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Great.

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Okay, so I'm really happy to be here. As one of the co-hosts of the panel and also to be presenting a paper with co-written with Valentino Glockner who can't be here today on minorization regimes in the politics of bordering.

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So I'll just jump right in. Sarah was barely 6 years old when she was intercepted at the precise moment when her aunt who had accompanied her across 4 borders, tried to help her cross through the border wall that divides Mexico from the United States.

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Sarah was returned to Mexico through the same spot in the border wall by US Customs and Border Protection Authorities, both she and her

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I just would like to inform that if you just move your or just make a PowerPoint presenter bigger we can see clearly right now we see many different windows on our screen.

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Huh.

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You're not seeing just the PowerPoint. Okay, thanks. Let me try again.

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You could only a PowerPoint. Okay, great.

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Yeah, that's perfect. Now we see only 4. Also, if you like account, make it bigger.

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Yeah, sorry. I'm working on a very tiny screen. So that's part of the problem here.

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Thank you.

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Better? Okay, yeah.

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There we go. Okay, so back to Sarah in Mexico. Both she and her aunt were detained in later separated by Mexican authorities with Sarah sent to a government shelter and her aunt deported.

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Sorry remained in the care of the state for the next several weeks where it was determined that unlike hundreds of other unaccompanied children and youth trends is transiting through the same institution.

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She required international protection and had to remain in Mexico rather than be sent back to her country of origin. Her personal and family history, her gender, her tender age, and her physical appearance.

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So her white complexion, blonde like hair, and fine features and deteriorated physical condition, triggered protection mechanisms against deportation that many other children and youth in similar situations and conditions are unable to access.

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When we meet, Omar explains that he is 16 years old and he has been in England alone for 4 months.

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He speaks with a profound sense of shock and frustration of being confronted by a wall of suspicion at the British border.

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Fingerprinted and photographed before even being allowed to use the bathroom. As Omar continues, not only speaking about his migration experiences since leaving Kurdistan, but explaining complex geopolitical relations and the inequities he witnessed within and between countries.

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I find myself thinking about how unchildlike he would appear when measured against minority world conceptions of childhood.

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And indeed, after he was processed at the border, Omar was placed in a hostile for adult asylum seekers.

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A place he found scary and unsafe rather than classified as an unaccompanied minor.

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By the state. Trying to make sense of this predicament, Omar explained that after after living rough in the Calais borderlands in France and hardly able to wash or go to the barber.

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The border guards might have thought he looked older than his 16 years.

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These brief glimpses of young people's experiences from our separate field work first in Mexico and in England with children on the move raise multiple questions.

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What does it mean to be made into a minor or a minor minor. How does this process happen and with what consequences?

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To what extent is making of the making of the minor unique to border regimes? In this paper, we suggest that these stories, though separated by over 8,000 kilometers, tell us a great deal about the existence of minorization regimes.

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One that coex, once that coexist, converge and sometimes complement and legitimize the border regimes enrich our research is situated.

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So we introduce the term or the concept minorization regime to highlight the set of multi scalar practices, categorizations, discourses, tools, and readings of the body that are used to turn certain humans into minors and others into non miners as well as produce related individual and collective subjectivities.

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The ways in which these rationalities are standardized and bureaucratized for the purposes of processing, administering, and purportedly protecting minors.

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And the effects on miners themselves, including rendering them visible or invisible, listening to them or denying their ability to speak, subjecting them to systems of enclosure or deportation in the name of care and protection.

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So to elaborate the concept, we use this, we introduce this idea of minorization regimes to think about the ways in which they operate by making certain humans into minors.

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So what appears to be sort of an individual enclosed self-contained identity, the minor is made we suggest through multiple intersecting relations which become sedimented and bureaucratized.

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So ideas about who is a minor are standardized in policy and guidance. So the UK, for example, has an assessing age guidance for social workers.

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Oh.

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And these are bolstered by historically constituted ideas about childhood enacted by street level bureaucrats and border guards such as those facing Omar and others who are just denied status as minors because they have geopolitical understandings.

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Because they can cook and care for others, or even we found in our research they like the color black.

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As well as technologies like x rays of bones and teeth. Making the minor does not simply rely on general or in generational or age categorizations, but classifications of class, race, nationality, ethnicity, and gender and the moral and social meanings attributed to these.

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These produce certain bodies as docile victims and others as risky and suspicion. For example, the way that whiteness, size, knowledge and gender combined to make Sarah into a minor and one constituted is exceptionally deserving and Omar into a non minor.

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Assessment of the body we suggest is key to minorization, but because this often operates in a visual or technological register with x-rays and so forth.

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Meanings assigned to the those aspects of the body which we can see and measure and which appear largely unchangeable by the social world such as facial hair or bone density.

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This way works to make the minor seem a natural and immutable category. Yet the body is a sociobiological construction we suggest.

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It may have a materiality, but it's always read through already racialized structures of interpretation and feeling, such as the way readings of Sarah Petite and fair, features refract through ideas of angelic innocence.

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The mobilization is of expertise is also key. Means to achieving minorization whether through scientific methods or the ways in which bureaucratic knowledge is put to work.

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We're social workers feel that they, know who is a child. As Donna, points out, relational processes must also be understood by their situated purpose and in the context of racial capitalism at rising ethno-nationalism extensive neoliberal structural adjustment and straight state ret retrenchment from public provision.

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My minorization regimes are produced in a context of mutual legitimization and reinforcement with border regimes.

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Rendering someone as a non minor is a way to reduce their potential support, rationalize their detention or justify their deportation as the undeserving adult.

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Those who fit and comply more effectively with the objectives of child protection programs may be rendered minors and subjected to specific ways of understanding and enacting care and protection, including separate from the adults in their lives as in Sarah's case.

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But equally, they may be subjected to force returns to their families for their own good. Even bureaucratic terminology plays a role here.

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So whether called unaccompanied minor or separated child migrants. This relatively new immigration category produces conditions for identifying extreme risks for certain children and young people and not others.

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But at the same time it denies an exercise a racist agency autonomy and the existence of transnational communities of care and solidarity.

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Minorization regimes also are ones that work through a regime of subordination and appropriation. They they work through the figure of the minor.

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There's a violence to the aggressive practice of disputing and disbelieving unaccompanied young people's articulations of age of country of origin or of experience.

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And we view this as akin to stealing subject to it by denying young people's beliefs and practices of childhood, family and care, which in the case of our different research projects includes horizontal practices of support within a mobile commons and viewing transnational care, responsibility and contributions as elements of being moral subjects and good children.

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But these are often treated by hostility in so-called host countries. So we see this.

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Is the way that children on the move make lives and seek to make them meaningful being denied and treated with hostility and suspicion as a form of existential theft.

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Understanding how minorization regimes are built and and work is relevant beyond the space of human mobility.

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However, looking at human mobility and looking at this context allows us to pay attention to their situated operations and productivities with and 4 border regimes.

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And here minorization involves a violent impudent of separation between the minor and non-minor on the move with degrading, dehumanizing and deprivational consequences of being evicted from the category of minor as Omar's experience in the under resourced asylum seeker center for adults at tests as well as

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a violence to being minoritized. In this sense, my minoritization regimes re-figure or reconfigure long histories of subordination, subjugation, and expropriation vis-a-vis the socially produced vulnerabilities and dependencies of children.

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These then are used to justify interventions in the name of care and protection when children are not even a often consulted or able to decide about these forms of care.

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So at the interstices of minorization regime and border regimes, there are euphemisms that function to obscure the violence of protection practices.

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These include separation often across borders of miners and miners as in Sarah's case or miners from each other despite the care we often hear about between young people.

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It involves containment and enclosure and substandard accommodation, generative primarily a for profit for the growing asylum and migration industry as in Omar's case first as a minor and then as an as a non minor and then as a minor.

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Before release and to deportation or destitution as non miners, all in the name of child protection.

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So we're trying, we introduce this concept as a way to think about, opening up what we think we know, conceptually in epistemology.

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So taking minorization regimes as an epistemological standpoint allows us to go beyond the individual register to be able to focus on the relational processes by which the minor is constructed and enacted in the world.

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But also the ways in which it can in contributes to deny, obscure and prevent the existence of something else of what could be.

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This is a way of kind of constraining the imaginaries and What's thinkable about futures?

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We see it having empirically a kind of contribution to make in terms of what we see and how we do research.

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So it draws our attention to the ways in which the minor is produced and the ways in which minor minorization regimes are spatially and temporarily specific, but the ways in which they might kind of move across time and place and intersect with other forms of regimes such as border regimes, which has been our focus.

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And so it challenges us to look beyond the euphemisms that obscure or authorize regimes of violence.

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And finally, we see we are thinking about this concept exploring about how it may change what we do and how we respond as researchers, as activists, as co-protagonists with children.

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It allows us, we hope, to move forward from other related concepts such as adult centrism, adultocracy or adultism, which sometimes engender but form of political pessimism.

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We're depicting adults and children in their relations as sort of unimutable forms of domination and subordination.

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And we see this as moving to think about the ways both miners and non miners are, penalized within my organization regimes.

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And so by recognizing that constructing the young as miners has specific effects in the world in terms of visibility, exclusion, violation of rights, subjection, and existential theft.

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And amplifying resistances to minorization, especially those among adults and children who live, build their lives and resist from the margins.

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We see that there are ways to, to amplify the ways in which they exercise collective violence, agency, and imaginaries of the future.

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Okay.

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Thank you, Rachel and Valentina. Now our next presenter is Marjorie Murray from Chile.

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Her presentations title is Displacements and the Solutions Mothers with mental health problems and everyday violence beyond the caring network in Santiago.

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Now you can share your screen Marjorie and the floor is yours.

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You can see it's great.

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Okay, thank you very much. So here's the title. This is a working progress paper.

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And it's based on 2 case studies that we think allow us to broaden. Some of the ideas were being working for a little while with.

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In this case, she is not mentioned there, but I worked with her on this project. So,

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Oh, sorry. I don't know how to, I think the same problem as Rachel. I don't know how to see my let me just 1Â s.

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Oh my god.

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Yeah.

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Yeah, I didn't maximize mine. I just Looked at both.

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What I can do is,

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But for sailing becomes just press escape on bank. You come. Oh.

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Okay, just a sec. I know what I will do.

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Okay. Sorry for this. Now, okay.

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Yep. Oh, okay. And I can share it. Because I'm going to read from on a different screen.

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So.

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Okay. Can you see?

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Okay.

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Can you see it? Okay. Yeah.

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Okay, so social policies and reproduction in Chile have been built through a maternalist approach that places women as mothers, mediators and providers of care to others.

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While they are rarely read as beneficiaries or the final recipients of care. At the same time, under the concept of market citizens or empowered clients, this model proposes that people can improve their lives.

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If they are able to make juice, rational and responsible decisions about services. And good. Plus, it places a disproportionate burden on women in part because They are the main participants in local organizations and solidarity movements that take responsibility via B and the cutbacks in social services.

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Women are the target of the caring dimension of the state caring. And considered as empowered autonomous and enterprising subjects.

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This leads, in for coding language to a responsibilities as an optical technology. Of the state which operates by internalizing governmentality in mothers.

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Who must take care of themselves as and their close ones. In addition, in the case of Chile, we also have this, configuration of subjectivities.

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Which involves individuals in their capacities and experiences rather than on the interaction with the state institutions. Since these are not spaces of protection or support when dealing with instability and precariousness.

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Plus low income women have the responsibility to perform and a doubly hostile environment. It's historically institutionally.

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They have treated them as the vegetarian subjects. So we move from this like empowering and being deficit terror at the same time and under suspicion.

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And I'm going to go out. This I will skip but basically what we can say here is that the new subjectifications are worth subjectivities in Chile for women have been only studied for the middle classes on the other classes, but not for the lower income classes.

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Which in a way, reproduces, but from an academic point of view, the idea of women as carriers.

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Okay. Women face a happy regenting motherhood. Which is marked by.

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Would we, observe or is a social norm that articulates these historical mandates, the traditional maternalism.

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With the new social guidelines on how to raise children, the intensive parenting, etc. And this new social, guidelines, I'm sorry, the new characterization of in a new liberal chile.

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In this context. We quit when we make the question. Of how the state and families approach women and mothers who are unable to embody such normative scripts for example as a result or as part of important mental health problems.

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We can, what we can learn from women, mothers with mental health problems will hardly fit the demanding facets of what is considered a good mother.

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So I'll go to the case of Marine. Marin is an intelligent. So, 37 year old woman.

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Whose looks are marked by the beauty of her green eyes and also the pain that acne, depression and drug use have left her in her.

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Coming from a low income family, Marina had her first daughter. Who is now 20 when she was a teenager and her mother took the responsibility of bracing her when Marina was spending long hours away between jobs and parties.

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Years later, Marina became pregnant again and this time the boy's father to responsibility of the kid as she was still considered irresponsible.

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2 years ago. She ended up hospitalized for depression when she realized that she was pregnant with her third child with her current partner.

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Then she received mental health support from the locals health service. And she received weekly calls from a psychologist and a social worker who she feels were the only support during her pregnancy.

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They go some, the mental health center was a good help because you felt like you were listened to.

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It is something very good for people who want to value it and who do not deny that they have a disease because I have a depression and I will always have But if I go back to, now that she has a baby, I risk loosen Esmeralda because they will find that my support network is minimal.

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I will skip the a year ago. Due to lack of money, Marina moved into the house of her recently deceased grandmother were an uncle addicted to, Like, and refined, okay.

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And and and Her day to day, a life in the house confronted her with the precariousness, loneliness and displacement.

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From the closest family and especially from her mother. I asked myself, why does your mother judge you for your actions when you eldest daughter, if she's also left you?

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If you have to left her 2 daughters with her grandmother, this is like an intergenerational thing.

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At the same time. She considers that the state has not made any significant contribution as at a critical moment.

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So this is the the state was a piece of shit. One could say of course I don't have my family but of course I have the state but right now with the COVID I didn't have enough money to call.

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And she had no, successful responses. A second case is Lopez, who saw originally from a middle class or origin in Santiago as well and she's experienced since she was very young.

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Residential, educational and family instability. Seen and athletic, her brown eyes and hair look tired, but maintain this jubilee and sometimes childlike looks.

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As a child, little bit was labeled as conflictive. Her violent attitudes were managed by her mother, changing, changing her from schools and providing hempatic pills.

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When years later, she has been diagnosed different public services with personality disorder, bipolar disorder and more recently.

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Key so effectively disorder. Looka became a mother 7 years ago and as a father of the stone moved away and disappeared.

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Her and her mother started taking care of the kid. But now after her schizophrenic sister who's living in the street returned home, she left and left her son with her mother with her own mother.

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Within this context of being put aside from the family, Luppa met Francisco, a man in his fifties.

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Who was giving her some cleaning and sales jobs. And according to him, he realized That's, he couldn't understand how serious her mental disorder was until spending a couple of days with her.

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And she and he led her a room at his father's who's a disabled. A room.

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Unlike Marina, Lupa's relationship with the state has been minimal until until recently. The virus schools she attended were private and private medicine and until she gave birth in a public hospital due to her parents refusal to pay.

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More recently she has been approached by the punitive side of the state under this idea of the caring and the punitive with lawsuits for mistreating her own son in public spaces and a demand by her own father who she pushed.

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It is only in this context that she was forced to be treated as the at the, the health center, but later did not continue with the treatment.

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Lopez experiences confusion and distrust on the health and judicial systems. And, this has been augmented by the expulsion.

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Of her toxic but existing family. And then I could have a reflection on Mother's Day, which is basically what they are displaced from.

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So this is a picture that Marina sent me in Mother's Day and how her family's celebrating Mother's Day without her.

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And all this abundance. Yeah. Okay, these 2 stories confirm a relevant comment threats. The first refers to how the state was strongly rerofigured in the lives of them once they become mothers, of course.

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After being heard, Marina now heard before she had the baby, Marina fears and distrusts institutions while making use of the few tools to look for work or the kindergarten.

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Looper likes and leaves a tragic tragedy of this distance, distant and ambiguous participation in the upbringing of her child.

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In both cases, their problems are accentuated by display displacement of a family. Marina's mother and sisters.

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Who are tired distance from her and their network. Lupa was expelled by her mother to rest their own room.

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And the idea of displacement here, we think, needs to be, worked.

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The relative ostracism to which these women have been condemned to leads us to think about the limits and intertwining between care and control, freedom and abandonment.

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Although Lpe has been displaced, she maintains telephone contact with the aunt. With an aunt, sorry, and a custom.

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And this, if you may real present, Francisco, this guy in his fifties, himself as another caregiver who provides her with a precarious but existing lifeline in face of her life that.

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Is constantly shipwrecked. Marina has been marginalized from the Ker circuit. Circuit of her family and for mother and sisters while bones appear or strengthen with her aunt.

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Do there. Here, I think Sara Pinto, Serbent's work may be useful.

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And she points out that family histories are marked war marked which are marked sorry by psychological problems. In India.

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Confront roles and relationships that tend to be destabilized. Families are transformed into a disordered entity where a love-duty and relationships undergo contest constant readjustments.

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Condensations, dissipations, layering and fishing, restorations and ruptures weaving and fraying.

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And of course, that was a little quote. She actually reflects upon their stable bonds that tend to be solution.

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That is the word she uses. Relationships that are implicated. With a crumbling hole, but in which something always remains.

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Pinto tells us about the possibility of rethinking the photon distinction between the guitarists of care and surveillance, freedom and abandonment.

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Understanding them in a binary and opposing way as if the presence of one and rules the other. Beyond any normalizing reading, what both women show us.

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Is the need to observe and work with, what pinto calls an ethics of dissolution?

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Under this ethic the distinctions between agency and interdependence are altered and both love and family relationships reveal the violence of the breakdown that is intrinsic to their condition.

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The threat of displacement is present in the daily suffering experienced by Marina Lopez and yet there is the plasticity and impairments of the relationships generating interstices.

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And the emergence of intimacy in exclusion. With contract which construct new forms of care never immune to dissolution.

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I'm almost finishing. At times hope as described by Mattingly emerges opening up possibilities in the midst of the dramatic situations.

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However, I hear a quote pinto again. Although the movement offers science of life, we should not see it as anything other than a sign of the relationship of life to death.

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And the many small tests that make up a life. It is only by virtue of what is being left behind, decaying or dying that the ceaseless and irregular flow of both women's lives allows for new encounters and new opportunities to do things.

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Thank you very much.

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Thank you so much, Marjorie. Now our next presenter is Sears. I'm inviting Cardone Girl from New South with his presentation, which is life around the Hookeoo system, debt education and unstable childhood from a framework of slow violence.

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Now let's meet.

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Okay, I guess you will just, okay, let's do that.

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Obviously the presentation right now. Yes, sir, that was it. Hello everyone, thanks for this opportunity.

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I'm Kadungo, a PhD student from New Zealand. Today I would like to share a story about Chinese social children.

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And

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I does not work for children. Okay, now in recent decades, China's economic reform have enabled this country integrate into the global market.

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This integration has resulting more than 171 million workers from migrants from the crew areas to urban areas in coastal cities in China.

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However, due to the restriction imposed by the HOOCO system in English women call it household registration system and the door urban rural system on education to do who carries a rural household registration or rural hospital.

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Cannot access access the public education in the urban areas. As a result, about 61 million children have to have to live in their home now with their grandparents or other caregivers we call it social children.

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Currently research on Yosuo children have have extensively explored the impacts of the Hooker system on this journey.

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However, these studies meaning view the HOOKO system as the main barrier to children's migration since it's registration it's their right to access the public education in areas in China and portraying it as a public education in urban areas in China.

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And portraying it as a structure of violence which forced them to come. And portraying it as a structure of violence which forced them to came as a structure structure of violence which forced them to came the structure of violence which forced them to come in a structure of violence which forced them to came the Lucio.

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However, these studies often consider the effects of the HOOKO system as the static and immediate creating a dichotomy between the Lucio and migration.

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Apart from the immediate the effects, this research further as for the OCCO system has lasting and invisible impacts on these families influencing their everyday lives and aspects of their family dynamics.

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However, due to the, this is a pet of impacts are frequently disconnected from the HOOKO system.

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So our source so this impacts are often overlooked in current studied. So this research aimed to take the Hookel system as lasting and impact lasting impacts on their family family lives and In order to achieve this research aim, this research takes the opening sense, slow violence as its theoretical framework.

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Similar, there is a similar concept as you may know structural violence which which emphasizes life science however the the concept of slow violence emphasized the in baseball and temporal lens of violence.

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Which may help us understand the dynamic childhood experienced by the Chinese social children.

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Actually, in terms of the mass methodology in the last year in the last summer I spent about 6 months to participate in this, this solution, families, family lives in Sutton, in this, family's family lives in Sutton province in a lot of families family lives in Sutton province in China a typical sending area for

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migrant to walk cars. I spend I conduct my field work with in field participants observation including midfield more more than 25 children, 15 grandparents and 6 migrant parents.

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However, due to the time limitation, I cannot I cannot share with you the detail in here.

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Yeah, as as you can see in this box one child child's grandparent expressed his consent to me saying that if he cannot further pursue his that if he cannot further pursue his studies we will fully support him to continue his studies we will fully support him to continue his studies since we also support him to continue his studies since we also know that if

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he can continue his studies since we also know that if he cannot access a university, since we also know that if he cannot access a university, we also know that if he cannot access a university, we are aware that without access to university education most children will end up working in the fact to university education most children will end up working in the factories like their parents engaging

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in most children will end up working in the factories like their parents engaging in hard labour. Actually, in my research, migrants and their family frequently attributed their struck their struggles in their life to a lake of education, their struggles in their life, their struggles in their life to a lake of education.

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The most or migrant workers I encountered has only completed. The most or my migrant workers I encountered has only completed the primary school or middle high school.

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They were, I encountered had only completed the primary school or middle high school. They were often completed the primary school or middle high school.

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They were often employing sweat shops such as shoe factories where they were often employing sweat shops such as shoe factories where they worked long hours from the 8 PM.

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Per week. In that case, this migrant, this mine, this migrants hope escape such life and hopes their children to avoid similar experience in the future.

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And the education and their children's academic performance are viewed as the remedy to escapes such hardship life.

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How many migrant parents have have realized that there is a significant gap between the educational resources between the urban areas and the rural areas in China.

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So they try to bring their children to cities despite their children to cities despite have to face the barrier of the Hoover's, despite them have to face the barrier of the Hookel system.

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And as a result, due to this this burial of the Hooke system. And as a result, due to this parent's efforts, many children experience a transformation between the parents efforts many children experience a transformation between the Lucio children and migrant children.

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For example as you can see in the parents efforts, many children experience a transformation between the Lucio children and migrant children.

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For example, as you can see in the box a transformation between the Lucio children and migrant children.

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For example, as you can see in the box, of experience of my participant. A 15 year old boy in junior high school until the age of 5 only with his parents in the city.

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They live in a narrow room in the factory. However, since when he reached the elementary school age who cannot access the local element elementary school due to the lake of local local.

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Due to the lake of local local in Chandu, a capital city in the Syrian province and had to return to his hometown to live with his grandparents and had to return to his hometown to to to live with his grandparents.

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However, when he was 9 years old, his grandparents. However, when he was 9 years old, his grandparents.

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However, when he was 9 years old, his grandparents. However, when he was 9 years old, his parents were concerned about his education as academic grades began to decline so they paid for him to be enrolled in the Chengdu Elementary School through the back door in Chinese actually is uninigoi and so he was in

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the city during his fourth and fifths. Fifth grade year however due to the cool code system he cannot access the junior high school so we have to transfer back again and live with live with his grandparents again.

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Actually, we can say. We can say whose childhood was characterized by the dynamics and mobility with frequent lens transformation between being a little show to child and a migrant child.

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Actually during my research many children many social children also face similar challenges due to their their parents seek family reunions or better education so they bring their usual children to the cities however due to them cocoa system they cannot access the cocoa system they cannot access the junior high school or high school they cannot access the junior high school or high school as a result they have to return

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to the junior high school or high school as a result. They have to access the junior high school or high school as a result.

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They have to return to them, return to their family, return to their family in the hometown finally.

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This this children has this children have undergone the multiple separation in the temporal dimension leading to a frequent frequently separation from his grandparents, parents and social relations such as such as classmates and friend.

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As a significant form of slow violence. The Hooker system plays a crucial role in this process. Impose, impose a lasting impact on the entire childhood stage of states of these children.

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So, the ocean and migration cannot be viewed as a simple binary observation but complex and interweaven process and the hooker systems impact is not just the immediate emissions impact but the lasting and invisible impact during the hope the whole period of the migrant migration.

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Income chats of youth experience, some children are born in urban areas but are compared to return to their hometowns when they reach the age to access public education such as elementary school or junior high school.

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As we can see shiens experience in the books. Sharon was born in Kumi. A capital city in the NAM province and live with his parents until the age of 11.

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Her father working in the factory and her mother wrong a small convenience store. However, due to the financial conditions and the increasing cost of living and education.

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Her parents cannot afford the sponsorship fee. Sponsorship will be required for the public junior high school.

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A fairy imposed on children without a local vocal. As a result, they have to bring the shen to their their hometown and the levi is he live with her maternal grandmother and living in the year.

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Since the Jungier and Matanu grandparents are both unfamiliar for the Shen, she experienced so fair and disappointing towards such life as a Shen Sawboard in front of me.

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Sometimes, sometimes her feel extremely lonely and and feel and miss their parents in the community.

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As we can see, and we can say. Hence, the ecosystem not just only forces children to become lyoto, but also compare some of children who was born in the urban areas to migrate.

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However, Chinese solution children are often describe as a homogeneous group being left behind or in their hometowns.

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The public media has also depicts them as. The public media has also depicts them as facing the similar social and emotional challenges, the similar social and emotional challenges, creating a uniform image.

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In front of the different challenges and the delivers. However, the public media and poll policy makers and even the current researchers open often overlooked such differences.

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As a result, children encounter frequently changes in caregiver and disruptions in their social networks, contributing this activity and the disappointment towards their daily lives.

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However, how about parenting? Parents failing about their children's experiences. Actually, when I'm faced with the emotional challenges of Leo show children, their parents and grandparents tend to blame themselves because they believe that due to their incompetence.

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As the cause of their children's migration and a lot show. And they often fail to recognise that the role of structure in qualities due to the cocoa system and other types of structural violence and slow violence.

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Hence, the concept of temporality and the delayed effects of slow violence provide us the valuable lens for this research in in exploring the cycling of family separation and view of this type of children.

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The current Chinese social children are experienced increasing level of mobility resulting more dynamics and complex family lives. They present different patterns of migration and a lot show facing the multiple family separation in temporal and the physical dimensions.

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This asks them to adjust the role and strategies to navigate the role and strategies to navigate their every changing family lives.

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And in fact, in this case, This research gives us the dynamic childhood of these children through a temporal lens build their cyclical family separation and reunion as a lasting outcome of the tension between this family and slow values such as Hooke's system.

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Cross samples are saluted or separated events in doing so. This also These are also builds a connection between the children's area they suffering and the slow violence such as who code system.

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It's important to note that although Fukushima played a significant role in their daily life.

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This research does not aim to present a reductionist stand. That attributes all suffering or challenges of these families to the Hooke system.

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Instead this the folks is on the focus of this this research is on understanding the harms caused by the various type of slow violence which gradually unfolds through the interplay of the hooker system and it gradually unfolds through the interplay of the Hooker system and it related slow violence such as educational equality such as educational inequality, pathological

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discourses and it related slow violence such as educational inequality, pathological discourses, and labor exploitation in China.

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The loss of the influence of slow violence will also also extend into the future leading to a new round of family region.

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In fact, family step separation. In fact, giving the current vast economic gap between the Eastern and Western China between the and between the urban and rural area in China.

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Most of the social children I met expressed their hope to future they will walk in the coastal cities in the future to escape their backward hometowns.

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Consequently, it's also Which means that most of neutral children will leave their family and hometown in the future.

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However, their parents were returned to their hometown in the future. However, their parents will return to their hometown in the future.

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I will do to the restriction of cocoa system. We cannot set down in the urban areas. Hence, they cannot set down in the urban areas.

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Hence, this family may face it down in the urban areas. Hence, this family may face the upsetting areas.

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Hence, this family may face the upset pattern or family separation in the future with the upset pattern or family separation in the future with the migrant children or family separation in the future with the migrant children and their allyoto parents.

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Thank you for your listening.

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Thank you very much, With this presentation we really experience how slow violence actually is realized is experienced in different contexts, different geographies and it was quite interesting that thanks to our technical supporters here.

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She or he warned me. She warned me that I just turned this captions on and Fuku was written every time in different words.

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Because it was not recognizable by the algorithm for sure. So, Our next presenter is Online Again, the Irish Marina Madame.

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Now. Just a second, stop by.

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Hello, when else? M We are talking in Spanish, but we have our presentation in English so you can follow it.

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Oh.

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In a No.

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No, Arakandina. Yeah.

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Logan. The Las, Yeah, It. And Okay.

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Be a a partimos, the, It's us, a

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The

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Well.

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Senior Ambu, Term, The and Connor. Okay. Yeah, but the Is he not?

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Okay, Marina, you can share your screen and the floor is your sinker.

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You, He said, B. Tambian, Yes, it can be an for Loki.

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Loganos in Guess. In Boris. Great most the surveillance. Okay, in Oh, Yeah, periculin.

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3. Lavie. The easy, in CN and, The The Nissan Sitamosek, Etikas Orinaras, a located in Okinawa's Shama Etika's Ordinarias, when the and to a cennelia and so context

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to Situal and aKa American.

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And don't say, Let me Initasentio. And, And, And Audra Ref, So, The The

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In effect, or locate. I am a Okay, They are a Yeah, So, No necessary amend the they saw then, or Gauss,s, Cin.

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Ramatica is super POSITIONES. The TIM.

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Get us, yes.

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Queas a Cristina Veronica seage. Ok, Soy bicansas.

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Networking.

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I don't know if that's the Veronica.

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That we are respecting so because It's another last name.

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En sobre.

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No, it's fine.

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A travÃ©s.

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Ok.

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Yeah, I don't think they're here. This is not Veronica, Pacini.

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It's not, they're not here.

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A en a ver Okay, pero soy naciones. Tom Vikans, Arts.

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Cosas. Hasta sacamos.

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Okay, Adamsenkford.

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Han sido Laxemburgo, Park spons Indias Modric Ok.

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Es mÃ¡s, su equipo importantÃ­simo, tu hija benigna es Yrew Good Make and Comman Series Orientales.

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Puselacksay Soundsenk.

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Ok, donde hay.

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Pretexto.

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Thanks. Thanks for the really interesting presentation. I wanted to pick up on the last presentation and this whole question about the absence of the state that you were, introducing from previous research, but also I think trying to complicate or question through this idea about.

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Institutional Eligibility. And one of the things that I was wondering before you kind of introduce that complication was whether it was the absence of the state or what Ruth Wilson Gilmore talks about, which is about actually organized state abandonment.

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Right? So there's a real presence of the state, but a presence in the sense sense of abandoning a particular population constructing a particular population as surplus and then abandoning them, is the way she, frames it, abandoning them to premature death.

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Legibility sorry it's 10'clock in the morning for me so I can't speak very well but alleged illegibility or if you're actually some of what you're showing us is the way the state is actually constructing a particular set of problems.

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But can, constructing it through this active abandonment.

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If, may I or? Should we wait until maybe some other comments? I don't know. Just jump in.

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I'm sorry. And I'm sorry. 8 30 in my in my time space but Very bad calls.

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Happening here. So we are. It is, it is a, a difficult decision.

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How to portray the state in this neighborhood because there is a long lasting policy of inclusion protection and development in these tests.

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Which it goes hand in hand. With the penetration of the NARCO crime. And the difficulties of a long standing.

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Crisis which is not crisis anymore I mean it's 40 or 50 years of that and economical policies that they are left in half of the population in poverty.

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It is It is something that we are always discussing. Because we see a state that is trouble. By this.

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By this population at a state that is populated by this course of rights. At this course of equality in a discourse of social justice.

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But is ill-keeped, equipped to actually do something about it and and because of many I will like to call it perversions in terms of the way that the state is populated by inch by by particular interest and also co-opted by particular particularist.

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Interests and

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Not only that, but at least that You will not develop the type of Falises that will actually Deal with that, you know, put the put the money where your mouth is first to say So is that a failure?

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Of a program that otherwise will work. Or is just in in the nature of this neoliberal governability that is actually had this kind of spirit that is going to eat up and kill half of their children.

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I think it's.

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We are in a complicated point of view because we work alongside so many. State officers that are so.

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Committed to work with the children. They're that they're devoted their life.

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Lives to actually try to save them and with all the moral complexity and political complexity that tried to save them.

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Ringcent.

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De la.

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But I think that the idea of absence of state or necropolitan sometimes are ideas that are that are saying too much and by saying too much say too little and actually Make us not see there's a certain contradictions.

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The third place. And, I like to we like to actually go and focus on that contradiction and see if that is the seed of something different, of some kind of space for these children to actually, to actually demand or transform or politicize anything that is happening to them.

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And we don't have an answer. It's just the pursue of that question.

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EstÃ¡ bien, o sea, privilegio.

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Ok, Youtube. Laxon continuo.

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I can I ask a question? To I think is go. I will like for him.

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I mean, Marjorie and they were chatting by alongside about his presentation that was so interesting about the Hoko children.

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And, if he could elaborate a bit more about what it is, the system and how is, I mean, I, and about the relationship that he is establishing between the long temporality, the slow violence and that system specifically.

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A es sin.

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En soncing. New, Hay un mejor, Desde para que sean Fogoso, You living the of Samsung.

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Y es esto es Michael Schumachering Olio Churchill, ascensible.

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Beatriz College They's of work tan awards to the losting and the in placebook in katsu show and the.

328
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Hay hope isclear. AsÃ­ que.

329
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Thank you.

330
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I really want to thank your presentation. I really enjoyed it and I think it does keep new light on the way traditionally Hokko is explained or used in geography or I don't know.

331
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To explain differentiated citizenship because what I like about representation is that it is not as you were saying. Mentioning just the evidently obvious idea of this differentiated citizenship.

332
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But it does bring to light the the hidden side of it and eventually you could do like a more straightforward discussion with these kinds of reflections.

333
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With the James Holstein's kinds of ideas or previous work written. About differentiated relationships that tend to be the economical.

334
01:14:58.000 --> 01:15:00.000
So I think. I don't know, I haven't read them in depth. I know a couple of stuff.

335
01:15:00.000 --> 01:15:01.000
Written. But I do think you can give giving this new one to interesting angle. So thank you very much.

336
01:15:01.000 --> 01:15:17.000
AquÃ­ estÃ¡ a Mhavitu hiere en ese tiempo de comer.

337
01:15:17.000 --> 01:15:19.000
Excuse me, sorry.

338
01:15:19.000 --> 01:15:34.000
Por quÃ© en el encuestas, Y no es que es un.

339
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I would like to just Thank everybody for the presentations and Rachel and Marjorie.

340
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I find There are your presentations also very compelling and interesting. The minorization regime and there and the idea of the articulation of minorization and border regimes I think is very powerful and I think that brings a new life and a light and you liked actually to the idea of how we produce, how we produce.

341
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Subject of protections with Mobilizing the idea of age, but using some other different tools and that's very interesting and how is not Just related to state and children, but state and children in different and more in different specific interactions mark with specific sets.

342
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Of. Not only legislation and ideas of what should be protected but also how and from what this has to be protected.

343
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I think it's very powerful. And I enjoy it a lot and also Marjorie how I mean, I know that we've read some of your work before, but in terms of the specific this the mental health.

344
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Suffering in women's and related to drug consumption and how that mark the experience of maternity and the identity of a motherhood.

345
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And the failures of the state and I also think that you're going for a very specific and important topic in this moment and

346
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I don't know if it's something that

347
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It is really increasing or it's just the fact that we are starting to see the relevance and the in the prevalence of the mental health problems in young women that are and how the states are dealing with the suffering when this women are poor and they're this woman's heart.

348
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Actually mothers and how that I mean, I think we talked about this before, but. Which has finished, our research for Ones and we found so many moments in which the mental health suffering of the mother turns is categorized.

349
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By the state as violence against children. And the intervention. Basically just bring takes the children away from their mothers and not that they're not providing any help for the women.

350
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So it's. Just. A polling in the minimum.

351
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Ok, derecho.

352
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Thanks. Yeah, just to kind of follow on from Valerie's point. I mean, Marjorie, I was wondering if you could say a little bit about how some of these kind of particular technologies and how they're experienced by women and shaping motherhood the experience of motherhood but also how that they then work on the

353
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institution of childhood. I'm quite, I'm quite interested. You know, I think kind of shifting ideas about motherhood will also shift.

354
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Ideas and experiences of childhood and could you reflect a bit on that?

355
01:19:31.000 --> 01:19:37.000
Oh, thank you very much, Valerian and Rachel.

356
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Yeah, I think well on the first point about by, Malaria, I think one of the ways in which we can start.

357
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Approaching this very hard topics that we try to deal with and these days. Is around the idea of silence.

358
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Y.

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So I think what we experience all the time in these encounters, these encounters with state. Is of course I mean this women were and openly talking to the social workers so the medical professionals until they became mothers once they become.

360
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A suspect and then they silenced themselves and that is a strategic strategy right it's an active agent way of dealing with the state but at the same time You also have different strategies from and the professionals around quieting women when they start or talk too much or go out of the main thing which is talking about children which is what we encounter

361
01:20:41.000 --> 01:21:05.000
all the time so you know my example about this parenting skill programs in which parents are meant to be heard and then what you happens during the sessions is that they are silenced If they don't mention the exact specific, you know, issue of around kids or around, you know, attachment development, et

362
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cetera. And so I think silence and giving an angle to like all that is in between, you know, speaking up and being silent, at the answer or quiet and and maybe an angle for the kinds of words that you guys do and of course I'll do as well.

363
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Â¡Ah!

364
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We go to Rachel's question. I do think that in a way would have been trying to do with moving away from the parenting only and trying to deal with women's subjectivities.

365
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Of course it's not only studying women. It's dealing with the whole thing and right and and in a way.

366
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I do believe that How can I put in English?

367
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And that we as academics have failed to approach those new ways of dealing with childhood. Because we have followed what the state does when everyone does in terms of, you know, dealing with women stereotypes.

368
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And, the only way or the new ways in which both women and children getting more of a voice at least in the case I study in Chile is through like the middle classes and the expressions.

369
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The new definitions of childhood I think are there and one example for example maybe the new burden on older brothers or sisters.

370
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That is something that of course has always been there. But in more like traditional barriers what you would traditionally have is you know like this shared caring many of the women that are not the biological mothers taking care of children are grandmothers or aunties or whatever but then in many cases when families get more like nuclear.

371
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And women want to go out and women go to into the world so to speak and get something different than just the mothering the burden on a children like the older brothers or sisters is very strong and I it's not the work I've done personally but Runata, one of the systems I've worked with she's written a piece on

372
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that. With students in our university who were children that cared when they were children. And I really enjoyed that.

373
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I really liked it as a development from, you know, the very stereotypical idea of, you know, there are cultures in which children care and not questioning that at some point that becomes a burden.

374
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Into children because they have to be responsible. They have to do this and that all just simply because women want to do other things that they didn't used to do but they don't have the network anymore.

375
01:23:52.000 --> 01:24:02.000
And so it's not something I've studied personally, but I do think that there are new issues that come around with this.

376
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New ideas of of women being of course carriers but not only carriers I think there's of course a lot more but that is an example.

377
01:24:19.000 --> 01:24:49.000
En infesso The y, obviamente, genial, The Westons yicos. Mi fÃ­jate.

378
01:25:05.000 --> 01:25:28.000
Mis impresionantes Twitter en la y disfrutar smart Comands en 8.

379
01:25:28.000 --> 01:25:45.000
Hecho poder: Potter Ballence Oson Smith.

380
01:25:45.000 --> 01:25:54.000
Yeah, thanks. Thanks, Kahn. I think you're right to point out that border regimes and minorization regimes even as they intersect are never total.

381
01:25:54.000 --> 01:26:03.000
They're never complete and there are all sorts of violence is sorry resistances that Valentin and I see in our work in Mexico and in the UK.

382
01:26:03.000 --> 01:26:20.000
And I think We can think about anything from. Mobility itself as a resistance, to borders, right?

383
01:26:20.000 --> 01:26:36.000
So mobility that's not recognized or. Facilitated by the state is in many ways an active, I mean, in Dina and I talks about it as an active anti-colonial resistance.

384
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In recognition of the idea that borders themselves are colonial productions. So we can think about. We can think about resistances.

385
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In some of my work, actually children and young people share with each other all sorts of tactics and strategies for navigating the kind of violences around age and minorization regimes.

386
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Things like don't look the border official in the eye. If you look them straight in the eye, they'll think you're an adult.

387
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They think you're too, you're too brave, you're too strong, you're acting as though you're the man of the house or something like that.

388
01:27:17.000 --> 01:27:32.000
So they share this with each other and at the same time as these kind of tropes about the innocent child operate.

389
01:27:32.000 --> 01:27:40.000
There's also I think a tactical use of those tropes if I cry if I know this isn't making up stories.

390
01:27:40.000 --> 01:27:58.000
I mean, I think these are young people who have suffered. And survived in innumerable violences from you know just dispossession and force mobility to the kind of violence that they might experience when they get to the UK.

391
01:27:58.000 --> 01:28:10.000
So it's not that these are fabricated, but We all do acts of performance in different contexts and I think it's about recognizing also that there are some.

392
01:28:10.000 --> 01:28:29.000
Efforts when a system has so many rules of the game about life and death decisions. There's some quite tactical resistances to or ways of trying to navigate tactically those situations.

393
01:28:29.000 --> 01:28:36.000
So yeah, I think there's always gaps and thank you for pointing that out. These regimes are never of violence or never total.

394
01:28:36.000 --> 01:28:49.000
Which is I think a kind of point one of the other paper the last paper was trying to pull out right it's never just violence or just care but actually these are 2 sides of the same coin in many ways.

395
01:28:49.000 --> 01:28:50.000
Yeah.

396
01:28:50.000 --> 01:29:18.000
Bien experiencias. Ya is the beberry clic.

397
01:29:18.000 --> 01:29:36.000
Porque seas Day, invencible a mÃ­ en la the mins es un eso.

398
01:29:36.000 --> 01:30:06.000
Es, son tan complex hoy, etcÃ©tera.

399
01:30:30.000 --> 01:30:36.000
Ok, voy a llamar los Saintsung.

400
01:30:36.000 --> 01:30:37.000
Quedando.

401
01:30:37.000 --> 01:30:39.000
That's cool.

402
01:30:39.000 --> 01:30:54.000
A un conceptofesson chanquete, Ford Audrey the.

403
01:30:54.000 --> 01:31:06.000
Brechos, los santos, Andrews, like the summer of the hall of the Hall, diferentes canciones.

404
01:31:06.000 --> 01:31:36.000
Wallos and kershaw.

405
01:31:40.000 --> 01:31:41.000
Thank you very much.

406
01:31:41.000 --> 01:31:42.000
Thank you so much for hosting there. Yeah.

407
01:31:42.000 --> 01:31:43.000
Thank you. Thanks.

408
01:31:43.000 --> 01:31:45.000
The S SÃ­, yo impulsivo despuÃ©s Okama, ese mechÃ³n, sÃ­.

