.000
Instead, the sounds retain much of its repressive labor regime. Southern states resisted legalizing collective bargaining for most of the public sector and union density, wages and welfare are still lower today in the south and in the north.

497
01:35:33.000 --> 01:35:58.000
Southern economic growth long relied on outside capital and luring production away from northern states and with globalization local elites now promote the region as an anti-union low tax and deregulatory haven for European and Asian manufacturers in chemicals, auto and aerospace, among others.

498
01:35:58.000 --> 01:36:11.000
Okay. So, backed by federal military spending in the region, the emergence of quote-unquote sun belt capitalism, it was called, coincided with the rise of neoliberalism.

499
01:36:11.000 --> 01:36:19.000
This fostered the growth of a suburban metro business elite and white middle class that helped elect Ronald Reagan president in 1,980.

500
01:36:19.000 --> 01:36:29.000
Led by Congressman Newt Gingrich of Georgia in 1,994 Republicans won a majority in the House of Representatives for the first time in 40 years.

501
01:36:29.000 --> 01:36:44.000
So states then effectively flipped after a period of in the seventys a party competition in the south you basically flipped from one party control by traditional Democrats to one party dominance now by neoliberal Republicans.

502
01:36:44.000 --> 01:36:53.000
The 1,990 s marked the national ascendance of the southern regime but the result we argue I work with a couple of younger colleagues on this.

503
01:36:53.000 --> 01:37:04.000
Todd Basham at Rutgers and Laura Butchi at St. Joseph's University to try to show this quantitatively.

504
01:37:04.000 --> 01:37:09.000
But the pattern of dual stuff national paths persists.

505
01:37:09.000 --> 01:37:22.000
The American auto industry for example now has 2 industrial complexes right governed by different regimes. You have the cluster of unionized firms in the Midwest and a newer complex in the south led by German, Japanese, and Korean firms.

506
01:37:22.000 --> 01:37:31.000
Lured by generous state tax breaks and virtually all non-union. The region remains strongly resistant to unions, not just by employers, but political elites.

507
01:37:31.000 --> 01:37:40.000
Defending the Southern development model and labor regime. So you may be familiar with the UAW experience in Chattanooga in the mid 2,010.

508
01:37:40.000 --> 01:37:48.000
Okay, so in the 2,010 then the southern regime began to expand and move deep into the de-industrialized Midwest.

509
01:37:48.000 --> 01:37:55.000
2010 the Supreme Court ruled that campaign finance limits limit violate corporations freedom of speech and wealthy business groups poured money into state elections.

510
01:37:55.000 --> 01:38:16.000
Republicans gained control in Indiana, Michigan, Ohio, and Wisconsin and quickly attacked unions and workers rights. In Wisconsin, newly elected Governor Scott Walker in 2,011 pushed through a quote unquote budget repair bill that virtually eliminated collective bargaining rights.

511
01:38:16.000 --> 01:38:33.000
For 175,000 state workers. Despite mass protests and an eighteen-day occupation of the state capital by union supporters, the bill passed and within 4 years public worker unions in Wisconsin had lost almost a hundred 1,000 members.

512
01:38:33.000 --> 01:38:43.000
From 2,012 to 2,017 5 Midwestern and border states, Indiana, Kentucky, Michigan, West Virginia, and Wisconsin had adopted right to work.

513
01:38:43.000 --> 01:39:00.000
In 2,011, Ohio passed restrictions on public sector unions similar to Wisconsin's and in 2,017 Missouri passed right to work but union led coalitions in both cases mobilized ballot referenda that overturned them by landslide margins.

514
01:39:00.000 --> 01:39:11.000
So What we see then is not a national consolidation but continued past divergence between New Deal legacy and Southern regime states.

515
01:39:11.000 --> 01:39:28.000
Since 2,012 the fight for 15 campaign has succeeded in passing a $15 minimum wage in 11 states mainly in New Deal legacy areas state and local campaigns have also won reforms for state for paid family and or sick leave requirements for regular hours and advanced notice of scheduling.

516
01:39:28.000 --> 01:39:36.000
On the other hand, 26 states, mainly in the South and Midwest, have barred local governments from passing higher minimum wages.

517
01:39:36.000 --> 01:39:47.000
23 states prevent local paid family and sick leave. 4 states actually took away existing or pending local raises directly overriding local democracy.

518
01:39:47.000 --> 01:39:58.000
In 2,012 the Supreme Court upheld the Affordable Care Act but allowed states to refuse its expansion of Medicaid and by 2,02211 states still refuse the expansion 8 of them in the south.

519
01:39:58.000 --> 01:40:08.000
Since 2,018 however a ballot referendum in 5 mountain and prairie states have expanded Medicaid defying that Republicans take governments.

