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Professor Daisy Onyige: Hi, everyone

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Professor Daisy Onyige: welcome to this session.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: so unfortunately, I can be between person. But I have a fantastic papers. We're gonna listen to some presentations we're gonna listen to today. And our first speaker.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: It's a yes, in

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Milan, Milanese. I hope I pronounced it properly.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: and she's gonna

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Professor Daisy Onyige: in about waste and reproduction on the move

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to reproductive care of immigrants, women in some polo, Brazil. Let's try and keep to time. So the floor is yours.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: Justin.

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Thank you. Good morning. Thank you for the presentation, and thank you for accepting the paper to discuss here.

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this is a post-doctoral research that I'm a conducting Brazil which aims to understand different levels of governance, of the reproductive care of migrant women. It has a designer, a research design of layers of bureaucracies. Starting from the policy documents

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then trying to understand the narratives of bureaucrats and then the interactions, daily interactions of woman and and health care in basic health units. Today, I'm going to share with you a preliminary finding regarding the analysis of policy documents.

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But before going to the data, I would like to give you some context of Brazil

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we have a history of articulation between race and migration policies in the country since the twentieth century, for example, soon after the abolition of slaves.

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We had a crucial policy, aimed at whitening the population and providing permitting the migration in the country of white Europeans. This is one example of how race and migration were intertwined in the history of the country.

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and what has changed is the profile of the policy before it was restricted policies based on race scholar. And now it's open policies accepting migrants.

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not using explicitly, race and colour. But we can see different types of governance depending on the migrant group, and we have seen a shift in the race profile of migrants in the country

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since 2,000 to 12. The majority of the migrant population in Brazil is being socially classified and also classified by official categories of the State

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as black and indigenous migrants, which is really a shift in the wide profile of migration in the country before. So Paulo has been always a setting of arriving our arrival of these migrant public policies, the organisation of political movement. So

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it is considering in the public debate and in the State as a city of right and a model to other cities in the country, in Latin America, to govern the migrant population.

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37% of the migrant population in so Paulo are composed by women, and the majority is a Bolivian and Asian woman, and they in our race relations system are being classified as a black and white woman.

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When the migrant women arrived in Brazil they find a mix of official policies regarding reproductive care. Global withstanders sings the Cairo Conference. In the United Universal Policies we have a public health system.

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and inside the public health system we have a specific affirmative policies based on race and ethnicity to black and indigenous nationals.

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And right now, this month nationwide, it's happening. The National Conference to evaluate the health system, and one political demand that the Government is going to receive is the request for an affirmative policy for the migrant population and

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the migrant movements in so Paulo, they have played a big role in bringing it to the Federal Government. This proposal.

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so, as I said before, in the public debate, some powdo is being presented as a city of a right, and since 2,013 the city government has been implementing in a row 150

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public public policies for the migrant population. So Based on these contacts, I have been the main theoretical approach of the research. intersectionality, reproduction, and the governance of the vulnerable populations by the State.

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And I think that it's interesting to think the intersection of these 3 things ranks race, agenda and migration, because migration with studies

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has not been studying the human displacement based on intersectionality, and also the reproduction field has started to understand reproduction beyond the nation estate so based on this context and these theoretical approach.

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I have asked specifically for this. presentation, which is a paper that I'm Writing. Joseph, be mission is to questions how? The how migrant policies in the city! has portrayed woman in official with statements, and if they statements are intertwined with the Brazilian rationalisation of black and indigenous women.

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So I have a set of public policy documents. They are laws. The the main law in the city for the migrant population and action plans for health.

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but also small papers, such as booklets and guides in basic health units, informing the migrant woman that they are entitled to write. So I can describe the papers based on 3.

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How can I say descriptive categories in terms of gram of inequality, categorization to access health and control of reproduction.

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I will just highlight because I don't have so much time that in terms of grammar, of inequalities, the official statements are adopting a human rights framework and providing access for all the migrants, regardless of their situation in the country, and also mobilising a lot. The principle of equity in health.

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But the main categorisation that is used in the policy documents are vulnerable. groups, so the migrant population is not being portrayed in terms of race and or gender, or its initiative. But in terms of this broadened category of vulnerable groups.

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 so the main priorities in policy documents are those listed here, education register access in their cultural system and reproductive care. I would just highlight the the second one, because this has been

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a really important thing for the city government to collect the nationality of the migrant population

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and to create tools box because you create a collection inside the state. It's really a complex system. It has to be approved inside the state, and then all the documents inside the State, and even the documents of vaccination. For example, when health professionals are interacting with the users of the health system, all of these has to change.

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And so there is this, the notification and collection of these variable has been receiving a lot of attention, investment, and budget to happen, and this has permitted us and the government to understanding the quality among Non-white, and White Mike or not any of the Red Sea. inequality! I have to conclude because of the time. but I you

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Just highlight that in terms of reproduction, the men's suggestion and the official documents is the control of the of the reproduction of a migrant woman, which is similar to what's going on. What happens for a black woman in the country.

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And this control is based in the family plan programs and also in the avoidance of unplanned pregnancy among all my migrants.

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So I will just finish saying that base it in the analysis of documents.

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What we have been finding is a color, blind, universal grammar to access right the rejection of race, the adoption of the variable of a nationality, and there is no narrative of intersectionality in the document.

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But so I'm I'm I'm going to move forward to interview bureaucrats inside the day State, and also to do. To an innography in 2 basic healthy units, and I'm willing to contract a contrast. The grammar of inequality.

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the categorizations and the control control of reproduction depending on the level of this state. So this is what I bring today, and thank you for the attention for the exception, and see you in the debate.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: Thank you so much.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: Thank you.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: can you stop sharing?

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Professor Daisy Onyige: Yeah.

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Would you like me to go to the next presentation?

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Professor Daisy Onyige: Yes, please. The next presentation, I think is why she

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Professor Daisy Onyige: it's a presentation by Yi, I think. Yeah.

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yeah.

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thank you.

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Oh, good morning, everybody. Thank you for having me and welcome to our 10 min 10 min only. I'm watching from Hong Kong Baptist University. I have a co-author, Joe yet from University of Alberta, but unfortunately he's not able to join it. So I'm presenting on our behalf.

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So

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so here's the outline, the introduction followed by the setting conceptual framework findings, and lastly, concrete.

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So research on migration and monitoring has illuminated. How migration experience of mothers reframes motherhood as motherhood is always renegotiated within translational context.

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Traditionally, mothers are expected to be the primary caregivers of their children, and to Paradise the children's well being over, their own existing literature, on migration and muttering tends to focus more on the translational mothers renegotiation of good mothering than their struggles to fulfill the moral ideals of mothering, and our paper will focus more on the everyday struggles of my grandmother's

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in living up to the modern ideals of proximity with children and self, the sacrifices of the mother, and we argue that migration, experience of mothers are simultaneously empowering, but also disempowering, and that the traditional modern ideals are sometimes reinforced to place even greater demand on the Mudges.

