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Okay. So we start, as always, with the acknowledgment of country

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on behalf of everyone, gathered our small gathering. I pay respect to the spirit of country. Here in Nam, where we are meeting, I acknowledged, and past and present cooling nationwide, and Jerry Wil were as the sovereign people. Here the cultural knowledge holders who maintain and promote the aboriginal law, customs and custodianship, responsibilities for the country

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and the people that country continues to sustain

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generation after generation into the future. For all of us.

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This news from all Phil stops. I recognize the important contribution that first nations thinkers have made to sociology, including challenges to our dominant ways of thinking. We thank all first nations delegates

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for their contributions to knowledge and discipline, and I think we should try to remember first nations, people all over the world, particularly in settle colonial societies, and the knowledge they hold and the ills that have been done to them. So thank you so hopefully, we can now go through our first presentation.

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Stop you!

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I keep forgetting. It's not.

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She's the first speaker of the screen. So can the first speaker please share her screen

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like his jungle?

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Jiangrui Liu: Yeah, sure, no problem.

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And I,

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it's 15 min each, and we we've got 5 papers. So we need to stick to time.

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Jiangrui Liu: Yeah. so can you everyone see my Shiro

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Jiangrui Liu: is my sharing fine.

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Jiangrui Liu: We can see your screen fine.

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Jiangrui Liu: Hi, everyone. And this is Co. Operation with the Dr. Young from Shinhua University, China, and the title is divergence in Chinese sexual attitudes. And we're trying to analyze the evolution of the 26 attitudes with the HP recovery framework.

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Jiangrui Liu: And I'm going to introduce our research following this structure so, firstly.

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Jiangrui Liu: as we all know then, especially in, I think in so college fail. We all know the 6 part is really important part of our life. And you could impact our life quality more to stability and child development. There's a lot of aspects are influenced by sex. And when we talking about China, there is

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Jiangrui Liu: like 20 years ago. There is a debate about 6 year old. Liberation movement in China Academia are arguing that, is there any liberation trained in China, in sex, and since then you drove more atomic re attention until recently

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Jiangrui Liu: and while many scholars have argued, then Chinese 6, your and 2 are becoming more liberal, but we can. We don't know very much about heterogeneity.

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Jiangrui Liu: of course it's you some debate about you, the you we will believe, then, you. So we'll be more all paying 6 right. But some scholars have argued that Chinese youth is not as

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Jiangrui Liu: not that opening as we might think, and I also some discussions about generational disparities and some other competing arguments. So our Christian lies in. Is there any evident or empirical divergence in 6 or attitudes among the Chinese Republic. And what are reasons?

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Jiangrui Liu: So we include 2 perspectives into our study. First, the temporal factors in this perspective we're trying to.

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Jiangrui Liu: That's the effect it very across time.

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Jiangrui Liu: So if we won't argue that in 1,900 sixty- and 2 are becoming more liberal. It is crucial to basis to claim on the observations of change over time.

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Jiangrui Liu: but the changes in attitudes may not be solely due to a linear progression. Right? So there is a why they use the aspirical or framework to understand the the the launch of dialogue, change of public opinion, and the way it comes to Chinese 602.

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Jiangrui Liu: The literature mostly concerns about age. Effect is just talking about how a different age groups could be different and to simply describe the trains across some time in a light of then social, economic and modernization theory contributes to the the traditionalization of values in China.

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Jiangrui Liu: And it's also some discussions from the cohorts perspective. They just lay out some covert differences very simply. So there's obviously the lack of a clear conclusions about the change or trajectory of public sex use to her sex in China.

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Jiangrui Liu: So we propose our Tamperell hypothesis in from the 3 factors. So age per compared to younger people, and we propose the the older things to have more conservative. 6. You, Anton's in the pure effect we propose. The League vote of acceptance in public. 6, you and 2 is generally tends to rise over time. But since Chinese society change dramatically and very dramatically across many these aspects. So we're also

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Jiangrui Liu: proposing this can train may fluctuate, and about a cohort effect. We believe, different cohorts may have profoundly diverse sexual attitudes

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Jiangrui Liu: or so because of the dramatic change in China, and especially we use the dividing line we. We propose that who boy in the late 19 seventies, which is wrong with opening, and we reform a reform, and all pinning up tends to him more liberal, 6 to one to than those 1 4.