520
01:40:08.000 --> 01:40:19.000
Last year in the Nebraska voters approved a $15 minimum wage and in 2,022 Democrats won control of state government in Michigan and this year repealed their 2,012 right to work law.

521
01:40:19.000 --> 01:40:33.000
Now, this by no means is a complete review of all authoritarian innovations in the US. I've left out any discussion of the Supreme Court's attack on the 1,965 voting rights act as well as republican state governments partisan redistricting and imposition of new restrictions on boating.

522
01:40:33.000 --> 01:40:42.000
My focus here has been on labor regimes in 2 mezzo-level institutional arenas.

523
01:40:42.000 --> 01:40:44.000
And very briefly to conclude, at the Supreme Court level, the cumulative effects of limits on collective bargaining and workers rights have been to expand.

524
01:40:44.000 --> 01:41:02.000
Employers unaccountable power. To deny workers freedom of speech and association, exclude their participation in decision making and undermine unions as political and civic institutions.

525
01:41:02.000 --> 01:41:09.000
At the national level, the Supreme Court has led a concerted push for a radical return to a pre New Deal labor regime.

526
01:41:09.000 --> 01:41:24.000
At the subnational level, the erosion of federal laws shifts power to the states which display systemic differences in labor regime, including rights to unionize in public and private sectors, state regulation of employment and public provision for workers assistance.

527
01:41:24.000 --> 01:41:41.000
These dual regimes follow opposing institutional logics. Continue to develop a long divergent path. The shifting boundaries between the regimes then are fought out in battleground states in the Midwest and now even in the South for example in Georgia.

528
01:41:41.000 --> 01:41:55.000
So together, judicial repression and dual regime rivalry have reduced the space for democratic governance of employment and diminish the capacity of organized working-class actors to counter-rising authoritarianism in politics and society.

529
01:41:55.000 --> 01:42:04.000
How's my time? So, well, it's not over yet. But I think we can agree that struggles over labor regimes.

530
01:42:04.000 --> 01:42:10.000
But I think we can agree that struggles over labor regimes are struggles about democracy.

531
01:42:10.000 --> 01:42:22.000
Thank you. And now I'm going to invite Stephen Tufts to come and give his presentation and Stephen would have realized by now we've asked all the other presenters have been invited to grapple with this idea of been invited to grapple with this idea of authoritarian innovations.

532
01:42:22.000 --> 01:42:33.000
Stephen's paper is actually of authoritarian innovations. Stephen's paper is actually a submission that came through the regular submission portal for RC.

533
01:42:33.000 --> 01:42:42.000
44.

534
01:42:42.000 --> 01:42:49.000
No. That's good. All right.

535
01:42:49.000 --> 01:42:56.000
Thanks everyone and I've really enjoyed this week and thanks to all the work we've really enjoyed this week and thanks to all the work Michelle has done and for letting me crash this week and thanks to all the work Michelle has done and for letting me crash this AI party.

536
01:42:56.000 --> 01:43:14.000
And thanks to all the work Michelle has done and for letting me crash this AI party as an interloper, not only doing something a It's actually a small component of.

537
01:43:14.000 --> 01:43:33.000
A project funded by Canada's research funding agency which really looks at the responses that organized labor is making to at the time we said that populism that became authoritarian populism we've been using it whether or not we're having response to fascism, that's something that's debated for a little later day.

538
01:43:33.000 --> 01:43:48.000
But this project actually looks at not only the responses of organized labor to rising authoritarian populism. But also how organized labor is actually enables or maybe contributes.

539
01:43:48.000 --> 01:43:51.000
To its rise. And that's where I think it's a little bit different these papers. It's about the rule that unions can play in these processes.

540
01:43:51.000 --> 01:44:03.000
And of course, I'm focusing in today's paper and looking at the populace challenge of the pandemic to workers and unions.

541
01:44:03.000 --> 01:44:20.000
Now, I'm not going to labor studies explain everybody here on the impacts of pandemic on work where are sick of doing that right now but we of course know it had unemployment, facts income supports were limited.

542
01:44:20.000 --> 01:44:39.000
Huge gender inequalities and the expansion of what essential care work was, the transition to homework. There were redundancies, biotes and retirements of senior staff as pandemic requires some downscaling and of course that removed some senior rank of file activists out of the challenging unions.

543
01:44:39.000 --> 01:44:49.000
There's also a lot of questions around the vaccine, hesitancy and employment relations and the uneven impact of the pandemic on workers, especially between the public and private sector.

544
01:44:49.000 --> 01:44:56.000
I did not miss one day of work through the pandemic or paycheck a lot of people did. And not create divisions.