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The expectations on them as mothers, often highlight their own well-being. So some setting

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of the research, this research focuses on the mainland Chinese mothers with low household income, who stayed in Hong Kong on temporary tourist visas in order to take care of the children who are born and go to school in Hong Kong. Hong Kong was returned to the Beijing government in 1,997. But under the one country 2. System arrangement

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there are still restrictions for mainland Chinese to settle in Hong Kong. A watershed was the introduction of the Indie widow visit scheme in 2,003 which allowed mainland Chinese citizens to visit Hong Kong on an individual basis. Before that they must

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came we must come as a group.

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And so one unintended consequences of the individual visit scheme was worth tourism which enabled mainland Chinese women to give birth in Hong Kong.

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the number of babies born to mainland Chinese women, skyrocketed from only 620 in year, 2,001. That was about 1% of all babies, one in that year to more than 26,000 in 2,012, and that is all. 30% of all the babies born in Hong Kong in that year.

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and in response to a puppy out, the Hong Kong Government launched a seal policy in 2,013 and banned mainland. Chinese women from giving birth in Hong Kong, and most of our informants came before the band.

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They have a rural and low-income house or background, giving birth in Hong Kong was an attractive option for them for 3 reasons. Primarily. First, they were under traditional patriarchal pressure, and those expectations to produce a son under the one child policy, which was ended in 2,015.

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If their first one was a daughter, they were under tremendous pressure to have a son, however, doing so, we subject them to the severe penalties for violating the one-child policy.

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So childbirth in Hong Kong enable them to escape Sancho punishment, and secondly, securing Hong Kong Id. Card for the children, implies the possibility of their future upward social mobility being a Hong Kong citizen. The children have access to Hong Kong's bilingual education, which means English and Chinese and also internationalized education system.

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and the children will have a higher possibility of studying abroad.

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Thirdly, upon certain conditions, mainland parents could be able to obtain their own Id card, or when their children grew up.

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So data for this research were connected through in-depth, semi-structure interviews, convenience and snowball sampling methods were used in to record interviews through through through Ngos and our person networks. Participants of this research are 26 Mothers, aged between 31, and 51, and they were staying on tourists visa in Hong Kong to take care of their children.

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and while Migration and modeling existing literature on migration and monitoring focus on 2 major groups, the fourth group is to translate your mothers and the second group study moments. But the mothers in our research are quite different from both groups in significant ways. Translation mothers refer to mothers who are separate, who are separated from their children by their own migration.

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They usually migrate for better job opportunities, with an aim to improve their family's financial situation. While studying mama are mothers who accompany their children to study abroad. They are usually middle-class women, wanting to maximize their children's opportunities.

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The mothers in our research are characterized by a mixture of both groups, so they are low-income quality study. Mamas. Unlike the translation mothers, the mothers in our research do not have financial gain

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as a result of migration, quite a contrary, that migration often means Worsening rather than improving their financial situation, and, unlike the study, mama, our informants have very limited capital to mobilize as they migrate, and also unlike study. Mama.

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Well, you should have a very clear goal of accompanying the children for a few years, usually from high school to university. Our informants raised their very young children only a few years of age

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in our, and and they do not have a clear sorry

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they don't have a definite future plan.

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No.

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So we found that our informants required the extension of the existing literature to understand their everyday practices.

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And we have 3 major findings.

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 the the mothers in our research are constantly challenged by these 3 areas. So for the first challenge. Cross-border mothers experience tensions in maintaining their family relationship

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because they left behind their husband older children, parents, parents in law, and other family members in the mainland. When they migrated to Hong Kong on their own. With their younger children they had to navigate the ongoing process of maintaining their marriage, civilizing their older children and performing filial duties to their parents while being separated from the family.

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And I'll give you some examples. The case of Home, who is a mother of 2 children, and she's in her mid fortys.

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She is struggling with being a good wife and good mother at the same time.

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and she started to live in Hong Kong in year 2,012, and after moving to Hong Kong, one of the big changes in family relations is the deterioration of marriage, and she said.

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my relationship with my husband changed a lot when I was in the mainland. We didn't have to spend too much money. But now that I'm in Hong Kong, I have to ask my husband for money all the time, but he doesn't really have much. We've been stressed, always arguing with each other.

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and he's the kind of person who needs me to cook everything for him and feed him. He always as if there are some guys who flood with me, or I will leave him for another guy. He feels unsafe.

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but these are all his imaginations.

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Anyway, we never really talked about divorce before, but now we always talk about one name, and, moreover, Hong's eldest son, who was a high school student born in England, was very unhappy

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about the birth of his younger brother. After the mother came to Hong Kong, the eldest son became reluctant to talk to her, and the relationship was worsening, and the mother said I felt that he changed a lot. He doesn't listen to me any more. He feels like the whole world has betrayed him.

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He thinks this girlfriend is the only one being nice to him in the past. He was my priority. I gave everything to him, and he felt there. The mum loved him. But now I think he relies on the girlfriend because I'm not doing enough for him, making him feel suddenly. And Mom doesn't care about him, and Mom's no longer at home.

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And Mom. sorry they! The mother blamed herself for not being to mother to her older son, and self-blaming is what a common among our informants as they make sense of the struggle with maintaining relationship with their family members in the mainland! They often feel duty about that, but

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none of them questioned, in the first place, why they had to be the one going to Hong Kong for gracing their children. They just took it for granted it must be the mother and not the father.

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and they internalize the patriarchal assumption that a woman should be the one primary, responsible for child rearing and maintaining a family at the same time. So they put themselves in a very difficult position, trying to maintain relationship with the family and try to be a good mother, and and they impose on themselves a series of impossible family responsibility, and feel guilty for not being able to fulfill them.

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And the second finding is about a challenge in replacing past social networks with child centered networks. Moving to Hong Kong means that cross, for the mothers are distanced from their social networks in mainland China. One reason, of course, is the physical distance. Another reason is that they often feel ashamed about their downward mobility as they move to Hong Kong because they are not allowed to work

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and no income. And then they time out time outs. Okay, it's much higher than hometown, are they? And then they embarrass to let their play friends. And know about that.

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Okay, so maybe I'll quickly talk about the last one, and then I'll stop. So the last finding is that they have to sacrifice everything. They feel that because they feel guilty, so they will just prioritize the children and then sacrifice themselves. And so that's why we say that it's a displacement of self as they try to fulfill the IQ modeling in the migration situation. Thank you.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: You.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: So so let's have a next speaker.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: Kazi Shamin Rashid.

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Yeah.

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it should come up.

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Sorry. guys. Oh, okay, hello, everyone. I see I'm cosy, Esther Sheath. I'm a third year Phd. Candidate at Western Sydney University, and I thanks the organizer for accepting my abstract

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at the beginning of my presentation. I would like to acknowledge the traditional owners of the land. And can my respect to the elders, past and present.