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Jiangrui Liu: So from another perspective is a structural factors by this structural factors, we.

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Jiangrui Liu: I think, we. So so first, we believe the age period is kind of a universal court. We can use that to analyze any place, but we have to include some featured factors in China. So we include urban road divide and put in the status which are very

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Jiangrui Liu: important factors in China. So, firstly, urban world divide, China is still a developing country which carries a very feature to realistic urban world divide and social economic stretch for our so shifted by this structure.

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Jiangrui Liu: And there's there is also some existing, a preliminary exploration of that people's sexual attitude.

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Jiangrui Liu: but they usually conclude that the urban people are more liberal

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Jiangrui Liu: But this kind of research, the mostly concerned about homosexuality. there is no other part of the 6 your attitudes included, and we include a rural dividing into our HP record.

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Jiangrui Liu: because we think in that urbanization, is it? Actually, it's kind of process, and it it should be next in a time framework and another, a structure factory is and in

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Jiangrui Liu: in social science failed. public values are, believe it to affect the personal development, access to resource in a subject of well-being and in the field of political science and sociology.

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Jiangrui Liu: scholars are using Chinese membership, part membership to measure the public standards in contemporary China and actually a Ccp membership. It has a very giant base in China there are a and as the end of 2021.

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Jiangrui Liu: There's almost 100 million

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Jiangrui Liu: Csp members in China. So it's actually really a big giant base in in China. But when we're talking about Chinese come to your party is, we have the very tweeted fantasy, because

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Jiangrui Liu: usually Chinese kind of party, especially in contemporary Chinese Communist party. It often recruits people with higher education, or they are elites in their field. So.

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Jiangrui Liu: but in another perspective. higher education could predict liberal training, sexual attitudes, right. So this kind of a very sweet, twisted fantasy. We don't know very much about the meat of P. You stand use in China, and it's fact,

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Jiangrui Liu: sexual attitudes.

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Jiangrui Liu: So here we propose our structural hypothesis of. firstly, in the urban road divide, and we believe, as existing studies.

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Jiangrui Liu: that urban public has more open-source oriented than was from rural areas and about the public standards. Usually

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Jiangrui Liu: we can't see some debate here, but we propose an Sis, may we tend to have more conservative 6 or an to than non-part members? Because our researching only include in pair of payments over the past decade, and the especially over the past decade. Chinese coming party started a very wide anti corruption movement.

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Jiangrui Liu: And it's it's a laid out a lot of disciplines and the requirements on Ccp memberships, behavior and thought.

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Jiangrui Liu: And we believe this kind of requirements works on the behavior management management of Csp membership members.

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Jiangrui Liu: So our data from the Chinese general social Survey, which is widely used by Academia, it's national representative data. And we, including the saving waves of this survey

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Jiangrui Liu: and this survey you, the only target to the population who are aged 18. And above

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Jiangrui Liu: and in this 7, we've survey The 3 types of the 6 or an toes are included which are pre-marri, 2, sixsix, and homosexuality, which is major by one to 5 scale.

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Jiangrui Liu: And our focal predictors are age, period, cohort

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Jiangrui Liu: and urban road divide. And, for example, and we have, we, we based on our data structure. We divide a 6 group of cohorts.

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Jiangrui Liu: And we code divide. And the product stand is is to me verbal in our model, and we also controls a lot of relative or obviously in our model.

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Jiangrui Liu: And the model is we, we use the model we used in our studies. Hierarchy, coherence model is actually why we used it to deal with the identification problem. Since we have HP. Record

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Jiangrui Liu: in in one model a. A. This kind of Hpc model is that is essential multi-level, a model with the affects, the effects of individual level variables and a random intercepts of in temporal units.

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Jiangrui Liu: and to save time because we don't. I don't have very much time. So I just just to report the main results here. I I I don't report the mes large state wise.

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Jiangrui Liu: So let's look at the h effects on sexual attitude here. So

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Jiangrui Liu: from the this figure we can't see. Then the balloon line is the premarital The black line is experimental and homosexuality is a red line.

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Jiangrui Liu: so we can see generally public hands toward per per towards the 3 types of 6 answers are becoming lace, accepting as innovative age. And if we look kind of closely about the slopes of the 3 lines, we can't conclude that age has stronger influence in shipping attributes toward premarital sex. So this is a, it's, it's it's continue to look at the period effects here.

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Jiangrui Liu: So we

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Jiangrui Liu: still the the 3 lines reprint of 3 types of 6 or antitudes.

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Jiangrui Liu: and we can't see there's a upward trend we've but with the obvious fluctuations, right especially, we will look close the end those 3 lines we can see the blue one and the one which are premier to, and how homosexuality we can see if we we see there is a sexual liberation in Chinese public. We can see it happens in a premier to a homosexuality. But

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Jiangrui Liu: we can't see the black line, the as to its word extrameric to 6 have remained a constant video over the past decade.

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Jiangrui Liu: so at least to can to the cohort effects. Here

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Jiangrui Liu: it is just looking at, still looking at the figure that just directly we can't say it's very diverse. We don't see very clear like Rose here, but we, we say it's separately. Firstly, we say the blue line, we can see the premarital 6, a positive associated with younger cohort, like, if you're the born after 19 7 day, they are much more positively with the premiere to a sex. And

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Jiangrui Liu: if we see the black line with. We can see the cohort effect on add suits for extra marital 6 is is relatively stable across different cohorts and a cohorts on answer to our homosexuality. still the red line. Choose the

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Jiangrui Liu: decreasing, then increasing trend.

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Jiangrui Liu: But let's look at this figure in a horizontal way, and we use the 1970 to 1,979 cohort as a dividing line. We can see we're born

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Jiangrui Liu: after China's reform up, I'll I'll reform an open up generate because it's a more liberal a trend which perad is evident divergence in sexual, and to across cohorts.

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Jiangrui Liu: So to better understand. So so he here, above our temporary results, we have, so to

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Jiangrui Liu: further understand the the

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Jiangrui Liu: structure factors we have the inst. To make. We have the estimates of a Hugo, which which is actually urban rural divide. If you have a who, you have a cool Co in urban place, which which means you are in a urban place.

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Jiangrui Liu: So we have the estimates of who can. And the perfect stand is from our shapes and models. Well, here we can see the the urban identity

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Jiangrui Liu: it always has a positive effect with the 3 types of 6 or an to. But the S. Ccp membership it always has a negative effect.

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Jiangrui Liu: they on 3 types of this extra hands. So the the have. This is for 4 and 5 verified. So here we can see in the a temporary perspective. And in this structure perspective, we can see there's obviously a cohort divergence in sexual attitude, and there is obvious. 2 min left. Okay, okay, I I I will make it ahead

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Jiangrui Liu: and and A and I in in Urban and Cs, me, membership. So let's look out to to further explore this adverse effect. We just analyze the joint effect.

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Jiangrui Liu: The urban will divide and cohort and politicians and a core. So here we can see across the 3 figures. The the red line is urban and the black eyes rural. We can see from the elected side, which is pre marital expiry and a home sexuality, and we can't see prep. The rural cohorts before point before in 1,959 more, accepting where, as the urban.

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Jiangrui Liu: a more tolerant than a rural cohorts, or after. Then, when we're talking about extra marital rural cohorts boring in the 1,900 to 1,949 and the 1999 to 2,003. I'm more accepting that they are urban counterparts, which is count for, contrary to other urban chords, and when we look in at home 6 or annotate, we can say urban people born before in 1,969.