545
01:44:56.000 --> 01:45:08.000
But what I'm focusing on here today is that populist anti-covid mitigation sentiments among workers remain a political and ideological challenge and contradiction for unions.

546
01:45:08.000 --> 01:45:18.000
And if we think about it, it makes sense. On one hand, unions have protected workers and give workers sovereignty in the workplaces, control over their bodies.

547
01:45:18.000 --> 01:45:31.000
Not to have to wear certain uniforms or a mask, not to have to take a vaccine through a mandate and that's something that unions are still dealing with.

548
01:45:31.000 --> 01:45:40.000
Everybody who works with organized labor knows that. Staffers now are still processing grievances for people for noncompliance or mandates.

549
01:45:40.000 --> 01:45:49.000
At the same time, People who refuse to take a vaccine refuse to take different mitigation efforts wearing a mask.

550
01:45:49.000 --> 01:45:58.000
Are the ultimate free riders. And that's what unions are actually about is the gating the free riding problem.

551
01:45:58.000 --> 01:46:13.000
Which has been mentioned here today. So this contradiction is something that is coming up now. What I'm trying to do is make the links to the unions coming to terms of these contradictions to some of the rising authoritarian populist anti-mitigation protests that emerged in North America last year.

552
01:46:13.000 --> 01:46:21.000
Now, a little bit of context of the US case. I'm going to start with that first.

553
01:46:21.000 --> 01:46:29.000
It's a relatively minor anti lockdown protest in Seattle in New York in 2,020. There weren't a whole lot of uprising.

554
01:46:29.000 --> 01:46:41.000
People were pretty scared about the pandemic in the early stages. Same time at 2,020. I'm not going to mention his name, but the US had a presidential election with a divisive incumbent.

555
01:46:41.000 --> 01:46:49.000
You'll also have the rise of Black Lives Matter protests in 2,020 with the killing of George Floyd, especially in May in Minneapolis.

556
01:46:49.000 --> 01:47:00.000
Seattle protesters actually established an autonomous police free zone in Seattle during the midst of the pandemic.

557
01:47:00.000 --> 01:47:15.000
We skip ahead about a year, August, October, the 2021 and And anti restrictions protests were then starting a new merge in New York as the vaccine mandate for all workers loomed in that year and New York and Seattle my case studies so that's why I'm mentioning them.

558
01:47:15.000 --> 01:47:21.000
In October that year, bowling workers also protested vaccine mandates outside of Seattle. Now, I'm getting here with the pandemic.

559
01:47:21.000 --> 01:47:40.000
Union statements, that's my empirical base for this study. And I'm going to compare New York and Seattle and I think why we've chosen those cities for the larger project as well is that New York is the part, the democratic machine in the US.

560
01:47:40.000 --> 01:47:53.000
It's actually that progressive centrist politics political center. Seattle as well, despite the existence of Amazon is also leader in the living wage movement.

561
01:47:53.000 --> 01:48:04.000
It's also a lot of pro-anti Amazon organizing in this city and it also has a socialist counselor, Shauna Swant, was elected and is still in power.

562
01:48:04.000 --> 01:48:12.000
So it's actually a those are the sort of the 2 cases we've done. Now I'm not going to go through the union, this is just some of the empirics.

563
01:48:12.000 --> 01:48:26.000
We looked at union statements from 30 New York unions, 37 Seattle unions. Those were the number of statements, the ends were analyzed and we with 27 pandemic related themes identified to an open coding method.

564
01:48:26.000 --> 01:48:27.000
And then I looked at, we wanted to compare the cities and look at different unions and see what their responses were.

565
01:48:27.000 --> 01:48:44.000
Now this is just a quick summary. Of the 27 themes not to read them all out in bold these are the themes that were reoccurrent that dominated the discourse for the year statements.

566
01:48:44.000 --> 01:48:50.000
From the unions. In the red, these were things that were hardly ever mentioned. Only rarely, okay?

567
01:48:50.000 --> 01:48:56.000
We pick them up. And I'll get to those differences in a minute. I'm going to go through this very quickly.

568
01:48:56.000 --> 01:49:02.000
The top issues of concerns in the first year of the pandemic, this is comparing New York and Seattle.

569
01:49:02.000 --> 01:49:08.000
The pattern is the same. A lot of concerns over inadequate masking, wanting more ventilation in the workplace.

570
01:49:08.000 --> 01:49:16.000
This is what unions were advocating for. And that's common in both cities. A hazard pay or extra pay was a little bit more dominant in Seattle.

571
01:49:16.000 --> 01:49:21.000
That's because one union, the USCW, the grocery store versions, really wanted hazard pay and they wouldn't let it go.

572
01:49:21.000 --> 01:49:37.000
So that's sort of skewered the findings there. When it comes to appeals to government and different levels of government, the only other geographical difference that was significant was that in New York there were a lot more calls to the municipal level for support.

573
01:49:37.000 --> 01:49:42.000
And that makes sense. New York is huge. The city can deliver things. Seattle came.

574
01:49:42.000 --> 01:50:12.000
Okay, so that's really not a whole lot of differences there. But when we start looking at unions and enter differences between some of the unions we look at, we see a little bit more differences emerging and this is the unions that I've picked here.

575
01:50:25.000 --> 01:50:34.000
Of course the workplace closures call nobody no nurses made those calls because not, no nurses made those calls because nobody no nurses made those calls because not going to close the hospitals.

576
01:50:34.000 --> 01:50:43.000
So why call for it? Now, this is just a little bit of a summary by going this because the pattern was similar in New York.

577
01:50:43.000 --> 01:50:52.000
I picked 4 unions in New York City as well. Again, the teachers, the nurses, the retail workers, and the health care workers in New York.

578
01:50:52.000 --> 01:51:00.000
And you can see, this is a little bit messy, but there's some really comparisons of didn't really change that much.

579
01:51:00.000 --> 01:51:09.000
A lot of similar calls depending on the sector that people are working in. Okay, that's really what's, what's common.

580
01:51:09.000 --> 01:51:21.000
And this leads me to my first. Idea here of what's sets up for some of the things later on is that there was a great deal of sectionalism found in the union response to the pandemic.

581
01:51:21.000 --> 01:51:27.000
People calling for what was relevant to their immediate workers. Not surprising given what the structure of unions. These are a couple again.

582
01:51:27.000 --> 01:51:37.000
I cherry pick my best statements I could find, but this is from the SIU who starts talking about all the money the airport workers and the airports sector is getting what about us. Okay.

583
01:51:37.000 --> 01:51:41.000
And that's in. In the US as well. And then of course a letter to Nancy Pelosi into Chuck Schumer from the US.

584
01:51:41.000 --> 01:51:49.000
As well. And then of course a letter to Nancy Pelosi into Chuck Schumer from the engineers saying, what are you going to do?

585
01:51:49.000 --> 01:51:54.000
You have to stabilize our aerospace industry. These were coming up again and again in the statements we found.

586
01:51:54.000 --> 01:52:04.000
A lot of sectionalist fighting. But also there's silences in these early stages of what wasn't in these statements that we looked at and coded.

587
01:52:04.000 --> 01:52:14.000
And this is the, of course, measured presence, but my scale here is less than 5%. Okay, there are very few statements reflecting these.

588
01:52:14.000 --> 01:52:21.000
There are only a few people called to open, to close the economy. A little bit more in New York than in Seattle.

589
01:52:21.000 --> 01:52:37.000
But also, very people talking about pro-stimulus that checks, very few calls to action. A lot of not a lot of vaccination and work and not a whole lot about gig workers either, which were dominant at the time because they were doing a lot of delivery work.

590
01:52:37.000 --> 01:52:45.000
So this is sort of what's missing and I think what I'm getting at is that these were a lot more relevant to cross-class videos.

591
01:52:45.000 --> 01:52:51.000
The less sectionless. And then we're going to get talked about mandates, anti-vaccine mandates.

592
01:52:51.000 --> 01:52:57.000
Now, this is 2 statements because I'm going to switch scales of analysis in countries in a minute.

593
01:52:57.000 --> 01:52:58.000
This is the anti-vaccine mandates which unions were really stuck on with this contradiction that they face.

594
01:52:58.000 --> 01:53:11.000
Federal and state authorities, oops, sorry. Federal and state authorities should abide by principles of informed consent and maintain an individual's right to choose vaccination.

595
01:53:11.000 --> 01:53:18.000
That's when the New York nurses association. Nurses are against mandatory vaccinations historically.

596
01:53:18.000 --> 01:53:28.000
Similarly, going to North L of the border to Canada, the Toronto Police Association, which I've written about previously, also very much against mandatory vaccination.

597
01:53:28.000 --> 01:53:33.000
Now, some colleagues of mine have already started some work. They've come up with a good framework.

598
01:53:33.000 --> 01:53:46.000
That they're looking at the topology of unions. Responses in Canada only to vaccine mandates and they sort of come up with the topology of union responses in Canada only to vaccine mandates and they sort of come up with this schematic of unions that were pro-voluntary vaccination.

599
01:53:46.000 --> 01:53:52.000
That means a, you know, telling workers go get vaccinated, but if you don't, you shouldn't use your job and protect you.

600
01:53:52.000 --> 01:54:01.000
Pro mandate, which no, we really want you to do this. Anti-mandate which unions that were very against a mandatory vaccination.

601
01:54:01.000 --> 01:54:03.000
At noon is at no position. Now, most unions supported voluntary vaccination. That was the big one.

602
01:54:03.000 --> 01:54:18.000
And but they also, Larry Savage and Alzheimer Bali Retai, I also argue that there was a difference between rhetoric and substantive positions.

603
01:54:18.000 --> 01:54:23.000
A lot of it was based in rhetoric. Unions didn't really do a whole lot.

604
01:54:23.000 --> 01:54:30.000
And that sort of fits where I'm going here. Because this is my data that I've looked at with we looked at 199 unions in Canada.

605
01:54:30.000 --> 01:54:36.000
That's about 40, 45% of all unions. We mind their statements, went to their websites.

606
01:54:36.000 --> 01:54:50.000
Look for things. It sort of said, where do they stand on the vaccine mandate question in Canada? And what we found was that about 20% we're actually pro.

607
01:54:50.000 --> 01:55:03.000
Mandatory vaccine. They actually had strong feelings in encouraged workers and thought everyone should do it. This was the public sector and again the teachers unions who were again very much pro mitigation in the US as well.

608
01:55:03.000 --> 01:55:15.000
The anti-mandatory vaccinator vaccine statements were again a very small proportion of the of unions but the nurses unions's police unions led that.

609
01:55:15.000 --> 01:55:28.000
As well as some Quebec unions. Which gives a geographical difference in camera. Several we couldn't really figure out they were neutral or ambiguous But the big one is that most unions had nothing at all.

610
01:55:28.000 --> 01:55:30.000
They're silent on the vaccine question. And where am I going with this? That's the question.

611
01:55:30.000 --> 01:55:38.000
Well then we have protest in 2,022 in Canada with convoys in the US. And Con Jr.

612
01:55:38.000 --> 01:55:44.000
Argues going back to historically that epidemics lead to new divisions and new solidarities.

613
01:55:44.000 --> 01:55:54.000
But the problem was the anti-restrictions mandates protests framed a perception of attack against personal freedom.

614
01:55:54.000 --> 01:55:56.000
And because the unions weren't strong And very few came out only 20% saying this is a good thing.

615
01:55:56.000 --> 01:56:08.000
It created a vacuum that right-wing anti-vax groups were able to create and workers joined them.

616
01:56:08.000 --> 01:56:28.000
And in Canada, the antique restrictions movement was fairly strong. And there was limited calendar protests by organized labor both in the US and Canada with the trucker clan voice they led to protest and one of the reasons the labor federations couldn't do a counter protest because their workers were in the convoy protest.

617
01:56:28.000 --> 01:56:41.000
So this is where I'm wrapping up. My concluding comment here is that going back to the empirics there is very relative minor difference between Seattle and New York statements in the first year of the pandemic.

618
01:56:41.000 --> 01:57:00.000
A lot of it was based on the sector that the unions represent for putting this sectionalism. And in the first year The unions remain relatively silent on issues that would emerge in 2,022 to dominate a lot of workers interest around one the vaccine mandate started to become into effect and people were being asked to stay home from

619
01:57:00.000 --> 01:57:16.000
work. And as a result, this void was created at far right populist and I would argue in some of the convoy because I went to the convoy protests and saw them, there were fascist anti-medication participants that with those convoy actions as well.

620
01:57:16.000 --> 01:57:36.000
And that unions do both inaction, in some cases being anti-vaccine mandate themselves. But also being silent really had a role in creating this vacuum and contributing to this rising authoritarian populism that emerged from the pandemic that was disguised as pro-worker freedom.

621
01:57:36.000 --> 01:57:49.000
Which links into the AI discussion today. So I think we have to be a little bit critical of the role that unions are playing in our so-called populist or Right wing,itarian age.

622
01:57:49.000 --> 01:57:54.000
Thanks.

623
01:57:54.000 --> 01:58:07.000
We have run over time probably because of my technical and competence apart from other things. But, Let's take a few moments for questions because There's no one coming into this room right now.

624
01:58:07.000 --> 01:58:15.000
We actually just checked so we do actually have a bit of time. How do I do this? Get back to this.

625
01:58:15.000 --> 01:58:28.000
The Not again. Yeah. Steps in shape. So let's take a few moments particularly if we could direct some questions to the 3 presentations that we've just heard.

626
01:58:28.000 --> 01:58:40.000
So Michelle's got a question and Chris, do you want to come to the front. If you if you talk into the lectern it's better so that people online can see.

627
01:58:40.000 --> 01:58:45.000
So Michelle had a question. Anyone else?

628
01:58:45.000 --> 01:59:06.000
Good job. Okay, I might start with mine. Both of you spoke to in different ways anesto and Chris to the novel subtle and iterative nature of authoritarian innovations and that very much speaks to the benefits of this framework and why we think that's different from other ways of thinking about this.

629
01:59:06.000 --> 01:59:25.000
But in both your presentations, and I mean it's understandable as labor scholars, we often fall into the stuff we know right but Anesto I could really see how the facade of the expanded a parent consultation fitted into the model but when you were talking about the labor law it just sounded like avert repression to me

630
01:59:25.000 --> 01:59:39.000
and I was wondering whether you know there is some were those changes framed in democratic language or I maybe I missed it but I couldn't quite catch how they were authoritarian inversions and not just avert.

631
01:59:39.000 --> 01:59:45.000
Oppression and similarly for you Chris and I think I made this comment when I read your draft many months ago too.

632
01:59:45.000 --> 01:59:51.000
The story of the Supreme Court role is so classic. It's a perfect exemplar of this.

633
01:59:51.000 --> 02:00:09.000
Frame. But when you were talking about the 2 regimes, I don't really catch why that story fits with, I mean it's a fascinating story and I think it would make a wonderful article but I'm still struggling with how it fits in as an authoritarian innovation.

634
02:00:09.000 --> 02:00:12.000
Yeah.

635
02:00:12.000 --> 02:00:33.000
Yeah, thank you so much. I think my question go to Anisto. So I'm just wondering whether you have any comment on the differences and similarity between the trade unions in between the trade union in industrialized and non-industrialized and non-industrialized sector in pushing back again the government practices

636
02:00:33.000 --> 02:00:48.000
in the Indian context. Like perhaps from your 25 interview. And Then

637
02:00:48.000 --> 02:01:11.000
Have more general questions so anyone can address So it's about authoritarian. My work, I work in authoritarian context China and when I think about authoritarian innovation in Chinese context where I'm working on union reform, we think about how the authoritarian Chinese union federations use or liberal democratic tools and policies tactics.

638
02:01:11.000 --> 02:01:24.000
To make policymaking like more poorer and make the corporate institutions more adaptive or resilient to a labor challenge.

639
02:01:24.000 --> 02:01:35.000
And so my question would be what is there? Because what was the difference between this authoritarian innovation in liberal democratic context.

640
02:01:35.000 --> 02:01:41.000
And the authoritarian context.

641
02:01:41.000 --> 02:01:56.000
Right so their response The centers, at least do do you want to? Oh, Vanesto, do you want to respond if you unmute yourself?

642
02:01:56.000 --> 02:01:58.000
You're on mute, I think.

643
02:01:58.000 --> 02:02:15.000
Okay, I'll take the last question first and then when you're talking about authority in context and democratic contracts, I think in in the context of India basically it is most subtle and gradual, you know, they have not implemented.

644
02:02:15.000 --> 02:02:21.000
You know, drastic. They are changes and they slowly and gradually implementing them. Now this is also related to what Michelle was asking.

645
02:02:21.000 --> 02:02:34.000
The issue here is that, During the, the, past the labor laws during COVID.

646
02:02:34.000 --> 02:02:46.000
Okay and And without any discussion in the Parliament and these labor laws were not drafted in consultation with the unions basically.

647
02:02:46.000 --> 02:03:07.000
So they, so, and, so they took the opportunity of this COVID pandemic. And past it so so unions could not even come out on the street and protest the you know the the passing of this labor loss but at the same time you look at it they have not been been able to implement the label loss

648
02:03:07.000 --> 02:03:12.000
because they fear you know similar kind of protest that we saw with the farmers movement. Because, they fear, you know, similar kind of protest that we saw with the farmers movement, in 2,019.

649
02:03:12.000 --> 02:03:27.000
Okay, so, the, so in a way the government is a little bit apprehensive about, you know, going ahead and implementing the labor laws, because the unions are just not happy.

650
02:03:27.000 --> 02:03:36.000
And, the unions also say that employers are not happy. I try to speak to employers but none of them would come on record and talk about these issues.

651
02:03:36.000 --> 02:03:46.000
Okay, so I hope, Michelle have answered your question. With regard to the formal informal sector, now the main protest or against these changes are from the formal sector units.

652
02:03:46.000 --> 02:04:10.000
Now the even the informal sector unions have been impacted by the, not by directly by these changes in labels, but, but the government has been cutting off funding to NGOs who often support especially for example you look at the government sector they have been supporting the, the NGOs have been supporting grassroot

653
02:04:10.000 --> 02:04:18.000
labor unions and when they when the funding has been cut off by the grassroot labor, unions.

654
02:04:18.000 --> 02:04:19.000
And, when, when the, funding has been cut off by the by the government.

655
02:04:19.000 --> 02:04:28.000
It is not possible to fund them anymore. They are they've been also scared that they'll, you know, they've under the foreign contribution regulation act.

656
02:04:28.000 --> 02:04:36.000
They will not, the government has been, not, giving them not renewing these licenses.

657
02:04:36.000 --> 02:04:54.000
Okay. So, so this, that, you know, because they are, working in the informal sector with informal sector labor, the government probably will not, renew some of the license and some of them have really, suffered because so the it is also impacted the, informal sector

658
02:04:54.000 --> 02:04:58.000
labor.

659
02:04:58.000 --> 02:05:05.000
So. All right, I'll address Michelle's question, which I think was the only one that sort of out there for me.

660
02:05:05.000 --> 02:05:14.000
But first of all, I want to say as I really like this authoritarian innovation approach is far better than what you can see in American political scientists talks about democratic backsliding, which is sort of backward looking.

661
02:05:14.000 --> 02:05:20.000
And what's good about this is looking forward to this is much more in line with neoliberal state-led liberalization, so redesigning the economic development model.

662
02:05:20.000 --> 02:05:35.000
So redesigning the economic development model. So what I really was trying to do in those first few sides was Thai.

663
02:05:35.000 --> 02:05:45.000
To the labor regimes and using the rise of capitalism then to sort of say, what's the development regime path that's going on here, right?

664
02:05:45.000 --> 02:05:50.000
So the story then is the story of the South. Just follow the state dualism argument. That is, you go through this enormous change, the civil rights movement.

665
02:05:50.000 --> 02:06:03.000
You go through this enormous change, the civil rights movement. That is, you go through this enormous change of the Civil Rights Movement in the' s and' s and you go through this enormous change of civil rights movement in the sixtys and seventys and the South manages us to keep its repressive labor regime even though

666
02:06:03.000 --> 02:06:10.000
it's mechanized and it's no longer cotton agriculture, but yet it is still.

667
02:06:10.000 --> 02:06:14.000
Based on a development model that went back decades before that of pulling cheap labor, cheap manufacturing away from the north.

668
02:06:14.000 --> 02:06:27.000
There's a complicated story about how this dovetails with the rise of neoliberalism, I haven't thought it out myself.

669
02:06:27.000 --> 02:06:35.000
Some people, there are scholars like Michael Best who think that the Southern regime was a model for a Nevol liberalism. I'm not going to be able to resolve that here.

670
02:06:35.000 --> 02:06:47.000
But the real puzzle is then, OK, you have a dual regime still after 1,980 and then the story for authoritarian innovation is that it expands sorry.

671
02:06:47.000 --> 02:07:00.000
So if you look at the 2 tens, that's where there really hits the road because Other people have told the story like Gordon Laffer and and Alexander Hurdle Fernandez.

672
02:07:00.000 --> 02:07:05.000
And I draw on their stuff. The way this was shoved through in the Midwest was anti-democratic to the hilt.

673
02:07:05.000 --> 02:07:19.000
You know, none of these candidates ran on an antibiotic. Was it saying that it was democratic?

674
02:07:19.000 --> 02:07:28.000
Okay, but the point is that it's still very contested. I mean, the point is that it's still very contested.

675
02:07:28.000 --> 02:07:31.000
I mean, yes, these states that it's still very contested. I mean, yes, these states that I grew up in Iowa.

676
02:07:31.000 --> 02:07:37.000
I mean, yes, these states that I grew up in Iowa and Iowa used to be a purple state and it's turned hard right.

677
02:07:37.000 --> 02:07:38.000
So yeah, it is repressive and that, you know, big money through tons of money, the right wing wealthy groups have poured money into this.

678
02:07:38.000 --> 02:07:57.000
But they've also then exploited, you know, divides within the Midwest. I mean you can't ignore that these are de-industrialized states.

679
02:07:57.000 --> 02:08:18.000
And so the organizational basis of unions have been devastated in a lot of these smaller rural towns. And that So they're sort of, you know, they're drawing on the other themes that I mentioned at the outset, you know, the nationalism and right-wing populism to the extent that those are framed

680
02:08:18.000 --> 02:08:33.000
as democratic. You know, this is make America great again and take back America. That's how they're able to mobilize a rural versus urban and racial divide between white rural residents and black urban residents.

681
02:08:33.000 --> 02:08:41.000
But that you can have states like Michigan. In the end what I want to end on, you know, rural residents and black urban residents.

682
02:08:41.000 --> 02:08:44.000
But, you know, rural residents and black urban residents. But that, you know, that you have states like Michigan, that you have states like Michigan.

683
02:08:44.000 --> 02:08:55.000
In the end, that you can have states like Michigan that you know in the end what I want to end on is that there's battleground states that New York and California It's the opposite in the south where they preempt all of these things. They prevent these.

684
02:08:55.000 --> 02:09:08.000
The Texas has gone really bad and just preempting everything local. So I take your point that whether or not that's actually framed as democratic, but they're able to win those electoral minorities.

685
02:09:08.000 --> 02:09:09.000
But they're able to win those electoral majorities. But they're able to win those electoral majorities for those other.

686
02:09:09.000 --> 02:09:15.000
But they're able to win those electoral majorities for those otherctoral majorities for those other reasons for gerrymandering and for

687
02:09:15.000 --> 02:09:26.000
Voter suppression. No, no, no. That's what, what do you say?

688
02:09:26.000 --> 02:09:31.000
Because we're way out of time Michelle what do you say? Because we're way out of time Michelle.

689
02:09:31.000 --> 02:09:51.000
What are you going to say? Hello. Is this then the story of populism as the rhetoric of democracy and how that plays out both in India and the rhetoric of democracy and how that plays out both in India and in the states.

690
02:09:51.000 --> 02:10:00.000
Okay, so I did have a question for Steve, but we're really out of time, but I guess a comment there would also be out of time but I guess a comment there would also be this void.

691
02:10:00.000 --> 02:10:19.000
And I'm not sure if you drive these. The lack of response is this also a problem in terms of the functioning of unions and the sense of the capacity to have the kind of necessary internal democracy or deliberative capacity to actually Thank you position, you know, and so the no position as a kind of dysfunction within unions

692
02:10:19.000 --> 02:10:24.000
themselves. I don't want to quickly respond to that because we are. The answer is yes.

693
02:10:24.000 --> 02:10:41.000
But the way I couch it when I've been writing about it is it's about fear and leadership fears the membership and this is what brought out even the fear of having this debate because they're afraid they don't know what the membership's going to have because the right membership is politically quite diverse.

694
02:10:41.000 --> 02:10:51.000
And just a couple moments to respond to the question about. The convoys because I skipped over that slide ran out of time is that even though it was about anti-vax mandates.

695
02:10:51.000 --> 02:10:57.000
It was so much going on in the discourse of the convoy. It was about white supremacy, anti-immigration.

696
02:10:57.000 --> 02:11:10.000
It was transphobic. It's about anti-carbon tax. And the right-wing politicians in Canada, some in the US, they would come to the convoys in Ottawa but shut down the city for a couple weeks.

697
02:11:10.000 --> 02:11:18.000
And they would pose with all these leaders. Some of them have been jailed because they were charged eventually.

698
02:11:18.000 --> 02:11:23.000
And some of them are after the fact. Identified as clearly fascist. One of them just wrote Rand for Toronto Mayor and did quite well.

699
02:11:23.000 --> 02:11:32.000
Got about 3, 4% of the vote. So these things matter. So that's what I sort of.

700
02:11:32.000 --> 02:11:45.000
Would have added if I had a little more time. Thank you. All right so we are completely out of time fact we're way over time in fact we're way over time probably the session most disorganised and we're way over time probably the session most disorganized and dis undisciplined in terms of

701
02:11:45.000 --> 02:11:59.000
authoritarian innovations. So I'm not sure what that tells us. That's right. So there was also a paper on Myanmar which I delivered a paper on Myanmar which I delivered at a plenary yesterday if you're interested I'm you know welcome to get in touch with me I'm

702
02:11:59.000 --> 02:12:12.000
happy to see if you're interested I'm you know welcome to get in touch with me. I'm happy to share with you that paper and that was tracking, again, a lot of authoritarian innovations that actually happen under a democratically elected government in Myanmar which of course has now turned to hard coercive

703
02:12:12.000 --> 02:12:18.000
authoritarianism. Obviously one of our attentions is to move towards a special issue with a lot of the presentations that we have here.

704
02:12:18.000 --> 02:12:28.000
Of the Journal of Industrial Relations, maybe some other contributions there. But I, we think it's a very exciting project in terms of a new idea in this field.

705
02:12:28.000 --> 02:12:44.000
Let me also remind you as well we have a joint session with the RC 44 and the RC 30 sociology of work which will be at 3 here.

706
02:12:44.000 --> 02:13:02.000
2 30 today on trade unions under authoritarianism in the global south here in Crown. Thanks so much for being here particularly given how long we've run over time and thanks to all of the presenters.

707
02:13:02.000 --> 02:13:03.000
Thanks, bye.