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on today, I'm presenting

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to you transnationally married Muslim, Bangladeshi, Australian women's experience of integration into the Australian labour market.

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So I will just give you a context. And who these women are, what's happening.

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So for me, in my research, I have conceptualized transnationally married Muslim Bangladeshi women encompassed women of Bangladesh origin, who migrated to Australia as Spouses of

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Bangladesh, Australian men, or primary migrants themselves.

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or children of migrant, who either were born in Australia or migrated as dependents. and later married someone from Bangladesh.

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So the issue at hand is dominant. Media and policy discourses of the host or Eastern host. Nation homogenize transnationally married Muslim women as cultural victims, disregarding their agency in spouse selection.

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It is also also assumed that the like cultural capital, for example, educational qualification and language skills which may affect their social economic integration into the host nation and potentially impose a burden on the taxpayers

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based on such assumptions, host societies, for instance, the yeah Uk medal and Belgium, and so on restricted spousal or partner migration pulses.

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While a number of research has examined the structural integration experiences of transnationally married Muslim women in the European

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temporary labour, mic. In context, there is a lack of such research on this topic within the Australian context.

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This topic married scholarly attention in Australia, particularly given the substantive level of Islamophobia and concern regarding Muslim integration in Australia, also, intolerance and discomfort with Muslim Australians manifested in concern. If a friend or related married are Muslim.

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moreover, the Austrian Government has also taken conservative position against partner migration, which is the second largest migration and Parliament and settlement stream in Australia.

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So this presentation is part of my Phd. Thesis that aims to address this gap in the scholarship by bringing to the for diversity and complexities of labor, force, integration, experience of Muslim, Bangladesh, Australia, and women who represent

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one of the Muslim skilled migrant communities in Australia.

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I hope my research will unsettle the simplistic dominant discourses.

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and we'll shed light on what is actually happening on the ground.

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And what could be the pathways towards just an equitable integration.

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So research method, I have updated a mixed method approach for data collection that includes 122 surveys and sixteenth century structure interviews.

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My conceptual framework is informed by post-colonial feminism and intersectionality

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survey data has been analyzed using descriptive statistics and interview data has been analyzed thematically.

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So just a quick look at what the survey data says about Bangladeshi Australian women.

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a labor force participation. As you can see, 46.6% of Bangladeshi Australian women have a bachelor's degree and 33.1 person have aosed graduate degree.

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55.9% responded have indicated they speak English fluently, while 51.7% respondents have rated their capacity of written English as fluent.

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73% of the respondents are employed. However, 93% are employed in a job relevant to their economic, sorry academic qualification

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26.9. So percent are professional. But majority of the respondent, which is 52.2% are employed at sales. So service workers.

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community and personal workers and clerical or administrative workers. This data indicates occupational downward mobility among Bangladesh Australian women.

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Another important thing is most respondents, which is 23.7% annual income ranges from 20,000 to 40,000 Australian dollar perrenum. This income range is lower than the Median personal income in Australia, in 2,019 and 20, which stand at 52,338 Australian dollar, and only 6.1 and 8% of the respondents earned from 80,000 to 100,000.

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Now the question is, what are the impediments that contribute to this

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outcome? So, as we can see here.

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So, Aisha, she is a 40 year old Bangladeshi Australian women, she said.

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I got married on the professor that I would continue my study. I wanted to pursue a postgraduate degree, but because of my temporary partner, visa, I couldn't access hexa.

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Then I thought of applying for scholarships.

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but I couldn't apply for scholarship for international students, because I was the spouse of a department and resident, and then I couldn't apply for scholarships for domestic students, because I was not upon one interested in.

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So I decided to wage until I received my permanent Residency status. Otherwise I would have to pay the tuition fee for international students, which was a big amount of money for us, my grants. So I received permanent residency after 5 years of my marriage. By the time I became a mother of 2 kids. So I settled for a customer service job in a ritual bank and dropped the idea of further study.

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Okay, so as this except indicates, like transnationally married Muslim women are not mere cultural victims, as we can see in Aisha's statement, she negotiated her interest during marriage process. She also have aspiration to accumulate cultural capital that missed further education and build a professional career

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which will help gain economic capital. That means they want to stay away from the, you know, at least don't want to be a bar in on taxpayer.

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However, they encounter cumulative disadvantages because of their social position as temporary resident, also lack of economic capital to play the tuition fees and gendered expectation of child bearing and rearing

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other impediments that my

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interviews indicated is that misrecognition of cultural capital. More specifically, professional experience obtained from Bangladesh an over-emphasis on local professional experience and racism. So what's happening in over emphasis on the local

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professional experience one another. One of my interview with her name is Tritti, a year old. Skill, migrant Bangladesh. Australian women completed her bachelor's degree in accounting from an Australian university.

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however, she faced barriers accessing professional accounting job in Australia, due to Emperor's demand for local professional experience. As she said, I had many invitations for job interviews from private accounting firms.

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but got rejected because they were looking for locally experienced people. These companies didn't value my experience and customer service role in the retail industry. So I started taking volunteer roles in community service which helped me to get a job. So these also indicate how the demand for local experts actually, de-skill even women who have got cultural capital from Australia.

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You have 1 min.

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all right. So the last thing is racism. And the interview indicated that more of the face racism, particularly when the sick opportunities for up skilling, such as training, or as prior to advance within the professional hierarchy, and if you just read through this they you will see that both of them try to get professional advancement, tried to get a promotion, but both of them faced Obstacle due to their racial identity.

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So the last thing, some suggestion for better a level for disintegration, of course, indicated by my interviews is recognizing in an institutional form of Bangladeshi cultural capital, which is the educational qualification job experience, increased voluntary voluntary work opportunities, removing residents and status requirement of hex help for partner visa holders, more internship opportunity for international students.

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more workshop and seminar and creating opportunities to utilize Bangalore ethnicity, specific cultural capital.

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This is the referential list I used, and thank you for listening to me. I'm more than happy to answer any question during the Q. And a session. Thank you.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: Thank you.

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Yeah.

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Good morning. Everyone.

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a warm welcome to all the participants here and online, and also to our session chair.

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My study is about gender-based needs. Assessment of ground 0 Marineau idps in Marowa City and its implication for sustainable development programs. So I would like to introduce. Who are the Marinos. The Marinos are seed dwelling people living in Lake Leno and Lakelando is the stories of our power in India now.

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and these people have distant culture, and generally they are Muslim and patriarchal in nature.

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and what you mean by ground 0 during the morale is age, which happened on May 23, 2,017.

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there are 4, 24.

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There are 24 bar and guys which are being affected in Marowi City.

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and this is actually known as ground 0 area. So comprising of 24 Byron guys.

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This particular conflict in Marawi we call Marawi City siege happen in May 23, 2,017, and, in fact, history would tell us that it is the longest and the most intense conflict in Southern Philippines since the

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conflict started in 1976, by the Secessionist movement.

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This conflict lasted for 5 months, and 1, 48 days in particular, when The conflict activist was started by the Islamic jihadist

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that actually was being supported by the Isis.

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a Philippines leader in India. Now I, sister, and now the

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and this group is actually being educated abroad, and when they came back to the Philippines they are already bringing with them the best, you know, violent extremist attitude.

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and together with them are actually there were actually reports that

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they brought with them transnational fighters coming from countries which are actually in alliance with the Islamic state of area of Iraq and Syria

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mit Ctl, and okay, the displacement actually took a toll on the very, very innocent victims. which the department of social welfare and development reported to be around 79,000 families, okay, or about 400,000 people. 2.

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You just can imagine that the displacement for 5 months

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actually had certain address effects on the displaced families economically, socially, emotionally. And the focus of this study is actually about women, children, the elderly.

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and in this particular. Difficult circumstance we can expect. We cannot expect that these that we, these particular groups of individuals, were actually protected. So this study?

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basically, it's focused on the community based equation centers. We mean that these evacuation centers are not are not formal in nature. They are not recognized by the Government. So these evacuation centers are the last priority in the giving of aid and support.

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because they are not the primary considerations during the giving of aid. So just imagine those invacques who are actually a stage in these evacuation centers

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we would have to

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grapple its day in order to leave so based on the initial assessment of the esteemed. This is the agency in charge for the welfare of these evacuis, you know all these. evacuis or idps were actually living in congested vaccine centers which do not need the UN.

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Such are standards. They have poor sanitation. Livelihood is cars or even none, and the support for health, emotional health and psychosocial aspects are actually none or even limited. And there are also cultural factors that

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were exposed to children, especially the sexual violence and exploitation and also ruling. Okay? So because this study is focused on gender. my, my objective basically is to examine the condition of this evacuis

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and their needs in general. The sustainability of the intervention programs provided to them, and their own recommendations. How to meet their needs at the evacuation centers.

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Okay? So the methodology that I use in this study basically was triangulated in terms of data collection using a 124 Survey informants and focus group discussions. And this is being administered in 5 smallest local government unit, which we call Barangai in in the Philippines

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and in a plan on. So this is the local of this study. Ligand City is located 45 min from the one minutes. Yeah, the affected areas in

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morale, is it? Okay? So this is the

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profile of the the findings of the study in terms of their profile. So you just have to take note of what happened to them in terms of their livelihood.

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especially income, you know, that's being reduced to about more than more than even about half no Based on their reckoning in their enterprises in Mauri City. So what are their conditions? So generally? They are.

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actually, very economically, for deplorable. They believe in deplorable conditions, and they just get by through the help of their family, or, if not, they have to.

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they have to

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actually make their make their ends meet by whatever they have. 10. Okay for the day gender base needs. If you could see in the picture the comparing men and women and children, the number one needs actually

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for the parent permanent, so shelter and for

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and for men and women. If you could see in the top 5 needs. We have most for men because of their adherence to the religious faith, and for women, it is for personal care and for the children. It's for the support.

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for their education, for their nutrition and for their schooling and even toys.

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Okay, these are examples of the sites, and then for for the elderly, as you can see here. Still, they need shelters, and because they're all they belong to all their population. They need health care. food, nutrition, and also the moss, and symbolizes their fate.

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There are also other gender-related issues, like early marriage of children, emotional abuse of the idps.

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and also the absence of playground, or even sexual violence against the children, because some of them were reportedly right, and even had experience at the abduction. So what are these sustainable? What are the program? What were the programs that they're given to them? 2 years after they were being displaced?

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The agency responsible for the welfare, actually give them assistance, livelihood, assistance in the amount of 73,000 pesos, or, roughly, $1,300,

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to start off before their relocation back to Marabi City, and in the first month 6 months of their

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displacement, you know, support it coming from agencies. But then, after the first 6 months, they were already left under on this can imagine how difficult the situation is for the Iv piece.

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Okay, so

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and so forth. So there are also supports coming from a non-government organization. So what are their suggestions? They said that there should be gender and culture sentences, culture-sensitive intervention, especially as regards the responders who provided them

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port

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for food, assistance, and even revealing clothes that would actually run contrary to their very conservative

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practice, and also children, spaces for children and culture, culture, sensitive to sustainable livelihood, because generally they are businessmen. So along that line they should be provided

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capital and training and capacity building or skills that would actually enhance their

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tendency to have this business on their own. Okay, for the conclusion, I would like to stress this particular food point.

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The gender needs of these these ids are practical in nature, more economic than strategic and political. The uprooting of the basic economic activities of the IP. So in Maurice City.

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and the poor opportunities offered in elegant city, which is the host city explains why their priority needs are jobs, capital, and even related, concerns. The need to change. The gender power, relations, or access and control of their family resources lie on the remote end of the skin of of a scheme of things.

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That's it. That explains why. Their needs are naturally strategic or political, or perhaps put in the context of the mar on our society. When males have the prominent position in the traditional or religious leadership.

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the structure perpetuating male dominance remain an accepted arrangement in their daily lives. Thus said, structure is understood to operate in their reality. So basically, as I have indicated, as the study would show, that their needs are basically practical, based on their daily needs.

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as I did this. And so now these idps already are relocated in Marawi City, but still in transitions. That's a shelter.

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Thank you.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: So I mean, I you have to upload your work that to me.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: and then stop saying you share your work.

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Dr Mina: Okay, all right.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: not to share it now.

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Dr Mina: Okay, anyway.

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Dr Mina: surely.

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Dr Mina: Well, I can. You see this slip? My screen?

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Dr Mina: Okay.

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I think we have one presentation before.

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Dr Mina: good from here. It is. Good evening, everybody. Good morning.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: Oh, Paul has just presented so nice. Dr. Me. Now, bang! That is presenting.

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Dr Mina: Okay, thank you. Everybody. Good evening. From Nigeria. My name is Dr. Me, you know, Bunker, we're presenting on migration as a tool to address in poverty case study of selected social investment programs in Nigeria, specifically in river States. It's an honor to be here. I extend my one regards to everybody on site and online, and of course, to our chair. This is the topic of my presentation, which is an outcome of a research that was then conducted.

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Dr Mina: So my abstract, basically, you know globally

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Dr Mina: of the 190 million of some migrants in the world. To the almost 50% of females. Many, possibly the majority have moved from and within developing countries. I'm going to speak through and speak to the presentation to make it easier within the timeframe. Now, the integration of the agenda perspective into development policies and programs often contributes to their efficiency and sustainability. So we also know that actually, to end cash transfers

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Dr Mina: and be an important move to for policy, reduction and growth in many States have a little is known about the actual linkages between gender migration products to reduction at the local level and the policies to make these linkages work for over to reduction. The whole idea is what treats that movement. What's mixed them most. Second detail was collected as well. It was a mixed matter of primary. It's a collected by comprehensive review

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Dr Mina: of existing literature on migration over to reduction social investment programs, and the migration development nexus was conducted.

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Dr Mina: Now these people are critically reviews, various projects and status, and confirm baseline for measuring the impact of these processes. He went further to highlight course and effects as the cause and effect. And in the event of working with women, it is key that in empowering women primary means that leaving to areas with that short source of support in form of a variety of support services was key.

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Dr Mina: So in to to look at the introduction generally in a minute migration is that ever green phenomenon that has important implications for economic and social development, for port, origin and destination countries, you know, migration can increase income and reduce probability for migrants and their families, as well as improve their health and a good education outcomes.

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Dr Mina: however, migration can also, until substantial social costs, such as separation, discrimination, exploitation, and human rights violation.

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Dr Mina: you know, and the migration opportunities for the for are often limited to by lack of information, resources, networks, and then, of course, legal channels. So therefore, we talk about migration policies and programs that aim to enhance the benefits. I reduce the cost of migration for the Pope, which I essential for achieving the sustainable development goals.

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Dr Mina: So one way to improve the migration outcomes of the poll is to provide the social investment programs that support their livelihood skills, empowerment and integration, you know. And this is one of the key things to look at.

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Dr Mina: The social investment programs are voluntary contribution to us projects or donations with the primary purpose of

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Dr Mina: contributing to the residents of the environment and communities where migrants originates or, you know, settle. So the social investment programs can be, you know, link implemented by government in this case. Where we did, you say both, you know, secondary, our primary shows that it was implemented by government, some international organizations, private sector, civil society, and often targets. If French, the use of the migration

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Dr Mina: trans its destination or its own.

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Dr Mina: so the keep up presents a case study of some selected session investment programs that aim to address property through migration. So we're going to quickly look at those in, you know. as I p social investment programs and how they influence the migration process. So what are the specific objects is real, quick to examine the rule of migration in poverty, reduction

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Dr Mina: within the context of selected social investment programs to assess the effectiveness of networks and institutions in facility, migration, and supporting poverty with option initiatives within the social investment programs to examine the impact of some selected social investment programs on women and girls particularly, and then to identify the challenges.

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Dr Mina: the best practices and policy recommendations for social investment programs. They need to utilize migration. And as it, too, for addressing poverty.

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Dr Mina: So what I decision investment programs in I, you and the impact on women and girls that we're good to be looking at. You know what goods we're looking at one which is the National Institutional Investment program itself in Nigeria. You know this one. In this case you provides cash transfers. So the whole idea from the outcome which we are. We are we of that critically, and I'll come up with this for sale.

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Dr Mina: People move to where they know they have better opportunities which are resources to, you know, manage their families and sustain themselves. Now the National Institutional investment program in Niger, for example, provides, comes from spas microbes, even school feeding and job creation seems to pull on vulnerable household, including potential and return migrants.

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Dr Mina: You see the Federal Government of Nigeria established the National Social Investment programs in 2,016 to tackle poverty and all that for the country. But it was a lot more effective in some States than what that which makes for us to move into those things, you know, as an opportunity to access those opportunities then, now, this sort of programs, one that, and I said, and as we had the conditional classroom as far you Covid enterprise and empowerment program.

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Dr Mina: That's the Gp program. And then the homegrown feeding or school video program. And all this focus on ensuring a more equitable distribution of resources to vulnerable population, including, you know, children, youth, and women. So since 2,016, these programs combined have supported more than 4 million beneficiaries that is controlled through a fair and transparent to supported by the ministry of the project and national planning, and all that. Not to go. Mt. Is with align goose.

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Dr Mina: and the efforts of this project, or women and girls include increasing their income and set something natural inclusion, it will also, improving their access to education and nutrition, and enhancing their livelihood and economic key things that we may need when it comes to sustain their families.

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Dr Mina: So let's go to some specific ones, real quick, and then we'll be able to highlight. You know how influential these processes have been in terms of migration initiatives. You know the Nigerian, the Nigeria for women.

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Dr Mina: and the Nigeria for women project. That is the end Ofwp. You know. This is in itself.

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Dr Mina: It's strategic long-term engagement between the World Bank and government of Nigeria to support the Government's school of ensuring and agenda equality. So they provide, you know, the economic opportunities. The impact of this project zone and those include like building. That's tissue capital providing there with queues, training and livelihood plans. And it's supporting the innovations and partnership so strengthening. You know their project management and evaluation

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Dr Mina: and learning capacities. That's a specifically for the and Nigerian for women and Nigeria for women, and, you know, projects. You see now the supporting women angles mostly to not trust phone, which is a swag. Mtdf.

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Dr Mina: you do that also had a critical role. At least, you see, like a multi multi-tuno and trust fund.

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Dr Mina: So once you do not. That supports me in social and economic environment through the Nf.

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Dr Mina: you know, it provided the technical assistance to build an ecography staff capacity in key areas, for example, engaging and supervising partners to implement health and gender based wireless training and communications for select women's affinity groups, you know, and also also to a like extent, coordinating lively good pilots for a lot of distributed. So they had an opportunity, you know, to see

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Dr Mina: a social, normally implemented and marketing opportunities were created. So we are going to look at also the

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Dr Mina: specific now to an interesting project that was done also is the Migration and Development Project Mandy. That was in Morocco, but it was also, you know, and stepped down in countries like Nigeria, and here we just harness the potential of migration for lucrative lookments and property reduction by supporting the apartment of my plans to be. And girls, you know, through capacity building and social protection initiatives.

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Dr Mina: And then we have the global compact for safe, orderly, and regular migration. You know, in this case we had safeguarding of decent work conditions provided access to basic services and elimination of forms of discrimination. So all this one also, even the enhancement of consular and assistance was also key. Now the last 2, but not the least to the global excuse. Partnership

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Dr Mina: was also an Iraqi program. In this case in no basket partnership was a, you know, the key impact of this program on migration and development includes increasing the supply and quality of skilled workouts. You know, reducing the cost of a risk of migration, and then enhancing the productivity and competitiveness of firms and facilitating the transfer.

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Dr Mina: And I was here describing, if you look through this in the slides. The importance of this social investment programs.

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Dr Mina: you know, one of the key session investment, Benefits was the 5 that is, help migrants and their families to overcome. The challenges are risk associated with migration, you know, such as poverty or expectation, discrimination, and the rest of them. So we we we look at the impacts. What does the impact in? In? In? In? In a few words, I'll say one of the impacts of the social investment to the and the way move people, you know, to section for this opportunities was one economic empowerment.

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Dr Mina: You know, education and leadership by participation leaders, health outcomes, you know, and all that. What the challenges face to we, this problem, of course, they were challenging, like policy and consistency, sometimes inadequate funding, because we propose needs are often more than we. We know what it was needed for, and then lack of coordination in some areas, lack of monetary and evaluation. This brought us to a key recommendation for which we said, I,

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Dr Mina: you know Aq recommendation is a decision investment program. It needs to align with national local development plans and priorities of Booth origin and destination countries, and take into account the opportunities and challenges of migration for developing and for development through, you know main streaming migration into sector. Our policies, you know, such as education, health, employment, and environment. So, ladies and gentlemen.

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Dr Mina: this showed us, in conclusion, that the case study of selected a social investment program. It demonstrates the potential of migration as it to to addressing poverty. In these people we have explored various initiatives that have successfully leverage migration to elevate poverty and enhance socioeconomic conditions input of the countries of origin and destination. And they will also discover that by enabling and by individuals to migrate to areas, regret

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Dr Mina: economic opportunities. These programs have contributed to increase income, improve living standards and and has access to education and healthcare. Ladies and gentlemen, both on site and on our offline and online. I feel completely proud to present this. Thank you so much.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: Thank you.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: So thank you so much for all the wonderful presentations. I think now the floor is open for questions.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: So the presenters.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: The floor is open.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: I cannot see you. So I can't see who wants to ask the question. And those online. if they also, you can also ask the question, maybe you type it in the chat box

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Professor Daisy Onyige: and the questions right out to the presenters. yeah.

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okay? And

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yeah, so

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see us here just in from you see that

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they don't see the the whole.

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Hello! It's just. I have 3 questions for the presenters.

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We didn't know that people online don't see us in their rooms. They don't know they see like when you're talking here they see you, but when you're on this.

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not very. We can't see you. I'm sorry you can see the room. So But let's I have a question, for

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I have 3 questions

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for the third presenter about the Bangladesh Cassi.

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No, I I would. I will make the 3 questions, and then your so Congratulations for the research! It's a terrific one. But your I I understood that you are your empirical universal is of high, a skilled woman.

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and

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based on the the profile that you presented. I understood them. High high education, high income.

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and if you compare with woman with another, another profile, low income, low education, if they struggles, what are the difference in the struggles of these 2 groups of women?

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And the second question it for our friend from Philippines. So, but so she Do you think that? Is there any multilateral organizations in that camp.

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And if you so, is is an international governance of that group can bring other kinds of outputs just to make a contract with, because I mean looking at a municipal local governance.

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And you to what bring another? local governance. And I think if the role of the presence of international organisations in the camp can can breed a different governance of the population.

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And for our last presenter

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Nina, Nina, she's online

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Mina congratulations for the research also, and for you I have 2 questions. how are you looking for the programs? What are we really analyzing when you were? dealing with this diversity of programs. And what are you comparing? Because it seems for me that some of them are from the Nigerian government, and another part are from the multilateral organizations.

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what are you comparing? What's possible to compare when you are, bring it together, local government and multilateral organisation? Thank you. I will go back to my seat. Sorry you won't see us. but we can see you. You are all be reforming the screen here for us.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: Okay, thank you. So the floor is open. So anybody wants to answer.

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I'll go right quickly to my own to say what we're looking at. Okay, is someone onsite. I see someone onsite. Hi, Hi, I'm Colby again. so okay, so you thank you for for the question. So you said, like, I am looking at the highly education along with the She Australian women, and how their experience is differentiated. Is that right?

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Okay, so

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in my, this is, I actually looked at certain type of women

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transnationally married is the key to.

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So who are actually married to someone from Bangladesh, or who have brought husband from Bangladesh. So there is it

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transnational connection and movement? Right? so

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the demographic data that I presented today did actually emerge from the participants right. I particularly didn't target it like who are highly educated, who are not stuff like this.

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I just wanted to see the diverse Women's diverse experience of integration. And over why, I wanted to see this.

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I actually argued this in my thesis, I'm going to argue is this like, there are a lot of research on transnationally married Muslim women

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integration into the host nation, particularly in European context. But what I notice that there is a repetitive, you know, focus on migrant women who are already low advantage, who don't have much high capital.

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And then it makes sense like, Oh, okay. Because of linguistic, you know, deficiencies in language, skill, or lack of education are pushing them behind, and then whole demograph. Even the men who are they're married to, or who are they bringing. There is a sort of low cultural capital.

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you know. It is predominant in there and then, when we study like British Bangladeshi or Turkeyish, you know Soion, or what, or temporary liver migrant context in Europe. Again and again I felt like, of course, it is not intentional, I I understand, but d sexually reinforced that otherness of non women of color.

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So it it sort of shows that. Okay, they've like this. That's why they are this. You know, they are manner traditional. That's why this is happening to them. It kind of, you know, reinforcing the dominant discourses as well. Right? So I felt like, Okay, where is Bangladeshi, Australians.

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and Bangladeshi. Australian majority of us, I would say, come here as a skill migrant. So we do have cultural capital, and at least Australian government, or the bodies who assess our, you know, degrees and qualification, they say, Yes, you come in, we need you.

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But where are we standing in terms of our level, false outcome.

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And so my interviews, the ranges from there are still migrants, women. There are women who actually came as the spouse, as I said, and there are also women who are of Bangladesh, but who are brought up here. But then I wanted to see that not all the points I raised is applicable to all of them.

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They stand in a different location, social location. And then that intersectionality of multiple social equation actually create diverse positionality among them and their, you know, disadvantage or even privilege. It shifts from, you know, when this move from Australia to Bangladesh, even 20,000 to 40,000 Australian dollar and and is a good income in terms of Bangladesh.

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But this is as I said, it is lower than the Median income in Australia. So you see, if we look their positionality and the power exists, it's constantly shifting.

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does it make sense? Yeah.

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Yeah. So I just wanted to say that one size, feet, all approach cannot work, as you know, integrating women. And, as I say again and again, integration. We need this integration because these women they do have personal aspiration to be something, and it is not relevant to their husband's human capital, or, like, you know, overall household income. Or my husband is earning 100,000. I don't need to go to a job.

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They are not holding those. you know, mentality, or you know the subjectivities. They do have those capacity. And then again, I said, that cultural victim, H, or any women of color who got married. That's maybe an arrangement. It may be a false marriage, you know. They don't have any agency, they don't. They can't think like an individual. This is the, you know. the crystallized, dominant ideas that I wanted to challenge. through my research.

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Yeah.

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any one question. Anyone?

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Professor Daisy Onyige: Yeah. Very. Thank you. So much for that explanation was fantastic.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: Yeah.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: yeah. who wants to respond? Does anybody want to answer that? Or me? And I can respond to the question that was supposed to you.

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Dr Mina: okay? So basically, the question I was fools was asking, okay, so what we're looking at in terms of you know what the comparison of all the issues with. Now. I'm going to do that, you know. It's a very fantastic question. Essentially, what are we seeing here? We're seeing that

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Dr Mina: the push pool they need to be here because people moved

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Dr Mina: in a lot of ways to areas where they had better opportunities, where they had better economic requirement opportunities where they had better livelihood where they had better health care. And I'll use this small story in my home State River States as an example before I related to. You know, whoever is supporting this sip process, it reversed it. Some time ago we had what we call the Free medical care system. It was designed to provide

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Dr Mina: 100% free to any individual and resident in reverse it.

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Dr Mina: I can tell you, without too much documentation. But as researchers, we had evidence, and we record based. Evidence is that people actually moved from different States to reverse state to says those services and move in to claim that they were reverse, indigenous just to access those opportunities

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Dr Mina: you see. So move from as far as they're not from the South, from the East. In fact, most people in the East became reversed in the case, you know, and whatever way they used in getting the identification, the point they, the issue there was. They wanted to access services. So this research was now looking again to confirm from a broader view

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Dr Mina: the to confirm, if yes, and so on. Investment programs actually enhance migration, and so whoever has provided the census B to bilateral agency, the Government, in as much as is providing in Nigeria, in some of the sappy that we provided. Most of it may have been done in the northeast and the south side

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Dr Mina: in as much as 2 special investment programs were taking place.

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Dr Mina: People looked out for those opportunities, and we're ready to move from their current location to those locations, locally or internationally or nationally, to access those opportunities. And this research was to check, if that is empirically true, and that is what exactly. It proved that people went to where they saw it to opportunities they didn't mind if they had to.

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Dr Mina: who long they didn't mind. They had to pay to get. They didn't mind. They had to go

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Dr Mina: go through a lot of soft rings to to change identities, but they have to move because they felt their families would be better off, benefiting from those opportunities that were giving free to the Lookouts in those areas. So both for the recipients and for the drivers of those a side piece. This was confirming this research that people needed better quality of life. And one of the ways was identifying those areas where they had.

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Dr Mina: It's that sustainable opportunities. And then they move towards those areas so as to sustain their families, and it happened to be that we made to the leak in most of this movement what we are trying to discuss.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: Thank you very much for that response. I think somebody wants to respond to our own question, too.

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Yeah, thank you. Nina. Okay, So I am. So from the Philippines. And my friend here is asking about whether

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there is the presence of international humanitarian organisations during the height of the conflict and serving the idps. Basically, we have this disaster and management act in the Philippines.

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in which, during the time of disasters, there should be responders, and the responders have particular roles, and their roles are being clustered according to particular services, like for food and food. It is from one agency

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for health that is, under the Department of health for water and hygiene facilities that could be taken care of by the particular international organization. So

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The coordination of all these responding communities would be under the care of the Department of Social Welfare and Development Office for a formal commit for An education center that is recognized by the government, and there are designated evacuation centers recognized by the Government. It should be a school, a gymnation, or anything, any venue that the Government considered as

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actually the right one. For to house the evacuation in my case for the community-based evacuation centers there is none. So it's really pitiful. And a part of the Idp is just waiting for whoever would be there, giving them certain support.

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Yeah, the all the volunteers who just come in as walk in.

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So that makes it, you know, that's make it very, very deplorable on the on their conditions, really, that they deplorable. So that's why I focus my study on this particular evolution centers in which

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the Department.

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taking care of supposed to be idps, are not around, so they just are assigned camp managers. The elder in that particular area to serve as camp manager, but not basically designated as official one to actually manage all possible

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support from communities.

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Ok, I would like also to last question from you, Mom. you are saying that there are issues about some policy issues about women

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in the country of Brazil, especially the influx of migrants. Are you? Do you have any policy also selecting this migrants.

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so that when they come over they would also be given the equal opportunities and rights once they are given residents to residency status to your country.

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Thank you. And I'm also interested on the motherhood thing of of the Ford presenter, you know I'm amazed. And to know that one of the ways by which People from mainland China wanted to evade the one-child policies to go to

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is to go to Hong Kong. So I I just want to know how how many or what is the percentage of these mothers having these particular pathways to save their families from possible, you know, regulations from from possible repet pre precautions if they would not abide by the one child policy, how many

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and

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 usually they come from higher class, middle class, or some sort of that. Thank you so much.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: Thank you so much. So people coming to answer the questions post to them.

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So yes, for the mothers who came to Hong Kong to evade the one-child policy. They were, in fact, different waves, for for the first wave, mainly we saw the middle class.

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high-income families who could afford their resources, and then somehow, they could navigate their pathway to give birth in Hong Kong. And then well, for those groups of families they really have planned so like they. They have some agent in Hong Kong who prepare everything for them.

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But then, in this third wave. So we began to see really the low-income families on rural areas coming to Hong Kong. And very, they are very different from the first 2 waves, so they they have their limited resources.

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and they didn't have a plan before they come to Hong Kong, most of them just came to Hong Kong to like live with a relative or friend, and to hide until they gave birth to the child and Some of them brought the child back to England and China, thinking that okay, now. well, I I have the third or the second, or the third. So, children, so I just bring them back and then raise them in and China. And that's it.

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But then they didn't. Well, because they didn't have the information, and they didn't know much about the policies that especially the differences in policy under 2 borders when their children were born in Hong Kong, meaning that their children

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did not have the household registration in mainland China, which is called Whoa without, who called? That means the children

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were not entitled to any public benefits in China, so not public skew, no medical benefits. So once they brought back the children to mainland China, and when the children reached school age they phrased a problem

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right? So no free education. And then they could not afford the very high cost of private education in mainland China at that time. So they began to like thing about okay, what? What were the options that were available to them? And in fact, they have very limited choices. So they just okay.

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Well, the the children couldn't wait. They had to go to school, so they just brought back the children to Hong Kong, thinking that the children could have free education because the children were born Hong Kong, and then they were entitled to free public education, not not totally free, but a very low cost a public education in Hong Kong. But then again, they overlook

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the other problem. The cost of living in Hong Kong is so high, and the rent is so high they just couldn't afford the rent. So that that's why they they did have a plan. They didn't have the information, and they did have the resources.

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and that's why they were trapped in a very difficult situation.

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That's it. Thank you.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: I see

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Professor Daisy Onyige: I think those is second.

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So thank you for the question. The questions about how police public policies affect the motivation to migrate.

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As Mina said in her talk, there is the motivation of looking for opportunities among the migrant populations. Better job public services. This is one reason.

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but what? You capture it? Very well, in my research, I mean looking at how, how they state how the public policies increase or decrease the flows in the country. And so you have different policies for different groups. For example, Bolivians. It's a historical flow in Brazil to Brazil since the eighties.

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and this is because of a bilateral agreement between the 2 nations, and it's really a constant migration, and it makes a network of families, and first and second generations of Bolivans in the city of so.

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on the other hand, during the first Lula Government, our President, a lot of agreements with African countries, joy students to enter in their and and universities in parallel to their primitive policies

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for black nationals a lot of bilateral agreements with different countries in Africa, and it increased a lot the flows of student migration.

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And now, for example, for to deal with what is called the Venezuelan crisis in the North Eastern broad borders a huge national task

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to receive a Venezuelans, and to make them go to, to, to the, to other cities what is being called in terrorisation of the country. So different public policies are behind the different flows in the countries.

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So you get it right that I'm dealing here with the role of the state, and not so much with the not personal. But they look the

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when the migrant looks for opportunity, which it's another reason, which is another reason. So thank you. I will be back to my seat now.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: Thank you, is the. I don't know if there's any more questions from the audience for these wonderful speakers.

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I have a question.

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Okay, I can't see if I can hear you. I have a question for Amina. Okay? So your looks into the how different programs could enhance the livelihood and empower the migrants. So I'm interested to know more about how you evaluate the effectiveness. So what are some of the criteria that you use to evaluate? How effective the programs are? Thank you.

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Dr Mina: Okay. So evaluating the programs was one level, you know, because at this point they said, you going to evaluating, you know how good the programs were, but how attractive this programs way to people who needed this services. So in terms of evaluation, we looked at the fact that the more people who, if we had a 10,000 population. And suddenly, you're having 40,000 people, 50,000 people benefiting, based on the outcome of the research. For example.

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Dr Mina: it clearly shows that there has been a lot of participation in that particular program. You see that particular program enjoying a lot in terms of, you know, and people's participation, because they must have seen the overall benefits of that particular sip to them in their in the location in which they migrated to.

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Dr Mina: So the ev evaluating these programs. Like, we have identified the different like, I, I like to about 10 programs, or there, about 10 to one, specifically and discuss it extensively. And you discovered that these different programs are different things to offer if they all free, that in terms of health care in terms of

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Dr Mina: you know, education in terms of livelihood, and really the social protection of opportunities. So you discovered that from the the research we discovered that some of them, some of these programs, you know, had a lot of potential. Some had multiple

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Dr Mina: multifaceted opportunities in one. So many people prefer moving to areas where they had this most simple opportunities in one program as against programs that specifically address maybe things like reproductive health loans or the I address issues of education alone, and all that school feeding programs and all that. So the the outcome in terms of Eval

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Dr Mina: was to this. We observed that where there were multiple opportunities people had increased migration, you know, recorded in those areas.

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Dr Mina: and bearing in mind the number of people accessing the services that we provided by those day. Opportunities. It, you know, and the quality of the services it

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Dr Mina: confirm to through the. We say that this services mix the needs of these people, and for all simple, not socialize the social work Us. Where your primary needs are met, your felt needs are met, and you know your priority needs submit those areas from the results of the evolution should that be provided, the services the people needed which they lacked in their origin, their original areas of location.

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Dr Mina: And that's just one of the things that made us confirm that indeed, people, especially women, looked out for opportunities to enhance the livelihood of families, and also the sustainability of the activities, you know. And they found that in moving to those areas where they can access those opportunities, their lives are better off over time

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Dr Mina: and the policies like I I was very happy. I don't know. I can't remember her name, but I was so proud to hear I I was so excited to hear somebody looking at specific impact on the policies. So again, we didn't go deep into worrying about what are the policies? You know, we're accepting or rejecting, because at this point. Once you have been able to identify yourself as a local or as an individual or as a resident.

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Dr Mina: you are able to access those opportunities because that it was open to residents to look out to indigenous of those areas. So people didn't mind how far they had to move locally, naturally, or internationally, to come and access those programs because the policies did not restrict. As a matter of fact, the policies were inclusively set up.

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Dr Mina: They were even calling for people to come I've come to. They're not. If they're bad people to participate in education, they be able to participate in healthcare, whereas you go to other parts of Nigeria, for example, education is expensive, you know, health care services is expensive. But you come to setting areas in enough. For example, you have free access that will, asking people please, and access this services

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Dr Mina: and take care of yourself. So you see why you have those kind of opportunities where you don't need to. You know, you don't need to go an extra money to provide it yourself. People don't mind that initial capital to spend to go to those areas to accessing those opportunities and see how they can adapt to the environment and find the place, maybe to leave or have to sustain themselves. But they look at achieving those access

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Dr Mina: to those opportunities as being better than the stress they could go through in reaching those areas. So that is one of the things. So the in evaluating these programs, we discovered that a lot of these programs were really of huge benefits to the people that were seeking to access them.

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Dr Mina:  I hope you

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Professor Daisy Onyige: yeah, I had you. I hope she had you, too. Yes.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: Is there any more questions?

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Professor Daisy Onyige: There is a distributed paper I want to put what's going to be. I'm going to put it on the chats, so I don't know how you can. Somebody can download it for others.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: Yes.

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you need.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: The floor is too open for questions.

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Yeah.

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yeah.

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yeah.

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Yeah. There it is. The sorry professor. I just opened this.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: and there's a distributed paper. I don't know.

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It just came in the chat.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: Yes.

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So if anybody is interested, can get can download it for others.

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 The

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so do you want to share your your document. Is that what you want to do?

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Professor Daisy Onyige: No, there's a documents. that sense on the chats.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: So it's a distributed paper. Can they get it?

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Yeah, everyone on the chat can download it now.

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only those on the chance. Yes, only in the chat. Yes, on the app is also available. Now?

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Yes.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: okay.

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yeah.

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Okay.

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Professor Daisy Onyige:  So if we don't have any more questions.

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Professor Daisy Onyige:  are we going? Can I call this session? Can I close this session.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: ladies and gentlemen, may I have your attention

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Professor Daisy Onyige: if there's no more questions, can we close this session?

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Yes.

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okay, hey, Professor, it's just again. Yes, we can close. But before we would like to take a picture, we are. We stand near you in the ice cream if we can open her window. Okay?

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Professor Daisy Onyige: And then who's gonna take the picture? we have somebody to help us here. Yeah, okay, super. So me not.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: are you? There? You have to put your video on.

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Dr Mina: you need to put some money around here.

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Professor Daisy Onyige: Okay, great, I'll be right back. Okay. So you know what you can do. Yeah. Yeah, so let's try and put yeah.

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if you take my quick before I so far will be nice up for it.

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Are you ready? Okay, we line with your face, is it? Okay?

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Professor Daisy Onyige: Wait. It's okay. It does stay like that. So

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Professor Daisy Onyige: so it's we're not sure when they're ready.

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That's right.

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And then we?

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01:31:06.620 --> 01:31:19.609
I think they've taken their pictures.

432
01:31:21.480 --> 01:31:23.130
Okay?

433
01:31:28.300 --> 01:31:29.600
And

434
01:31:53.220 --> 01:31:56.780
bye.

435
01:31:57.000 --> 01:32:01.000
Professor Daisy Onyige: okay, me, now, bye, everyone online.