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Jiangrui Liu: I'm more exciting about urban courts. has more, have more inclusive attitudes. So if we in in the latest cover. If we live in the urban place, which are actually much more open in sexuality. So here

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Jiangrui Liu: I will make it quick, and that we we have the interaction between pretty extensive and cohorts. So I just reported very obvious fun. An interesting funny here, and we can't see this is still the homosexuality. We can't see the Ccp membership. If they are younger, it has a more positive attitude towards home sexuality which counterparts with the current policy of China, because the the whole policy of China, or it's the same Communist party, is very conservative with the homosexuality. So

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Jiangrui Liu: qu, a quick conclusion of temporarily we find that large divergence between cohorts before and after we form opening up, and that there is potential 6 to out a 6 revolution in China's answer. We're premiered with sex and homosexuality, but not toward extraordinary sex and impact of social change of 680 is much more profound for the urban, and especially to extend this correlates negatively, as always.

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Jiangrui Liu: And this is My presentation is next, everyone. Thanks for your attention and looking for a coming.

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Thank you and thank you for keeping to time. So do we have shower. Can you share your screen?

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Xiaowan Cang: Yes, I'm gonna share my screen. And

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Xiaowan Cang:  okay, can you see it?

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Yeah.

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Xiaowan Cang: okay, great. Okay. So I'm just going to start my presentation. So, Hello, everyone I'm so I'm a 30, a Phd student in areas this at the University of Oxford. So to this presentation about we shipping rep reproductive culture in prone to this, to China, under the 3 child policy.

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Xiaowan Cang: So actually, 2 chapters of my Phd. Faces constitute the whole story of reshipping a a new reproductive culture and due to

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Xiaowan Cang: time limits. In this presentation, I will focus on unfolding a state of visual discourses of the family construction campaign.

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Xiaowan Cang: So I will analyze how the discursive emphasis on families, the promise of building a fertility, friendly society and the prominent list, population control policy intertwined in remoting a bell governmental agenda.

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Xiaowan Cang: So first

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Xiaowan Cang: a little bit background. Here one key dimension of the shift in China's burial political regime is a reverse in the population control policy which has changed the permitting number of legal children from 2 to 3 in 21, and along that the policy change, that the the State has also promised to give substances and launch the post schemes to encourage people to have more than one child.

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Xiaowan Cang: but this had only limited effects, as can be seen in the low fertility rate that has previewed since the 3 trial policy was announced.

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Xiaowan Cang: So, except for that, the State has also disseminated the newly correct beliefs, values, and expectations regarding reproduction which includes promoting heteronomative relationships, institutionalized marriage and video piety and sizing family.

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Xiaowan Cang: Of this the child's into the patriarchal family has become the mayor. And now, to perform the State's wheel. The 3 child policy entails the construction of a fertility friendly society.

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Xiaowan Cang: While it's underlying rationale. It's to build a new era of family fertility and and marriage perception through the family. I'm an education and some of the E. Those construction campaigns. I think that's our definition, as we can see on this photo that was taken in the sub district office. The room I feel to work in Tina. There's a speech made by Presidency present on the wall and don't below some like emphasized female qualities.

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Xiaowan Cang: So this family campaign, together with this, to increase fertility rate, and it still correct marriage and fertility. Perceptions invoke the creation of a new generation of citizens, that is, project to be a strong nation generation.

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Xiaowan Cang: So this term embodies the right of a more conflict in China, picking into the State development to agenda. So this generation of citizens should be patriotic, loyal to the Tcp. I' her into confusion. Values of social and female hierarchy, confirming to moral norms and accepting

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Xiaowan Cang: petrol, coaching the relations and rose. So they are also expected to be physically and psychologically healthy, with few cram and corruption possibilities through parenting efforts in family education. So in China's current pronunciation contacts a proposed slides Neil families. nationalism is emerging. This concept is spared by failure, nationalism, and nail.

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Xiaowan Cang: I need some.

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Xiaowan Cang: It exerts a nationalistic reality, whereby considerations of benefits and advantages of individual families should be in accordance with national well-being and development.

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Xiaowan Cang: Well, families?

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Well, it relies on multiple invisible exploitation and and expectations of women within families.

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Xiaowan Cang: So family is constructed as a primary provider of welfare services, and as a legitimate agency that maintains and reproduces more morally veterans and politically loyal citizens

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for the nation.

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Xiaowan Cang: The 3 top policy seemingly retreats from pervasive and explicit intervention in family lives. However, I discovered how the management of the family I decides for social control persist, and there is this discursive, ideological, cultural, and social protocol manipulation. And also it's tightly related to a pretty find ideal motherhood in contemporary China. So mother, whose virtues and qualities are re-worked and re-emphasized in a pronunciation context.

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Xiaowan Cang: they all to know Women's Federation and the Family Planning Commission persist in the way, position women in this entire family formation and the construction of reproductive desires. We may, I expected to adopt traditional gender roles, following historical routes and values and perform their primary rules as wife's mothers, caregivers, naturals, and family educators.

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Xiaowan Cang: So they are used in this study from multiple resources, including ethnography and interviews into now with with a remedial class for me, and also cadjas in the Family Planning Department, local Women's Federation branches, and the culture and Propaganda Departments. I also know it's official academic, media, commercial and content discourses of the family campaign, and new narrations for today perceptions.

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Xiaowan Cang: So now I will move on to unfold the meetings of the 3 key elements of the coming campaign. First, family here denotes the integration of love for family and love for the country, and the unification of individual aspirations and national goals of modernization.

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Xiaowan Cang: This family stage symbiosis prioritizes the State's unity and prosperity.

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Xiaowan Cang: This connection between and turning and the producing, if you're not in families and serving social particle stability and advancing economic development, it high is highly politicized.

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Xiaowan Cang: So people I expected to carry forward with fun traditions. Should a historical mission take the part in, and the States established goes at their own, let go so on and so forth.

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Xiaowan Cang: And the second element is feminine education.

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Xiaowan Cang: It means that parents should primarily deliver more education to children at their first teachers in life, so that children can become useful people for the country and for the people, and with them families.

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Xiaowan Cang: Parents need to force their children's loyalty. I'll trace them. siftiness with a piety, diligence, ambassadors, physical health, obedience to teachers and parents. the

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Xiaowan Cang: admiration for virtuous people, and they are these, and the pursuit of and into the and and so we add them, for they will ring. Following this

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Xiaowan Cang: instruction, the State announced the family education, promotion law which reinforced his parents, anxiety about their inadequacies of family education skills and increases their demands to system acclaim systematically a queer, relevant knowledge.

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Xiaowan Cang: And, moreover, the option of Women's Federation is to establish the from an education research and the guiding center.

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Xiaowan Cang: and it aims to develop theoretical research, provide systematic training to family education organizations, and can demonstration and popular popularity popularization. Sorry a fax.

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Xiaowan Cang: So this hotel a from an education guide. It has a team of more than 60 experts and scholars and experts in the fields of family education, mental health, safety, education, legal education, and scientific parenting.

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Xiaowan Cang: And

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Xiaowan Cang: the last element a family is those. This is a particular and also interesting. One. family ethos is a complex spiritual, cultural phenomenon that has historical roots and combinations. It involves. a culture

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Xiaowan Cang: invention of the presence that draws on imagine elements of the past. discourses of family ethos are often connected to traditional Chinese cultural notions and classical course.

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Xiaowan Cang: This this causes render and justify the family as a governing unit to orderly and morally manage and discipline its members.

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Xiaowan Cang: While it's Champing's language. The family ethos is also given meanings in the context of his widespread, powerful anti-corruption campaign.

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Xiaowan Cang: So traditional Chinese family spirits are believed to be the ideological foundation of a cracked social evils and the key to achieve successful anti-corruption campaigns

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Xiaowan Cang: and also the core mechanism to supply individual behaviors. And recently the family is of this course, has been extended to a protein, natal waste reproductive culture

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Xiaowan Cang: when reporting local efforts to build a fertility. Friendly society people still suggest, by promoting a healthy and positive marriage and fertility culture and supporting the optimized fertility policy, necessary

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Xiaowan Cang: emphasize family development concepts like the appropriate age for marriage and child bearing

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Xiaowan Cang: and the family. How many

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Xiaowan Cang: so the families Planning Association also launched an initiative proposal

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Xiaowan Cang: for the construction of new era, marriage and fertility, culture, and appealing to the public

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Xiaowan Cang: to value and respect fertility, lower of marriage cost and simplify relevant costumes, promote intergenerational support for reproduction within families, and build new error, perceptions of marriage and Chadbury to enhance some of those and deepen family civilizations.

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Xiaowan Cang: So this photos are also examples of multi sports displaying family displaying family regulations. I'm an ethos

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Xiaowan Cang: and family virtues in a residential area in Zen

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Xiaowan Cang: So, through advocating the family from the education and family east of the construction project, the State, the party State frames a new area of family ideology

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Xiaowan Cang: and the new of socialized family civilization. They are several characteristics of this new ideology and train. So first, it established and re-established moral cultural importance of Confucianism.

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Xiaowan Cang: an ethnic tradition, including the contact of respecting the elderly and loving the young, having a virtuous wife and a constant husband, and being a ken, mother, and a video sound. So on, so forth.

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Xiaowan Cang: And second, this campaign and its discourse have reinforced patriarchy and traditional junior beliefs.

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Xiaowan Cang: in the abstract state. Media depicts China as a unified, a large male-dominated family, and it requires a paternalistic patriarch

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Xiaowan Cang: well, specifically, in a masculine. But to know it's polynomials. It's it's traditional. Junior row is situated in the center of stabilizing both small families. of individual households and big families of the whole party State.

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Xiaowan Cang: So such ideas are also evident when Presidency gave instruction to the out in the Women's Federation who are responsible for promoting and implementing the family eels. Construction campaign.

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Xiaowan Cang: like women should consciously show their the responsibility of respecting the elderly and the caring for the yell and play a row in the construction of family.

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Xiaowan Cang: so They should have. Children develop a mobile heart, promote their health, growth, and become valuable individuals to content the people.

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Xiaowan Cang: And again, in 2,018, he said. the family is the smallest unit of society, and the country is made up of millions of families.

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Xiaowan Cang: so

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Xiaowan Cang: doing a good job in planning a work collaboration, unique role of women in both of and family life, and prom. With this brat right of Chinese family, virtual and the establishment of a good family ace of an important tasks assigned by the central government. We means federations.

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Xiaowan Cang: And The third point is that this discourse and its campaign combines ideological political education with a new script of marriage and fertility.

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Xiaowan Cang: The auction of Means federation proposed

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Xiaowan Cang: integrating family education and the cultivation of a positive family, E, those into the ideological, political curriculum of primary, secondary, and tertiary education to help children develop a correct view. Our marriage and reproduction.

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Xiaowan Cang: it is reported in China women's news.

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Xiaowan Cang: so such a view means remoting a multi child's family. Shall the wearing culture respecting the social value of fertility, advocating marriage and childbirth at an appropriate age element, eliminating and

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Xiaowan Cang: exorbitant spread prices, mitigating educational anxiety, maintaining good childbearing and varying and promoting fertility, and harmony, in families.

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Xiaowan Cang: so in local practices, the local women's federations, my responsibilities, including arranging thematic lectures for both schedules and the public on good family at with family stories.

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Xiaowan Cang: with family evos and using singing and dancing performances, and also other forms of manifestation to propagate family values.

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Xiaowan Cang: Okay, sorry. Okay, so they are also responsible for selecting exemplary families and particular figures. Like the most beautiful daughters in law, mothers, in-law, military wives, native mothers, the most to be the family, the civilized family and the most beautiful watcher's wife.

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Xiaowan Cang: They would organize a a lecture tour for those exemplars to speak about their family characteristics and qualities and representatives from each. Some district would be sent to listen.

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Xiaowan Cang: and the local Women's Federation Branch also regularly organized family education, training activity activities for the public, including psychological health, safety techniques, education, legal literary improvement

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Xiaowan Cang: and care for children and teenagers, and also in 2,018 chandel launched the mother's soldier in husband project

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Xiaowan Cang: that aim to comprehensively improve mother's ideological and moral standards, and also their scientific and cultural knowledge.

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Xiaowan Cang: So this project attributes the tasks of cultivating children's and learning habitats and

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Xiaowan Cang: habits, and improving their caliber to women, requiring them to become the learning African mothers and white mothers

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Xiaowan Cang: to build learning oriented families and book. Loving families

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Xiaowan Cang: so

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Xiaowan Cang: grassroots as this also includes building the women and and and Children's Home, providing free micro to join classes for children and establish a daycare Center for Children, aged

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Xiaowan Cang: and additionally to promote the cracked marriage and fatigue. The Women's Federation Office. that's not to the 3 top policy directly, but they united the way through the unions and organized several blended events. and they also arrange a large scale collective traditional steel wedding ceremonies within the community.

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Xiaowan Cang: these efforts are for consolidating your normative marriage as an institutional vehicle for detonation, building and the concretely simplify merging marriage costumes and reduce cost of bread dory.

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Xiaowan Cang: But these practices are often remote, formalistic, and nominal. and it evolved the pond in the collaborations with other departments in the sub-district and the option of Women's Federations row is often rendered

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Xiaowan Cang: use this.

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Xiaowan Cang: and they, I guess, to promote the welfare for children and women and the the the 3 top policies often fragmented and inadequate. And it is actually reinforcing traditional pair patriarchal and the relations. And it's your normative relationships. with multiple demands of femininities. to this. Let me wind up, please.

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Xiaowan Cang: Okay, sorry. Ginger culture of the policy. So yeah, that's

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Xiaowan Cang: My presentation. Thank you for listening.

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Okay.

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so the next one is Tanchi.

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are you there? Can you? Can you share your screen?

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Tianqi. Huang: Yeah, can you hear me?

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Yep.

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yeah.

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Yeah. He put. See? My screen. Now, yeah, yeah, yes. All good.

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Tianqi. Huang: Okay.

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Okay. Sorry for having to interrupt people. But it's really important to keep the time if everyone's going to have a have a chance to speak.

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and there's always a few minutes gap of the in the change over as well. So off you go 15 min.

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Tianqi. Huang: Okay, Hi, everyone. I'm Kenzie from University of Cambridge is my great all now to be here to present my work. What I'm going to present today is part of my doctoral research, which my main focus is on Chinese women's in retro fertilization. Ivf experiences in the post one child era. So in this presentation, I'm mainly focused on women's reproductive work in the Iv. Of procedures, and how their involvement in Ivf may influence their paid work.

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Tianqi. Huang: and this is the all line of this presentation. I will start from contextualizing reproduction in the post, one child era in China, and then introduce my methods, key funding and finally discuss the peace thing. Join from my research the gendered burden.

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Tianqi. Huang: So in recent years China has seen declining fertility. Rights and population policies have been changed. According to this fertility, chance, as you can see from the image

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China adopted a one charge policy in 1,980, and this ended with the implementation of the University to charge policy in 2,016, and these change mark the end of the controversial one charge policy. Reflecting the Government's change in attitude, away from antenatalism and toward a new pronounced position.

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However, we may also notice a gap between the top down demographic anxiety, and both an app fertility, anxiety at the individual level. So only one hand we see the Chinese Government and fertility demographic anxiety as a risk to bones to the fall falling fertility, rights, and national race publicity is adopted as the People's daily reports having children is both a familiar

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and national matter. So, on the other hand, what individuals and families are anxious about is the excessive burden of childbearing.

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Tianqi. Huang: and for women who pursue Iv. Of treatment, be they info tile, or be they at and the ones age wanting for a second child also, child. After the policy relaxed.

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Tianqi. Huang: they have to set them more than suffer more from the demanding Iv. Of treatment itself. So my research questions are, what reproductive dilemmas do participants encounter on the Ivf journeys? And how do they over count the dilemmas?

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Tianqi. Huang: premise Ivf lead to? True has adopted a feminist approach to locate women's experiences at the center. It has shown the gender nature of Ibf as through the has suggested Ivf as a form of a reproductive like that is fundamentally women's work, and even those aspects of the work associated with treatment which meant to type could take on, still felt predominantly to the women.

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Tianqi. Huang: and specifically in China the development of Ivf can be chased back to 1,988, 10 years after the world's first Ivf. Baby was born in the Uk. And the as apologist Ao Robert argues that the routineization of in future fertilization

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Tianqi. Huang: is shown in the manner in which uses, I encourage to adopt that, and in the normalization of the productive technology with the legislation and policies and currently the cost of Iv of treatments, do courses, difficulties for many people, as you can see, the because of Iv. Of treatment here.

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Tianqi. Huang: and additionally, because of the uneven distribution of the Aat services in China, long-distance reproductive travels are inevitable. and this map shows the distribution of the assistive Reproductive technology resources in China. As you can see, the Eastern area has more institutions that could provide the A. It services than the Western regions could do.

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Tianqi. Huang: And now I'll briefly introduce my methods for this study. I conducted a multi cited Einsteinography, and my field work was conducted in Beijing and P. Hospital is a procedures productive hospital in China. So initially, I intended to recruit participants from P. Hospital for semi structural interviews, but I failed to have access to the clinic, and then I learned that during some

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Tianqi. Huang: family hostiles that provided accommodation for Ivf. Patients, and I managed to enter one where I conducted participants of observation and recruited participants from interview

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Tianqi. Huang: for interviews, and these pictures show the family hostile, usually 3 to 4 people who share the same room at a cheap price.

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Tianqi. Huang: and this is the flow shout showing Iv. Of proofs juice, as you can see. There are so many staff that women have to go through in an Iv of cycle. As the success rate is not very high, it's usually normally at 40% to 50, so many people would have to do more than one cycle. If they were not they, they were no successfully pregnant.

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Tianqi. Huang: And now I move on to introduce my key foundings, and the key thing I'm going to introduce today is how reproductive work my influence. Women's paid work in this 3 aspects.

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Tianqi. Huang: So amount interview is for my study. Only 2 women have never worked outside the home 6 will self employed to say they, running a convenience, store or restaurant, and these 3 men may have more flexibility to leave for the Iv. Of treatment. To say I need to travel from their home time to Beijing, and the rest of the women reported. Their careers have influence to varying degrees by their treatment.

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Tianqi. Huang: So the first expert is how they plan their reproductive chips. Women are burdened with this t, this reproductive works through all the whole journey, which one implement even describe as one in which man only contributes one span, regardless of its quality

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Tianqi. Huang: as most of this women had to travel for Iv. Of treatment, that from home and careful arrangements must be conceded, including their master's master cycle. The timetable for transport and doctors, shapes requiring the in visible and unpaid labor. And this is the case showing how the women lay paneling, travelled to Beijing several times.

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Tianqi. Huang: because for embryo and plantation, women need to fulfill some physical conditions, and they will some certain when the criteria will be met. So, for example, and certain indoor magical sickness is necessary for embryo implementation. But we might would only know if they were eligible for a number of transfer after the ultrasound.

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Tianqi. Huang: Actually at your sound scanning so le Pen, they only found that she was not able to have an emerald transfer after travelling to Beijing for several times, and she reported the journeys as poorly as once.

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Tianqi. Huang: and the second next part is rearranging work schedules. So from the brief introduction of the Ivf schedule I have just mentioned. You can see that working women could hardly maintain regular working hours when entering an Ivf cycle. Many women may rearrange their workload, and some even change a job.

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Tianqi. Huang: And she is a silly yeah. So one year old woman, she was in the midst of her second Iv. Of cycle. At that time she was busy with her walk, and she did not rest enough, and for her first cycle, so she learned from her first failure, and she took a time a long time off from her job to obtain enough rest for a good resort, and she also changed to an easier job since then.

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Tianqi. Huang: And another woman, you can think, was a free lance teacher. She can be more flexible regarding her workload, but she still feels so stressful for maintaining her work and Iv. