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Yeah, get get started

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So welcome all to this session. Future visions, strategies and contentious politics. Part 2.

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We have 5, 6 presenters and 5 papers. We will follow the program. So we are first going to listen to Paula and Libya.

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From the university of Milan and the university of Messina. In Italy. Please, Paula or Lydia who's presenting first.

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Great. So, 15 min. I will keep track of time and I will let you know when the 15 min are about to to end maybe a couple of minutes before that Thank you so much for your presentation.

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Yes, we do. We can.

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Okay. Can you see the screen? Okay, thank you. So thank you very much for Very good.

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Yes, audio and video everything is on. Perfect. Thank you.

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Okay, thank you so much. Okay, so, what in this, presentation we are going to talk about creative experimentations of emancipative activism in Italy.

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This is developed mainly from the legacy of previous students movements and and this is a form of political participation, typical of a time where the situateness of action is privileged in respect to long terms.

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Vision even though how we are going to see this does not mean to renounce to Give a bottom up response to what is considered the failure of representative mainstream politics or the erosion of democratic, institutions.

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So, indeed I will focus that from the acknowledgement of the, growing criticism by youth activists.

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Of the individualizing processes. Characteristic of the newly burnt term. That is from the, denunciation of isolation, optimization, individualism, by a generation in search of new combination of collective solidarity.

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But with the recognition of the singularity of each individual. And so in this research we have tried to explore how in spite of widespread authority concerning you of political disenchantment, the decline of conventional representative participation is compensated.

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My practices of cooperation and mutualism. And, of course, this trend is not really new, but, it intensified with the consequences of the global with the recession and more recently with the pandemic crisis.

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And also because of the inability of, traditional political organizations to incorporate, young people.

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Needs and so these are as encouraged. Activists to explore new way of, ways of participation.

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The theoretical, Noion of, of a reference, for us, and for our research has been singularization.

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That we prefer as analytical tool to the more widespread notion of individualization. Singularization is a way to understand the dialectics between individual life and historical and systemic transformations of of a society and we have used this notion.

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To explore the personalization of political engagement in political terms a singularization fosters mainly are imagining of common life, that cannot be, from a real articulation of the common and the singular.

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So the interest in using, similarization as an analytic or 2 relates also to it's difference from the previous discussion of the invention of politics of some years ago.

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That we're already focused on the visualization and its impact on mobilization strategies. And already focus on the logic of a cell reflexive action as in junction for making myself the masters of one owns destiny.

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But the aim is to alight how And this case, how a singularization has become today.

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The driver of the, capacity to act in an unpredictable environment, typical of neoliberalism where it is necessary to mobilize a situated knowledge and specific also local resources and we believe that this is a key feature of the way in which current forms of view of political mobilization and

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trying to construct new forms of neutralization and reciprocal care. And so, and the mobilizations we started to is a clear conceptualization of the common and of the idea of solidarity.

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In particular, individualistic culture is considered not only as a form of depolitization but also as a culture or common sense, but also as a culture or common sense that it must be addressed with a new conception, a common sense that it must be addressed with a new conception, that it must be addressed with a new conception.

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conceptualization of socialism, conceptualization of sociality, conceptualization of sociality, with forms of political organization and so empathy, care, neutralism, common sharing are into wine in individual and local singularities, but also with an idea of the common, more or more global.

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Leather. The attention to the emotional level and the culture of reciprocal care are among the main expressions of this process.

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These as being brought to the 4, especially by the conventions of feminine movements and anti austerity struggles.

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But also student movements and climate strikes and this has alighted a more explicit endeavor to struggle against a culture of an individualism and self and management by taking into account personal fragile as a also as a a resource and this is in turn related to the practices of commenting and sharing that means sharing of knowledge or relations but also objects

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and properties within the network of mobilization in an attempt to democratize the access to resources. And so youth mobilization, we have observed are fostered.

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Come on, sharing as political mean, to achieve cooperation. Participation and trust finally it's necessary to say some words also about the use of the notion of generation by our interviews because they are building a new generational experience being a youth or being activists of being a youth, or being activists of being individual

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in and being a youth, or being activists of being individual in an individualized society. And this idea of generation was used carefully by the interviews or who did not want to be.

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Consider as a generation stand alone, but full protagonist of, political change. And so they claim the singularity of the generation.

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Describing this as characterized by a lack of political mentors or stronger idealistic a references and that's why they they focus on concrete problems local networks of solidarity mutualism, in this innovative way to conciliate the singular and, and the plural.

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And so like singularization, also the category of generation can be considered as a useful heuristic tool to.

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We wish to specify the feature and the characteristic of the mobilization of young people.

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In recent years. So, just before to leave the floor to my colleague for explaining the research and the results of the research.

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Just remember the characteristics of the fieldwork that have been developed in different phase. The last 3 years or so.

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With around 21 online interviews or regular participation to online meetings of the organization we investigated as well as participation to the national meeting of the framework network that is called up as Lydia is going to explain.

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Hmm.

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Then documentary analysis, digital ethnography of the online activist. That means on Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, Telegram, YouTube and so on.

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And moreover we rely on, 19 interviews to members of the main students organization. So namely students union, link university.

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Coordination and the knowledge network. But now I leave the floor to Lydia.

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Yes, thank you, Paula. If you don't mind, I will try to read just to manage my time.

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So the next slide, please, I, so I will articulate my talk in 2 parts. The first one concerning the main activities and participatory practices carried out by Up Network along which elements of description of apps organizational characteristics.

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And the second starting from the own their own self-definition, which concerns both the dimension of their collectivity, subjectivity and the organizational and political dimension.

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First of all, They have experienced the pandemic as the farther manifestation of a long-term social crisis started with the neoliberal at Germany ending.

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Economic recession over the last 2 decades. Hence the pandemic has been regarded as catalyzed which has triggered further awareness of a degenerational condition and their eagerness to act.

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Politically so their self-definition as a collective subjectivity is based both on their diagnostic framing of the crisis and on the prognosis frame which concerns what kind of action strategies and goals can envisaged and carried out in response to old days.

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As for the self definition, the related prognostic frame, they answered some fundamental questions in these terms.

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So I'm quoting, we are men and women, male and fame, female workers, male and female students.

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People who to today's social and generational condition continue to pay for the crisis. The years of austerity, precariousness, for the dismantling of public services for the effects of systemic racism of rampant or males but transphobia of unbearable inequalities along the absence of opportunities and

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prospects. For these reasons we have organized ourselves and at the given life to to up. The first step of a project that has the aspiration to face with the political challenge against this affectionate and anger with generosity and collective ambition.

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To make politics together among ourselves and with many others that we will meet on the street. Because we want to change this country and we no longer want to delegate to anyone else this change.

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We need to organize ourselves politically to build ideas and actions together to try together to change our lives.

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So what is up according to their own words? It is a new national association that anyone can join a network of political participation and network to be built collectively.

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All members will have a say in deciding roles and goals. Those who join can participate in the somatic groups, organize campaigns, promote mobilization, share ideas.

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Ideas, skills and programmatic proposal, organized activities of mutualism and active solidarity in the cities where they live.

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In their own words, the manifesto for the reconstruction is written in a collective process resulting from many months involving those kinds of activists.

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It contains thousands of concrete and visionary programmatic proposals. So they have organized working groups on different issues.

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Such as work, rights and welfare school university and research, the climate crisis and alternative models of development, mutualism and solidarity practices, civic city networks and representation in institutions.

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All of these working groups are actually parts of apps organizational infrastructure. So there is a before and then after app was officially funded in January, 2021 during the lockdown as a natural activist responded to the pandemic crisis by organizing collectively does a group of young adults in their thirties say the funding fathers and funding mothers of

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apps since they have paid particular attention to the gender aspects as the national spoke persons of our app are 2 young women so they found themselves having to face yet another systemic crisis the pandemic and then they decided to phase it together.

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These groups of young adults in their thirtys who mobilize in the years of the austerity in the 2,010 Italian student mobilization against neoliberal university and school and university which was called the anomalous wave.

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Self-defined themselves as the generation of poly crisis which no mentor with no mentor or father proudly or fined but also cast away always adrift yet ready to set sail again.

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The ground in which they built this network at political experiences made the local dimension you can see the map of different local organization networked.

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In fact, it is the cities that these generational units have a mobilized in and organized that's resistance to austerity measures in the decades of crisis and acting practices and forms of direct social action.

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Of self organization starting from the local community. Through community organising and mutualism. These forms of actions, can you please Pablo, come back to the to the map, if, okay, thank you.

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It's about time.

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No, go ahead.

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This forms of activism and the construction. Yes, of single and collectors. Yes, thank you very much and collect subjectivity.

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We've been No, cut it out in an intersectional dimension. The struggle against precarious conditions work and life conditions as inter client so with the mobilization movements such as non-monadimeno, neon amends and against homophobia in the fries for a future for climate social justice.

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Over most 2 years since the foundation 3 phases in the life of this organization can be distinguished. The first phase during the pandemic when the network was was being built gathering about 250 members rooted in the territories and connected online, so both dimension, especially during the lockdown.

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And in the past month, some of them have also run local electoral campaigns in political organization that they have founded such as TREE SA now in TRIES TEK CASEER that decides is in concertos or southern Italy.

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Future Rome in Rome, mainly within left-wing coalition and they have been appointed as both local and or regional counselors.

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Divers grassroots solidarity organization have been networked by app during the pandemic solidarity and mutualistic campaigns are at the same time a generation trade inited since the globalization in 2,008 so I'm going to go in faster so slow rhythm in Bologna, Fishina, Kursalin, to re known Rome and

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Ashe, past they have implemented a solitary practice during the lockdown. And creating different organizations and actions in this in this field.

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This solidarity practice in particular in this field, this solidarity practice in particular, this solidarity practice in particular ever characterized the molecular and intergenerational experience of the Mutuality practice in particular ever characterized the molecular and intergenerational experience of the Mutual and in particular they ever characterized the molecular and intergenerational experience of the Mutual and AID campaign in Bologna.

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And intergenerational experience of the Mutual and AID campaign in Bologna. Don't panic.

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Let's organize ourselves in which more than 200 volunteers and 50 associations were involved and networked.

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So we can try to go ahead. I've had to skip this part about the map of the Famela Morocco. The condominium of bank of time, the economy of a care.

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But, okay, the battle for the minimum wage and against exploitation and precariousness as gone through this 2 years and in the last month actually this constituted the core battle the flagship campaign of this network of associations of up mainly.

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They are also fighting to get MUNCIBLE and Regional, CONSULT, to, 1,900, and, FIFTY-SE And so afar in direct activism practices, the local and global territorial and intersejected dimensions are closely connected.

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They regular, participate in the prizes for future mobilization. They have also mobilized for peace against the war in Ukraine.

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For these generational units among both the millennials and the generation said we can say local and global are closely intertwined and this can be a representative trait of this generation.

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And the Festival of Activist program comprised different topics such as influencers, a digital activism, but are also minimum wage.

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The the topic of fossil fuel of citizenship and second generation minimum wage. LGBTQR class rights agenda questions and also second generations of immigrants.

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So we can add also the climate change topic. So to conclude, there is a common change topic. So to conclude, there is a common thread that links their analysis practices that links their analysis practices and prospects for the future.

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It is a common thread that links their analysis practices and prospects for the future. It is the paradigm of care which links their analysis practices and prospects for the future.

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It is the paradigm of care which is linked in terms of the feminist tradition to the theme of intersectionality.

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These intersectionality emerges in reference both to the individual and collective path of subjectivation and research activation which young people today are forced to carry out.

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And in relation to the demands of this same young generations as students whose organizations formulate and practice these perspectives to together.

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From Gender Transpennine Square to Antarctica to the Transpennine Square to Antarctica to the fight against climate change, care, mutualism and intersectionality are central dimensionality are central dimensions in their life experience are central dimensions in their life experience reporting in their speech and embodied our central dimensions in their life experience reporting in their speech and embodied in their individual and collective practices as well as in their political

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agendas in their life experience reporting in their speech and embodied in their individual and collective practices as well as in their political agendas.

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In which the common and singular can be re-articulated. Thank you so much.

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Thank you, Lydia, and thank thank you for your presentation. Are there any questions? I don't know if there are people sitting.

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In in Melbourne.

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Comments?

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Well, I do have 2 questions. The first one for Paula. I was wondering about the relationship between the practices and the values.

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Embodied by these movements or the participants in these movements. I was thinking in terms of the prefigurative dimension.

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Of activism. I don't know if you can elaborate a little bit on that.

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And I would like to ask also both of you. About You mentioned that the pandemia is a total social fact.

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Could you please elaborate on that? I've read other Different approaches to the pandemic.

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There are some authors that consider it. So it an event in English or in French like an, which is different from a total fat.

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So what does the pandemic? So what does the pandemic, the pandemias have total social mean.

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Thank you for your presentation.

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Okay. So perhaps I can stock. So your first question, the relation between practices and values, you know.

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Approach. Well indeed we, didn't focus specifically on the prefigurative approach in in terms of a specific literature on this, but certainly in a in a very similar way.

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We we were very, and, in the field work and also in the relation between the field work and the current and literature of this kind of research on this kind of research on these kind of, young people's social movements, and this kind of, young people's social movements, that there is a strong,

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explicit link between the values in terms of, efforts are building, Yeah, a new way to democracy in a in everyday life and practices that are very much focuses on.

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On the local level. So taking into account or the resources and polarizing the resources at the local level.

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But I've been always, and in the background that the resources related to the previous networks of of previous networks of mobilization that are in this case in the case of our research are related to mainly to students.

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Mobilization of the previous years but with a converging intersection coming also from young feminist, mobilization or recent young feminist mobilization and environmental mobilization such as, for future.

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Thank you.

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So let's say that at the end, the result is very similar to, prefigurative, I don't know if you need, yeah, I would like to add something on this.

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Yes, just to underline that they are actually embody a sort of pragmatic critique here now in everyday life because they have managed 4 4 years we could say with the crisis with different with the sequence or different crisis so in this sense polyc crisis and so they are customer to you know to perform another word is possible which is you know the

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master frame of the world is possible which is you know the master frame of altar, which is, you know, the master frame of altar, of new globals on the of the movement of the movements.

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So, of new globals on, of this movement of the movements. So it is, they try actually in direct social action, how it is called by other Italian scholars.

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So actions which immediately try to respond to the needs in, in pragmatically. And so in doing these, they refrigerate the future because the future may you know, be, can be envisaged practicing the alternative in some way.

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Okay.

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And, and but a total social factor in the sense of, you know, Marcel most that is it is a phenomena which involves all the different social spheres at the same time.

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So it's in this sense a crisis in it is so a total such, okay, that's more or less the idea.

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Thank you. Yeah. Yes, yes. Yes.

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Thank you.

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Thank you. Thank you so much. Both of you.

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Do do I have time for a quick question?

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Yes, of course you do, yes, Santa, please.

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Can you hear me okay, right? I just, but for both, Lily and Paula, how, do you, this will be obvious when you come to my presentation, but how did you guys think that it was important to, use generation.

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As an analytical tool and if so like how why and I see you refer more to this kind of more popular terms of generation.

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So I'm curious to see how you guys yourself have formulated. Generations.

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Yes, so what. Very quickly. Let's say that, what was more what's really evident in the in this research and another research we did in these years with youth.

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It is evident that there is a sort of acknowledgement and consciousness that, it is evident that there is, a sort of acknowledgement and consciousness that, a sort of acknowledgement and consciousness that, the experiences of the previous generation that, the experiences of the previous generation, that means in

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this case the experiences of the previous generation that means in this case the experiences of previous social movements that means in this case the experiences of previous generation that means in this case the experiences of previous social movements let's say of, until the, alter globalization movements, were different generational, experiences.

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And so the WVs and insists a lot on the on the fact that they feeling themselves as a generation without political references and so they have to political references and so they have to a generation without, political, references.

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And so they have to, experiment themselves new pathways of, a invention of politics and political participation.

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And so one hand, this is a sensation or let's say of freedom and and responsibility, creative responsibility.

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On the other hand, the as they say, in many, many ways, they, feel themselves as cast away and so they have to find the way by by themselves.

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So this is the mainly characteristic of the idea of our generation so it is a specific way of, interpretating the idea and my my idea of a generational, unit, but with this, characteristics.

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If I may just very very quickly to add this because we found ourselves in the very particular situation to use analytically the concept of generation and to find our interviews.

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They use self-repectively the term generation because they self-defined they defined themselves as the generation of but they also claim that okay we claim rights and so on and so forth and we do this for us but not only for us but for everyone else.

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That's the way they interpret it being a generational unit in with the common destiny in this sense.

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Thank you.

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Hmm. Thank you so much. Anna, please. You are Nick.

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Oh, is it in my next?

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According to the

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Okay. Okay. Oh no, no, no, that's not me.

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Yes, migrant youth activism. Yes, you are next. Okay. Oh, is that you?

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Nope, I'm Ko.

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Yep.

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Oh yeah, you're on a brief code. Yes, then, Nikolas, I'm so sorry.

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I don't think she is with us, right?

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Doesn't look. Then I can go. That's fine. Yeah, she's not.

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No. No. Then you go, please.

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Okay.

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Yeah, she is neither in the she is neither in the audience nor I see her online so I guess there's no trace so I would suggest maybe little here you decide to just move on.

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Yes, it was listed as an online presentation. So I'm sure she is not, she didn't show up.

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So, Anna, you are, you are next. Please.

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Okay. That sounds good. Let's see. Let's see if I can get this now to where I wanted.

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Don't spare.

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It's perfect. We can.

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Okay, good. Excellent. Okay, so, I'm gonna try to now see if I can keep this. I went back and forth.

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I wasn't sure how long this was gonna be. I wasn't sure how long this was gonna be.

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So anyway, so I kept the same title I think that I had from the beginning. So anyway, so I kept the same title I think that I had from the beginning.

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So anyway, so I kept the same title I think that I had from the beginning. How do social movements construct long term visions through the beginning, how do social movements construct long term visions through interactions between generations of activism, feminist activism in Peru and the beginning, how do social movements construct long term visions through interactions between generations of activism, feminist activism in Peru

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and Ecuador. And I really tapped into the question from there was a bunch of different questions for the session but one of them was just about how do they construct long term visions.

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And the actual word that's used in the in the sessions description of solidarities and I'll talk a little bit more probably about cooperation more than salaries, but it's okay.

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They're kind of similar in my mind. So just a quick run through the existing literature as sort of how I'm placing this.

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One of the things that I found as I started to get, you know, I did my empirical work and I started to get, you know, I did my empirical work and I'll tell you about that in a few minutes.

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But first is that I realize that I'm kind of bridging 2 different things within social movement studies.

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Typically I think tend to be studied separately but please if you guys know of other studies that have brought this together let me know so on the one hand we have long-term visions and so we can assume that you know a feminist movements and just like all social movements probably create multiple long-term versions and visions and even at times

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maybe conflicting ones, right? And one way we can understand why this might happen is precisely because of political generations.

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Political generations probably lead to the diversification of long term visions within movements. Through the formation of political generations.

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So here as I said, I think that it's Generally speaking, these 2 concepts, long term visions and political generations tend to be examined separately in the literature.

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So I'm trying to bridge it and one of the ways that I'm looking at bridging it is through activist groups control of time and I probably won't be able to go in too deep into that because I want to also share with you my empirical work.

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So just a quick run through with that construction of long term visions. One of the things that I think that was really fascinated when I got into the literature on long term vision is that of course the first thing that we all think about is that oh this is all about the future and future looking orientation.

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But as soon as you get into the literature, the literature is like, yeah, but people do, activist groups do create these long term visions through their present actions.

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Including by enacting them sort of prefiguration so we know so it's both doing concrete stuff but also trying to prefigure.

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And also by drawing on the past through collective memory. ancestors, connecting to previous movements just as my the farmer speakers were talking about.

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See his name and then also I just wanna refer to a really nice study by Narn Etol from New Zealand to talk where they've interviewed some young young activists.

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Different young asked of us and show how their understandings of time shape how they construct long term vision.

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So that's one of the reasons that kind of gave me some inspiration about this whole thing of time here.

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But political generations or the formation of political generations also has to do with time, because it has to do with the historical context within which generations form.

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In this case, where I'm talking about. I'm using political generations specifically within social movements.

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So I'm not speaking about political generations in general in the population. This is a particular generational formation within the feminist movements in Peru and Ecuador.

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And here we have distinct generations of activism that form in response to shifting political contexts and they have lasting consequences for movement goals and strategies, meaning that if you when they're exposed to these different types of political context.

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The generation develops unique goals and strategies. And this can engender both conflict and cooperation in a movement across time.

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Initially a lot of the research focused a little bit more on conflict, but the later work, especially from Argentina, has showed how this like has evolved into cooperation.

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And, so this is where I got really excited about this question of time and, thinking about that, time, what is time and how it's used.

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And then I came across this work by David Main's and colleagues who they retrieved this, the, you know, George Herbert Mead's theory of time, where they illustrate how, time can be used as actually a form of power, a source of power.

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And they do actually apply this to a concrete case of community organizations ability to use time and especially the past.

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And they write, I like this quote, so I'm gonna say it. Successful community groups contextualize their power in acts of systematically linking the past and the future together in order to influence the construction of relations in the present.

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So the focus is still in the present, but it's about linking the past and the future to that.

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So just a quick run through of my methods. I'm gonna, excuse me, cut this short.

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I mean, cut the methods part short, but I just wanna get let you know what happened. Sorry.

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So I inductively found evidence of a generational cleavage through earlier studies conducted in the late twenties and early 2,010 that I conducted.

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So I'm not gonna go into depth of that, but if It I do have it written down in other places.

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So you can find that. But so this one I knew that this generational cleavage existed. So I said, okay, I'm gonna go out and I'm gonna find out what's going on.

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How did this come to be that there is these 2 generations and why. So sort of to get to get to understand why did they understand and practice feminist mobilizing as they did, which was quite different from each other.

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And I used constructivist ground a theory together with in-depth interviews. And just to tell you a little bit about my 2 cohorts.

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So I conducted this. Research in 2,012. So it is about 10 years old. And I have I chose to I worked with 2 cohorts that were again this was had become evident from my former studies.

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The first one was the what I call the initiated generation and this was new recruits who are mobilized in the late 19 seventies and early 1980 and nineties so there's a period there and it was 24 people that I interviewed to our key activists who continued their activism even at the time that I was interviewing

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them. And I call them initiator generation because they are part of the first generation in Peru and Ecuador to self identify as feminists.

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And then I have another generation which is called the Innovator Generation and these are new recruits who are mobilized in the late 19 nineties and early 2,000.

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So prior to this, there wasn't any really new significant group that identified itself as a distinct, a distinct generation.

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So I even though in in the work in Argentina, they talk about a middle generation. That wasn't really evident in the work.

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And that's why I say that this first generation is a little bit longer, you can see. And then So just I'm gonna skip over that because it's more about my top one I'm interviewed but I can go back to that if you guys like.

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So let me go into the findings because it was really interesting. I found, so this is about the what I, I'm gonna start here.

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So I found got 4 categories and these 4 categories I called referred to as stages. 4 stages through which the 2 generations of activism interacted with one another to construct long term visions.

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And the Now I'm gonna go back to there. So the very first one of the stages is interrupting the course of gender hierarchies.

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This is followed by stages 2 and 3 and I have them together. Because this is where the major diversification or distinguishing between the 2 generations occurs.

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Whereas the initiator generation, the first one to self-identify as feminists, were really focused on getting policy change put into practice.

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So there. Their long term visions spoke to that. Whereas the initial innovator generation, the younger generation, was making, was much more concerned with making feminist discourses and practices accessible to a wider population.

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And that also spoke to their at form of activism because the 2 groups had developed different types of activism.

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And the fourth stage is re politicizing feminist activism. And that's also, much here that where, like the end part.

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So I'm gonna show you another. And we can see here who is the driving force of each of these stages.

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So in the first 2 stages, we see that that's the initiator generation who's the main driving force.

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Whereas in the last 2 stages, it's the innovator generation who is the driving force. And in the first and the on the right, my yes, the right hand side here, you can see the core concepts of these long term visions that were part of there of this each stage.

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And where they began with gender equality. The second stage goes into gender equity and equal opportunities. This is followed by equality between groups and equality with difference.

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And then finally we have feminism as a political movement and flexible definitions of feminism. Do I have time for a little bit of quotes too?

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Yes, you do.

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Good. Okay, great. So just to give you a little bit of like sense of the like more nitty gritty here.

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So interrupting and the first stage interrupting the course of gender hierarchies. Here, gender equality was seen by both generations as like a really like valid, long term vision.

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This was something that really both felt good about and they felt they converged on this both as a future goal for both generations.

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And also if we look down to the bottom as a present claim for both generations. But it wasn't so much a united past for both generations.

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It was really the whole idea of gender equality was something that united the initiator generation. Those who are the first to self-identify as as feminists, they felt that this really spoke to their experiences of blatant gender hierarchies that they experienced when they were mobilized.

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Whereas the innovator generation, they didn't grow up with these blatant hierarchies.

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They had grown up with a much more, diffused and blurred gender hierarchies.

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So for them, they didn't have that united task around gender equality, but there was some unity here.

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And then I'm gonna go continue here getting policy changed as so one of the main differences though is that the earlier generation or the initiator generation, they were much more interested in focusing on getting on legal and policy change.

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And because of that for them, these concepts such as gender equity were great for helping them to convince and get policymakers and policy elites to implement the policies.

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Whereas the innovator generation, they were much more concerned with making this is feminist discourse is more accessible to the wider population.

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So for them, this didn't, really have as much, sense. So a couple of the quotes from Solidad for example.

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I like using equity because it recognizes that gaps exist that obstacles remain in place that holes need to be filled among men and as well as women and that being able to identify these gaps as well as women and that being able to identify these gaps is needed to pave among men and as well as women and that being able to identify these gaps as needed to pave the path to equal

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opportunities. So you see that they're combined in 2 also these different things between equity and equal opportunities.

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But equal opportunities was seen by both generations in this second stage. As something that was a very, useful for holding policy elites accountable.

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So there there was convergence between the 2 generations.

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And then when we, as I said, that for the, yeah, innovator generation, they felt that this was not really there.

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This didn't, for them, their main concern was making feminist discourses accessible to the wider population.

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And one of the ways was they felt that, okay, we need to be able to specify men and women more concretely to make feminist concepts easier for lay people to understand.

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Because they criticize the initiator generation for using the terms that were much more complicated for policy makers that experts could use.

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But not necessarily for the wider population. And so that's why equality for between groups became very important for them.

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And also quality with difference to acknowledge the differences between groups of men and groups of women. And intersecting power differentials.

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And I can see these different, I think these quotes were really nice. Linda from Limashi says a problem with feminism is that it has a series of concepts and theories that are difficult to make concrete.

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I'm not suggesting we abandon them, but this is why it is a problem to reach other persons because they do not know what we're saying.

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In the end, I like talking about equality between men and women because it makes the problem explicit. It's about men as well as women.

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And him in the in the in and in Lima also says from the same innovator generation.

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Equality with different shows that there's not just one type of women, but rather many diverse types, especially as ethnicity as an unresolved issue in the feminine on the feminist agenda, the feminine on the feminist agenda, at least at the national level.

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We are a diverse country ethnically at the vision from the feminist agenda, at least at the national level.

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We are a diverse country ethnically, yet the vision from the feminist movement is only of urban women, seldom including rural or Andean women or analyzing differences according to where women live.

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And then so the in the final stage here. We call re politicizing the fem, feminist, activism.

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And this is because there's 2 key aspects here that are coming from the innovator generation. One is feminist movement as a political movement.

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Anybody can join, not tied to a biological body or a socially constructed gender. And this is a part of also trying to get the, the movement to be, a wider again.

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And then the other was getting flexible definitions of feminist activism because they were concerned that feminist activism had been associated with this professionalized feminist.

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Feminism and they wanted to make it more accessible. So you can see that first I have a dialogue between 2 boys.

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Or young man, I should say, in Why I Kill and Fan says, you know, engaging with women's issues and struggling for the recognition of their rights, it makes you a feminist.

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It unites you. To the struggle. I am a feminist and then Pedro says one time I heard an activist say he was a feminist man and this question remained with me because I thought that feminists were women.

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But now I understand working for women for policies that favor women, eradicating violence against gender as we do here has made me question things.

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As Swann said, we consider ourselves feminists. And then finally, Jimenez says, from Lima says, my goals are to work for a feminist articulation that overcomes definitions of what constitutes the movement.

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It is a mistake to define what a social movement is or what it's not. It's like put in a feminist thermometer that says if you feel this then that requirement then you are a movement.

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So here we can see him in my, in my, in my studies. I'm gonna just run through quickly some make some conclusions here.

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So even though the, there's, so I have these 4 stages and One of the key things here about the stages is that, the initiative generation was the sole protectiveness of self-identified feminism activism for 2 decades prior to the emergence of the innovator generation.

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Which allowed it to develop this track record that stood on its own. And that's the part where it had time, it's had time on its side, we can say, right, and was able to use time in its favor.

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Whereas the innovator generation from its inception, it coexisted with the inception, it coexisted with the initiator generation.

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It had to develop its own track record in the initiator generation. It had to develop its own track record in relation to a generation. It had to develop its own track record in relation to that generation.

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So it had to in some way distinguish itself. In fact, this cohort was mobilized by anti-feminist by the initiative generation.

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So it experienced both inclusion and exclusion from that generation, which led it to pursue its own form of feminist activism.

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But it also, control of time also affected to the type of experiences that they had because they initiated generation clearly had a longer period to accumulate expertise.

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And develop us in a established state stable trajectory, but it also made it sort of like a fixed in its trajectory.

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Whereas the innovator generation, it had a shorter period to accumulate experience but was still early on and more flexible in its trajectory at the time when I was collecting data.

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But then the last is that the control of time as I, shape the sequencing activities of the 4 stages.

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So we see how the initiator generation was a driving force during the first 2 stages. And that focus really on alternative gender relations.

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Whereas the innovator generation was the driving force during the latter 2 stages and focused on alternative feminist mobilizing.

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And I'm just gonna stop there because I think that I've probably spoken. More than my time here.

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I hope that's okay. Yep.

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Thank you. Thank you and not very much for a very nice presentation. And wonderful quotes. I love them.

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Okay.

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Okay, I had one more about that. I got for most of them and I'm very sorry that I it was my first time doing this presentation so I might have been like a little bit whoosh all over the place.

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No, no, no, it was it was very nice. Very nice. Comments or questions? For the onlineers because I guess nobody's in the room.

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Sure, absolutely. Good.

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May I have a question if I can? Yeah, what is more curiosity? I wonder if there is also in this, mobilization there is also a use of the, let's say, pre-colonial past and local pre-colonian epistemology is for example in terms

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of gender relations or gender relations with environment and nature in more eco-feminist terms.

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Or on the contrary, if this was not, the case in yeah. In the mobilization you started, you investigated.

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Yeah, so yeah, absolutely. Yeah. So I mean, I should say I had a very specific.

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I would I usually write it as I am studying a particular sector of the of the feminist movement feminist movements.

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Probably if we're gonna get more specific, they would, I guess we would probably like you said, call them generational units.

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But to just make it easy, I call them generations, but because there are definitely other types of feminism.

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I mean that is one of the big things too. I didn't say at the beginning here is that there is also a lot of research on other types of feminism, both like queer feminism, indigenous feminism, black feminism in both Ecuador and Peru.

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And so this is actually one of the way that I set this up was that I started with this group of women who and a few men from that very initiator generation and a few men from that very initiator generation and started with them group of women who and a few men from that very initiator generation and started with them who were mostly urban, and a few men from that very initiator generation and started with them who were mostly urban, middle, you know, lower middle class

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women. And they didn't have that perspective initially, but as many of them, and this is something that is hard for me to go into detail with, but many of them also began to do work at the grassroots and they all work like in all these or all their organizations worked at the grassroots and had long engagement with different types

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of communities. So they've been informed by that and I think that especially that equality with difference that comes very much from this understanding of that we are a, like a plural, what we call a plural ethnic nation.

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I think that E Ecuador has that. Pro doesn't have that. But those kind of perspectives, that doesn't have that.

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But those kind of perspectives of recognizing, equality with differences really comes up from those experiences really comes up from those experiences of working with, equality with differences really comes up from those experiences of working with indigenous really comes up from those experiences of working with indigenous communities and stuff from those experiences of working with indigenous communities and stuff. So yeah, absolutely.

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So, but I think that, those experiences of working with indigenous communities and stuff. So yeah, absolutely.

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So, but I think that, the, in the younger generation is also very attuned to that as well, or the innovator generation.

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Thank you.

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Thank you, Anna. We have we have another question. Please.

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Oh, okay.

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Yes, hello. Ali is a short name of Alexandra and the name of my computer. Yes.

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Okay.

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Okay, thank you for fascinating presentation and I am especially interested in the notion of time and this. Okay, thank you for fascinating presentation and, I'm especially interested in the notion of time and this, concept of time understanding.

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And if I understood you properly, I'm especially interested in the notion of time and this, concept of time understanding.

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And if I understood you properly, you say that construction of long-term vision, you conclude that, that thinking or linking the past and the future serve to structuring the present yes of the activist and I wonder if you maybe observed something which is maybe more about temporality than about the time, but it is related to the present. I mean, urgency.

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Did you observe some factor of defining the urgency as the impulse for action here and now immediately or maybe contrary to delay.

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Yeah.

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Let's let's wait, wait for our time, etc. Thank you.

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Absolutely, yeah. I think so. And also first I should say is that the way that I'm kind of developing it now, so I've developed the paper more and I couldn't go into all the details but I'm using, you know, Narn talks about this understanding of time that that's important.

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but I'd like to see my analytical framework is in time as I actually in a resource that activist groups used in time as a actually in a resource that activist groups used.

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And as I go in much more detail in the paper because I go in much more detail in the paper because the's used.

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And as I go in much more detail in the paper because I go in much more detail in the paper because the old initiator generation, because they had all this experience and time on their hands, in the paper because the old initiator generation, because they had all this experience and time on their hands, they're able to use it, they had all this experience and time on their hands, they're able to use it in a way to be able to construct a

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past that benefits them. They're able to use it in a way to be able to construct a past that benefits them.

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And this is the drawing And so when we like to better understand like the power differentials between the, the different generations.

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We can do that by going into and looking at time as a resource. But Exactly what you mean is that I think that when the especially that stage get in policies put into practice.

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There is a sense of urgency. First there was the urgency of course the urgency to get the policy changes passed.

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I think they all have a sense of urgency. But at the same time, there's like a combination of we gotta make this change.

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We've got to make changes, but at the same time, I think there's also and there's one quote that I hopped over which I think is really good but they're all very clearly like this is gonna take a long time.

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Everybody said this is gonna take a long time. We need to prepare ourselves and there's gonna be backlashes.

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And this comes I think too from this a culture of militancy from that as you know is very common in Latin America but also you know from the time period of the seventies that carried on into into even now.

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But a sense of that this is going to take a long time. So those things exactly like it goes that they're happening at the same time both the sense of urgency.

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We need to do this now. We need to make sure that like these policies get in place because women are suffering or men are suffering too or non-binary people are suffering from gender hierarchies, but it's also gonna take a long time.

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Yeah. So it's very interesting the time thing I think getting away from, the sort of linear, this is how it happens, but it's more.

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Yeah, the great question. Thank you. Helps me think about it.

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Yeah, that wasn't. Yes, I think it is really important and very interesting when you trade time as resources.

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Maybe it is also limited.

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Yeah. Yeah, exactly. And that's why the urgency.

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Yes, exactly. Yep. And especially that that urgency can be because of something like the environmental crisis, right?

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That we know that we must do something right now. Otherwise, we're gonna be screwed.

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Or it can also be a sense of urgency depending on, for example, for those who are getting older, I have a really an elderly father who I think feels a sense of urgency that every day has to matter.

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You know, he has to do something, because he doesn't know if it's gonna be his last day.

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So I think it's fascinating discussion. Yeah.

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Thank you. Thank you, Anna. If you agree, let's move on. Maybe we can take some other questions afterwards.

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Oh.

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But let's move on to Begonia's presentation. If the That person will.

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Would help us please.

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Yeah. Yeah, Right.

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Hello, I am professor of Beguniangis. Are professor of social anthropology at and I come here today to present you my work on feminist nationalism.

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And future visions. The case of Catalonia. I will start sharing my screen. For you to see the presentation.

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Well, this presentation explores how feminism is envisioned as a desirable future for the groups of the pro-independence left in Catalonia.

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And particularly for Iran and K. In the present context of transnational rise of an anti-teminism.

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Right wing populism and nationalism. I explore how a feminist understanding of gender can resonate in national terms.

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Feminism and nationalism have often been presented as propositional. Nationalist struggles have been considered to further patriarchal regimes.

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But national construction can also be an opportunity to think of alternative feminist futures. Here I explore the role of gender patients of the future in the struggle for independence.

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Through material strategies such as embodiment and the use of very powerful visuals. Effective strategies such as solidarity, protection and care and discursive strategies.

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Such as the indivisibility of social, gender and national struggles conceived in terms of independence socialism and communism.

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These strategies are always referred to a better future. However, as we will see, they face opposition.

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Gender and antideminism have become increasingly present in the European political agendas in relation to right wing populations.

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Here I explore the connections between nation, gender and politics in the defense of an independent socialist and feminine republic.

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By the Catalan radical left. I aim to explore what feminism can do for politics and nationalism.

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And what politics and nationalism can do for feminism. Thinking of nations as gendered. Thinking of gender in national terms and thinking of feminist politics through women's embodied agency situates women's bodies as sites of political struggle and offers an alternative to the egemonic masculineist ways of doing

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politics and nations. This presentation is connected to my very recent publication on Fermi's Futures in the European Union of Women's Studies.

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Ask the black and post-colonial feminist studies have shown. Gender and sexuality have always been a domain where political, economic, social and symbolic power are practised and exercised.

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Gender, civil rights and equality are cornerstones in democratic states. Many offers have suggested that in the current rise of the global right gender gender works as a symbolic glue that brings together heterogeneous components and ideological traditions of exclusionary nature.

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Such as populism, nationalism and religious fundamentalism. I am quoting here at some point for instance.

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And the genderism provides a new powerful language to the nationalist sentiment.

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Anti-gender Connections to nationalism are not surprising. Nationalist projects are gendered and all nations depend on powerful constructions of gender.

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And then the relations effect. And are affected by national projects. Amazing. However, the nation has remained as the least theorized and acknowledged of intersectional categories.

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Rendered through a forum of globalizing transparency.

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May have traditionally been presented as the militarized defenders of the nation, whereas women are the biological and cultural reproducers of the nation.

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And the symbolic barriers of the collectivities identity and honor both personally and collectively. These limited roles are an example of a patriarchal oppression that justifies itself.

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In part by quote connecting women much more closely than men to the body. And through this identification, restricting women's social an economic rules to pseudo biological terms and the quote.

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Decimalising feminist nationalism when it's embodied in agency can reveal women's agency in the process of nationalist movements and agency that has been largely invisible.

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Timid reading nations in feminist terms started in the 1990. Feminists have rendered visible how women's bodies and movements are controlled.

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Polished and regulated for the nation's interests and maintenance. However, because nationalism takes priority over feminism in general, nationalist movements have often disregarded the feminist quest for gender equality or the feminist quest for gender equality or have asked.

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That it be postponed. Many feminists in Catalonia are also militants of pro-independence parties and organisations and vice versa as for example the group, the minister's pro-independentia.

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But the role has been rendered invisible by the general media.

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ESCERA independentependentista, the KI am researching here, there is the Pro-dependence far left, assembles 6 different organizations among which I study Iran and coup.

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Because our brand, the youth organization of Escare Independentista, is the most explicitly feminist organisation as can be seen through their banner at scarcities and other political symbols.

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I also focus my research on coop. Because courts are present in public institutions. With public representatives. All the groups in Escar, Independence D are a grassroots organizations that take all decisions in assemblies.

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Starting in 2,018 I have carried out qualitative research based on observant participation in pro independence demonstrations and up actions.

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I have also undercarriage digital ethnography, a detailed follow up of social media and in depth interviews.

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This presentation is based on 16 in interviews with militants of Iran, 10 members and of 6 members. Let's not turn our attention to their feminist strategies.

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The first strategy they use is to consider that there is a threefold indivisible struggle for independence, socialism and feminism without privileging any of them over the others.

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They depart from the idea that state and patriarchal power go hand in hand. To naturalise their particular vision of the world.

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In the post.

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Their current emphasis on a threefold struggle without privileging nation, feminism and socialism conference the liberal individualist understandings of emancipation.

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That gradually we replaced the more expensive anti-hierarchical egalitarian class sensitive anti capitalist understandings.

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That had flourished in the sixties and the seventies according to Nancy. Let me read a couple of quotes from my interview.

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Tanya, for instance, after rooms. There is a national and capitalist oppression, but there is also a fundamental question we must emancipate from.

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The Patriarchal structure that functions in various ways. We cannot be free if we do not come back patriarchy.

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These 3 axes are oppressions, not discriminations. They need to be equally fraught without subordinating one struggle to the other.

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If there is an intersection of oppressions, there must be an intersection of struggles.

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Paula for instance considers that if you do not fight the 3 of them people will be equally oppressed.

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But by a different state. And this is not about a change of flag. Noia considers that that is why we are not a pro-independence organization.

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We are a pro-independence, a feminist and a socialist organization.

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Another important strategy is embodied feminist politics. Recent feminist work has shown that the apparently neutral party assumed by the liberal state this implicitly, sorry, a masculine body.

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Or legal and political arrangements have men as the model. The fantasy of the modern body politic constituted by the world of men united is not appropriate to women and others who were excluded from it.

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Through the production of gendered political parties. These groups oppose right wing populism, other forms of anti-genderism and Alma schoolist understanding of politics and nationhood by situating the female body as a political tool.

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The connection between women's bodies and their capacities in intellectual and political terms is itself a result of a patriarchal system of subordination, objectification, and hypersexualisation of women.

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In this case, their bodies are also used to delegitimize their political ideas and compromise their ability to run a country.

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Women remain tied to their problematic bodies, whereas it is not programmatic to have a man's body.

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It is the hegemonic, the normal. Women's bodies are the others, says Maria from

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Stigmatized for their peculiar appearance. The in The relation to body ideals, gender expectations and politics does not follow the lines.

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They provide the material and discursive means. To imagine a different body politic and to imagine a different nation that escapes.

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Masculinism, hypersexuality and beauty colonies.

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So is also enacted through other strategies. Through visual hearing touching and other effects and instruments. Music speaking slogans turn our attention to non-visual inputs and expand the communicative possibilities and the collective sense of belonging in their public demonstrations.

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Slogans like Iskalagwita Fleminista. Up feminist struggle or Fuera Rousseau's nostrils.

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Take all rosaries out of our ovaries. Are monitored through the use of megapones and stressed through visual symbols such as graffiti.

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Banners and flags. Assemble together. They shape a feminist ecosystem.

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A peculiar M. Escape. Where multiple struggles are enacted through their bodies.

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Training is also very important in Iran because their members are done. Most training is done through documents, articles and books that are debated in the assemblies.

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But there are also national schools where more ideological issues are debated. They always speak using the feminine gender but to speak in feminine does not make you a feminist.

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That's why they consider they need training to become familiar with class feminism. And intersectionality.

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At all. Some Iran assemblies have offered training in rhetorics for women. After you are generally less confident than men when speaking in public.

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Some Coop Assemblies have offered training in new masculinities. That's what I want to show you here is how they are very active struggling against beauty cannons as you can see on the left.

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This poster says Iria and real beauty canons are Matoist violence. The poster on the right issued by Ko.

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Was the poster to commemorate the 20 fifth of November the International Day against Marxist Violence.

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And shows motorist violence as an iceberg with where some parts are visible but many others are not yet visible.

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How about that? He's particularly active in the fight against Butrekanons, heteronormativity and mattress violence.

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Their commitment is evident in their webpages, their posters, their campaigns and their mobilizations for the age of March for example, 20 eighth of June or 20 fifth of November.

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However, the proposals for a feminist and socialist future face tensions and opposition. They are limited by masculineist models of thinking and doing politics by anti gender politics and by alternative ideas.

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About the strategic importance of class gender and national oppressions.

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In March, the 39, former Deputy Meera Yvoja left the Cook National Board after suffering constant psychological abuse.

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By a fellow activist. Soon after, Cook adopted a protocol to prevent and deal with much of his violence among their activists.

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On March the second, 2,020. Women in Iran denounced Machoist aggressions such as sexual harassment, abuse and gender-based or sexual violence.

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Among EI, Scar, in the V, the activists. On Twitter using the hashtag Mattis EI.

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One July the seventeenth, 2022, Arran Valencia and other Assemblies abandoned Iran to create socialist horizon or its socialist.

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In their first statement. Or it's a socialist that a firm. We communists have the need to develop criticism.

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As an indispensable tool to build a project, They consider that the inclination of certain elements of Bourgeois ideology has led to the devolution of socialist organizations towards reformism and subsequently So social democracy.

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Since that is not a single mention in their manifesto to gender or feminism, we can understand.

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That they consider them parts of the bourgeois project. In their answer to Orito's socialista run.

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Assemblies we affirm their commitment with the three-fold struggle and the importance of feminism.

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Opening quote as an organisation will reaffirm our ideological and strategical principles. Social, national and gender emancipation are the directing principles that guide us for transforming the reality of our land.

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And to achieve a society without classes. They will lead to a construction of a socialist and feminist Catalan countries where the working youth can think of a fair future free from our kind of exploitation.

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And domination.

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The Exploits here, Koop and Iran oppose capitalism, anti-gender and neoliberalism through embodied affected.

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And feminine strategies and emancipatory intersectional feminism. They belong to the Fuckin quotes, new waves of large-scale feminists.

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Queer and anti racist activism. Demonstrating that questions of gender. Sexuality, race and class.

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Are inextricably linked.

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In the port. In a general context of runs of the populist right also in Spain with their right.

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All right, party books is now the third political force. In this context, it is important to attend to pay attention to the many resistances that oppose them and promote an alternative feminist future.

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They imagine a different party party that fractures the hegemonic understanding of nations and politics as competing masculinities.

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Their efforts for the Mutual understanding of feminist nationalist projects can add to the patriarchalisation of politics according to Cantola and Lombardo.

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On to feminist futures, feminist struggle and famous hope. But they also face resistances within as we saw.

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Which are related to the maintenance of masculinist ways of doing politics and different conceptions of the political strategy to be followed.

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In relation to the pre eminence of class. Over agenda. I am very sorry not to have been able to share these presentation with you and not to participate.

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In the debate but I really hope that we will be able to meet some other time. Many thanks for your attention and are very productive from Congress.

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Well, too bad Begonia is not with us. Today.

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Okay.

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Now we will. Turn to our final presenter. Alexandra, please.

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Yes, thank you. Give me a second to show the screen.

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Hold on. Yeah.

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Yes, thank you.

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It's okay.

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Can you already see my screen?

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Yes?

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Okay, thank you very much. Yes, I'm Alexandra Wagner and the short name is Ola.

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Which sounds like I say hello in Spanish. I think it's quite positive and. Yes, but I work, I'm so not just working at a alone in university in Krakow in Poland and In my today presentation, I want to share with you some preliminary result of exploratory research on the European Union strategic documents related

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to the digitalization of energy sector and more generally about the energy transition and it is a part of wider research.

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Program aiming at recognizing the narrative of transition and transformation around the globe specifically at the places related to the global energy value chain and this way I'm going to go beyond the European Union to recognize other may be new and alternative narratives on the future.

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But today I will focus on 2 of the narratives, one who will be related to artificial intelligence.

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As a part of the utilization and the second about more generally about the energy transition and I will try to reconstruct the story that European Union test and exports to other countries under the energy diplomacy and I'm really wonder how these 2, narratives are, yeah, interwined.

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So, okay. So the agenda of my presentation is 2 words about the context and then I will introduce that 3 pillars of European Union energy vision which is threed democratization digitization and the carbonization I will introduce the narrative scheme I used and some details of my analysis and then the So the methodological orientation of

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this part of the research is driven by the recognition of narratives as a significant way of creating meaning by people and it is not only the reconstruct and serious of events but also the way how the events are related to each other and as such it is a key mode of human knowledge but also vehicles and factors shaping social

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imaginaries. And in the context of my research, there are some assumption made about the curved situation in the globe and it is supported by various rebels published in research years.

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So, they report or highlight an increasing polarization of the world in terms of political vision of the future, global competition and the growing sense of growing sense of insecurity and it was many times discussed during this Congress.

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And well, when we look at the European Union climate change mitigation we could say that a European Union climate change mitigation we could say that there are 2 main priorities and climate change mitigation we could say that there are 2 main priorities and climate change mitigation we could say that there are 2 main priorities and the pathways and one is about

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the energy priorities and the pathways and the one is about the energy transition transition to renewables and the pathways and one is about the energy transition transition to renewables and the second is about that digital transformation and it is of course difficult to say that there is one coherent European vision on energy transition because there are many significant and numerous differences between

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member states and we have different energy culture, different resources, infrastructures, political sculpture, etc.

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However, it is clear that the European Union tried to propose some common strategy for energy transition and it is developed under the energy diplomacy.

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So that's why I think that reconstructing what kind of vision it is in for home is important.

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What kind of vision it is in for home is important and relevant, it is in for home is important and relevant, especially that European Union depends on the relevant, especially that European Union depends on other parts of the globe in terms of, especially that European Union depends on other parts of the globe in terms of, minerals

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providing, Right. So, in the general generally in the energy transition, we could say that we have 3 pillars, digitalization, decarbonization and democratization and at least 2 of them, the utilization and the current.

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Has important but have important material basis, but it is not discussed so often as digitalization and decarbonization as general.

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And this material basis include the very rare earth materials like the rare minerals and the rare metals.

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And it is some kind of paradox that we say about shifting to renewables, but this transition path is based on non-renewables, minerals and elements like cobalt for example or littes which are not only rare but there are also very limited on the earth.

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So, it is, more visible recently in the European policy, but not, directly in the energy transition documents, but in other strategies related strictly to this kind of material basis.

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And, we could say that now in European public sphere we could, observe different narratives about the energy transition and post transition word as well.

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And many of them are very positive about the energy transition and post transition word as well. And many of them are very positive.

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So we can see a lot of picture and also transition word as well. And many of them are very positive.

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So we can see a lot of picture and also the last campaign, many of them are very positive.

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So we can see a lot of picture and also the last campaign, provided by European Union, we can see a lot of picture and also the last campaign, provided by European Union and also the last campaign, provided by European Union.

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We are Europe, say about the last campaign, provided by European Union, we are the European Union.

473
01:24:01.000 --> 01:24:10.000
We are Europe, say about the beautiful green word, where nature could coexist with, Europe. And say about the beautiful green world, where nature could coexist with, modern and advanced technology energy technology.

474
01:24:10.000 --> 01:24:24.000
And, of wind farms and a smart cities which are going to be places oriented or securing well being for human beings and in a very comfortable way organizing our daily life.

475
01:24:24.000 --> 01:24:42.000
But there are also other narratives that are they are usually provided by the non-governmental organization and think tanks are they are much more critical about the hidden dark side of the energy transition related to a lot of inequalities.

476
01:24:42.000 --> 01:25:02.000
But also, human right violence and tragic situation in, in Legal, Kobal mining for example, but not only in Legal, also in Legal coal mineings and the fatal consequences for people who are there at the land conflicts etc.

477
01:25:02.000 --> 01:25:11.000
And it is not discussed officially so or maybe it is not discussed officially so or maybe it is not fully recognized in the terms of the policy narratives yet.

478
01:25:11.000 --> 01:25:23.000
When we look at the scientific background, social science and humanities, a discussion about 2 of this, 2, 2, 2 very powerful narratives.

479
01:25:23.000 --> 01:25:37.000
We could say that, these 2 very powerful narratives, we could say that, that this narratives and scientific discussion related to development of artificial intelligence, which is a filler of digitalization now.

480
01:25:37.000 --> 01:25:53.000
There are of course very strong component of technological solution and technological orientation or also economic but also the what was constructed effectively is the ethical lens so we could say that the ethical challenges are recognized and discussed.

481
01:25:53.000 --> 01:26:14.000
Very, but not necessarily the material, basis of that. And, when we look at the energy transition and contribution of social science and humanities, we could say that maybe the main achievement is defining energy transition as socio-technical process, which means that another transition could be understood not only as technological

482
01:26:14.000 --> 01:26:30.000
process, but also a chance for better life as for better word for creating and redefining the social order to have more democracy to have more Oh, in fact, we could say about the 2 main, message.

483
01:26:30.000 --> 01:26:45.000
The one is connected to related to the competitive and innovative economy and the second is related to well-being and that's why we say about the democratization and our diplomacy energy citizen, sustainability, etc.

484
01:26:45.000 --> 01:26:57.000
And, in I tried to see how in different, strategic policy documents published during last 5 years.

485
01:26:57.000 --> 01:27:05.000
This elements are covert and what kind of story is told. So few words about my research. I collect it.

486
01:27:05.000 --> 01:27:10.000
Important. Strategic documents, provided by a European Commission and I group them in 3 groups.

487
01:27:10.000 --> 01:27:30.000
The first one was related strictly to the artificial intelligence development. The second they were documents about the energy transition and it's challenging that third was something between them and it was about the digitization in the energy sector.

488
01:27:30.000 --> 01:27:43.000
And I work with these documents in Max Coda and qualitative data minor first quantitatively to explore and to check some main relations, keywords, etc.

489
01:27:43.000 --> 01:27:59.000
Or I can see some main relations, keywords, etc. Or I can see you some illustration of my work, how I did it, and the I tried to reconstruct the how the text was structuring the top model, topic modeling, etc, and it was made automatically, on the whole bodies of the

490
01:27:59.000 --> 01:28:15.000
documents, but here we can see also the, I work also on the whole body documents but also in the separated group of documents and in second step using that I try to core in qualitative way.

491
01:28:15.000 --> 01:28:24.000
Check carefully, the relations between the world and, the relations between the phrases and to reconstruct the story.

492
01:28:24.000 --> 01:28:33.000
So I started from catalog, the main categories and the main categories was reconstructed based on the quantitative analysis.

493
01:28:33.000 --> 01:28:41.000
So for example, I try to collect, the related to artificial intelligence, related energy technologies.

494
01:28:41.000 --> 01:28:53.000
And as you can see, they were many of them. And it was, also machine learning, Internet of Things, big data, robotics, just enable energy networks, energy storage, etc.

495
01:28:53.000 --> 01:28:54.000
But I also try to reconstruct how it is framed what artificial intelligence needs and what it needs.

496
01:28:54.000 --> 01:29:17.000
It needs new markets. It needs ICT architecture for mass data communication. It needs implementation in essential industries and monitoring the progress upskilling opportunities but also artificial in intelligence needs us so it needs new skills, education, acceptance and talented individuals.

497
01:29:17.000 --> 01:29:38.000
A white corporation, also from academics. Etc. Then I asked, how the artificial intelligence according to the documents should be supported and it should be supported by experts, specialists, governments, national centers, policies, dissemination, uptake of AI.

498
01:29:38.000 --> 01:30:00.000
Key industries. And the final categories was how artificial intelligence could help and in what it could have. So we could see here a lot of things, but there are really technological or economical.

499
01:30:00.000 --> 01:30:18.000
We could we could say that artificial intelligence could in fact help us in building more efficient intelligence could in fact help us in building more efficient intelligence could in fact help us in building more efficient energy governance and in fact help us in building more efficient energy governance and in obtaining more control intelligence could in fact help us in, in fact, help us in building more efficient energy governance

500
01:30:18.000 --> 01:30:37.000
and in fact help us in building more efficient, energy governance and in, obtaining more control over how people use energy, how people, demand energy and energy governance and in obtaining more control over how people use energy, how people, demand energy and how people consume energy and how people use energy, how people, demand energy and how people consume energy and in different sector related to another transport.

501
01:30:37.000 --> 01:30:47.000
circular energy, how people, demand energy and how people consume energy and in different sector related to another transport, circular economy, etc. So generally, artificial intelligence is portrayed as a hell.

502
01:30:47.000 --> 01:30:56.000
And then I used to be very famous for circular economy. And in different sector related to another transport, circular economy, etcetera related to another transport, circular economy, etc. So generally, artificial intelligence is portrayed as a header.

503
01:30:56.000 --> 01:30:59.000
And then I used to the very famous Legendary Transport, circular economy, etc. So generally, artificial intelligence is portrayed as a header.

504
01:30:59.000 --> 01:31:09.000
And then I used analyzing fairy tales, myths, but also other types of narratives which are quite basic and fundamental for our human nature and that's why it is very effective.

505
01:31:09.000 --> 01:31:14.000
So the general scheme is that usually we have some kind of sender and this sender needs a hero.

506
01:31:14.000 --> 01:31:25.000
They and this hero is sent by the sender to get some object or to create something or to achieve the goal we could say.

507
01:31:25.000 --> 01:31:37.000
The goal is important for someone else for some kind of receiver. But the hero needs helpers. So the helper could be some special person.

508
01:31:37.000 --> 01:31:54.000
Magician for example, or it could be the special objects like the magic magic, Alex, for example, or the special objects like the magic, Alex here for example or the special sort or something like this.

509
01:31:54.000 --> 01:32:02.000
Some kind of artifacts, or something like that. Some kind of artifacts. And this, hero, or something like that. So some kind of artifacts.

510
01:32:02.000 --> 01:32:07.000
And this, hero needs to overcome the challenges and this, hero needs to overcome the challenges and to fight with the opponents or with the enemy to achieve the goal.

511
01:32:07.000 --> 01:32:22.000
And what is the about the European Union. So once upon a time there was the European Union. Who wanted to create the innovated digital green and sustainable society for home.

512
01:32:22.000 --> 01:32:32.000
For European Union citizen. Also it needs a lot of things that comes from non European Union citizens.

513
01:32:32.000 --> 01:32:42.000
The better word is created mainly for European Union citizens and it is focused on European Union citizens. And, this, who is the hero?

514
01:32:42.000 --> 01:32:55.000
Well, according to the documents, the agent of change to our hero is industry, governments, authorities and experts also coming from academia to support these changes.

515
01:32:55.000 --> 01:33:05.000
And the artificial intelligence is is the main helper. So artificial intelligence should help them. To achieve the better word.

516
01:33:05.000 --> 01:33:20.000
The question who is the opponent? It's not so obvious because we could at according to that to the documents we could listed a lot of challenges at together related to data protection to cybercrimes and other.

517
01:33:20.000 --> 01:33:39.000
Yes, but we could also try to find maybe more personal enemies. They are not directly named in the European Union documents but we could find and imply that there could be the enemies of democracy or maybe representative of fossil fuel companies.

518
01:33:39.000 --> 01:33:53.000
But, as, so we saw not all, for, not, not, Okay, so the question is at at the end, I ask, artificial intelligence itself.

519
01:33:53.000 --> 01:34:01.000
I asked the question, yes, what is the relations between artificial intelligence and the European Union vision of energy transition.

520
01:34:01.000 --> 01:34:11.000
And this is the answer. So the answer is quite similar to the result of my analysis even if that GPT has no access to the documents.

521
01:34:11.000 --> 01:34:18.000
Yes, if there is at least now there is no ability. Of artificial intelligence to have access to external databases.

522
01:34:18.000 --> 01:34:26.000
So it is based on the rather. Types of narratives circulating around the development in the internet.

523
01:34:26.000 --> 01:34:44.000
And the answer of that GPT is EU policy documents often address the intersection of AI and energy by recognizing the potential of AI technologies to optimize energy system, enhance energy efficiency and promote the transition to clean and sustainable energy.

524
01:34:44.000 --> 01:34:53.000
Sources. And the question is, that of course artificial intelligence is a helper, but is it the whole of the story?

525
01:34:53.000 --> 01:34:59.000
Yes, we can observe that artificial intelligence is a part of wider vision of progress based on the numbers and technological solution.

526
01:34:59.000 --> 01:35:19.000
But according to my analysis in the documents, there is no questions. Or even mentioned of And energy consuming by huge databases and the giant service so artificial intelligence in the future will need a lot of energy itself.

527
01:35:19.000 --> 01:35:42.000
So it's not only optimized the energies but it also needs a lot of energy and it could lead to the situation of competing in terms of energy with other services or daily needs by people and we can observe such a situation for example in Taiwan where it is it is quite small country and there is a big Google data center and

528
01:35:42.000 --> 01:35:53.000
there are some problems with energy because this data center consumes so much energy. And, we could say that there is no mention of material basis.

529
01:35:53.000 --> 01:36:00.000
It is. It is of course information about the new communication architectures and infrastructure that they are needed specific but there is no mention about the rare minerals which are necessary for example to secure memories storage.

530
01:36:00.000 --> 01:36:23.000
Yes. To to have the batteries and the dependence on delivery of rain minerals and the meters from other countries it's not recognized and moreover the citizens of the other countries are.

531
01:36:23.000 --> 01:36:35.000
And moreover, the citizens of the other countries are excluded somehow because there is no recognition of the other countries are excluded somehow because there is no recognition of the extractivism of land conflicts or excluded somehow because there is no recognition of the extractivism of land conflicts of violence of community rights, etc.

532
01:36:35.000 --> 01:36:37.000
There these problems are addressed but not in the strategies of land conflicts of violence of community rights, etc.

533
01:36:37.000 --> 01:36:40.000
There these problems are addressed but not in the strategic documents of European Union, not in this type of narratives.

534
01:36:40.000 --> 01:36:49.000
Okay, and that's all from, from me. Thank you for your patience and, for being here.

535
01:36:49.000 --> 01:36:56.000
Thank you, Anna. Aleksandra, sorry, thank you very much for your presentation.

536
01:36:56.000 --> 01:37:02.000
Are there any questions or comments?

537
01:37:02.000 --> 01:37:03.000
Great.

538
01:37:03.000 --> 01:37:22.000
Yes, there is one. Hi, okay, so. In particular the last part of the presentation, I suggest me, a question or a comment for both things that how it could be interesting to compare this narratives and the pitfalls of these narratives as have been very clearly illustrated also at the end of the

539
01:37:22.000 --> 01:37:35.000
presentation and the narratives and the framing of the crisis. Of the climate crisis of the necessity of the energy transition, you know, devised by the climate movements.

540
01:37:35.000 --> 01:37:53.000
I, that's thing, say, for future or extension rebellion. So because in this case in their narratives the pitfalls of extractivism of this power structure which you know put together capitalism extractivism, colonialism and so on and so forth are very clear.

541
01:37:53.000 --> 01:38:08.000
So I just wondering how it could be, a very clear. So I just wondering how it could be, you know, fruitful also comparing how it could be you know fruitful also comparing this different framing of the climate crisis you know fruitful also comparing this different framing of the climate crisis a transition and so on and so

542
01:38:08.000 --> 01:38:10.000
forth.

543
01:38:10.000 --> 01:38:14.000
Well, that's interesting question and I didn't do it yet, but it's a good idea, I think.

544
01:38:14.000 --> 01:38:44.000
My next steps was I intended to compare this vision with other global players like us and China because this country is compete for example in Africa so I think it could be really interesting. But, this country is compete for example in Africa. So I think it could be really, interesting.

545
01:38:45.000 --> 01:38:59.000
Yeah, yeah, yeah, Yeah. Yeah, of course.

546
01:38:59.000 --> 01:39:00.000
But, yes

547
01:39:00.000 --> 01:39:07.000
Yes.

548
01:39:07.000 --> 01:39:08.000
Yeah.

549
01:39:08.000 --> 01:39:10.000
Yes, because we have intergovernmental perspective and grassroots social bronze perspectives at very different kind of perspective.

550
01:39:10.000 --> 01:39:12.000
Thank you.

551
01:39:12.000 --> 01:39:19.000
Yes, thank you very much. I maybe I could add also that, what I really dream to do, but I need funds for it.

552
01:39:19.000 --> 01:39:49.000
I will apply is also to try and to identify the bottom up narratives from, countries like Democratic Republic of Congo and, on the other hand, from Taiwan, which is responsible for producing semiconductors which are also necessary to achieve the very modern high-tech solution and in Taiwan we

553
01:39:56.000 --> 01:39:57.000
Yeah.

554
01:39:57.000 --> 01:40:05.000
have a several 17 particular groups of indigenous people and they are so the rights to the lands are really hot topic is and it is not huge country and and the production of semiconductors is so important and Taiwan is also in in in that geopolitical tension between China and US, etc.

555
01:40:05.000 --> 01:40:06.000
Yes. Yep.

556
01:40:06.000 --> 01:40:14.000
I wonder how it how this energy transition could be created and where the urgency is born. Yes.

557
01:40:14.000 --> 01:40:20.000
Yeah, yeah, so most affected areas in people and countries. Yes, thank you very much.

558
01:40:20.000 --> 01:40:21.000
Thank you very for your question.

559
01:40:21.000 --> 01:40:39.000
I could also just make a comment I thought was really interesting to the way that in your sorry how you presented this thing about like digital utilization, didn't, what was the other one, Do you have the in democracy.

560
01:40:39.000 --> 01:40:43.000
Urbanization and normalization. The carbonization digitization in

561
01:40:43.000 --> 01:40:48.000
Yeah, decarbonization. Exactly. And then when you come to who's supposed to be involved.

562
01:40:48.000 --> 01:40:58.000
The actors that are supposed to be involved are like businesses, governments, experts. There's really no space there for citizen movements or grassroots movements or social movements.

563
01:40:58.000 --> 01:40:59.000
And I think that that's what is also like what that says about the vision of contention from within.

564
01:40:59.000 --> 01:41:11.000
Like, cause I'm thinking that this panel is about also contention. I think that in the solidarities we build.

565
01:41:11.000 --> 01:41:16.000
And it's interesting what they see are portraying it from these documents.

566
01:41:16.000 --> 01:41:38.000
Yes, that's true. And I even tried to find it by purpose. So I tried to investigate especially for the social actors and sometimes they were mentioned but in a very general way like for example the slogan no no one is left behind yes but or for example for the good of the old citizen.

567
01:41:38.000 --> 01:41:47.000
But, or for example, for the good of the old citizen, but usually they were men as a citizen of European Union

568
01:41:47.000 --> 01:41:48.000
Hmm.

569
01:41:48.000 --> 01:42:12.000
And I can share that just, recently our, prime minister and our government here in Sweden held a meeting exclusively with representatives from the business community and there was a lot of like concern that like there was nobody for no researchers involved like climate they were meeting to discuss as a climate you know decarbonization or climate change or

570
01:42:12.000 --> 01:42:25.000
how to the what it called the green transition the green transition and how and there was nobody else involved no no in like nonprofit organizations, grassroots organizations or social movement organizations and no researchers.

571
01:42:25.000 --> 01:42:32.000
There's a lot of criticism.

572
01:42:32.000 --> 01:42:38.000
Thank you. Any other comment or question?

573
01:42:38.000 --> 01:42:47.000
Okay, when? Well, that's it then. Thank you for your presentations. And enjoy the rest of the Congress.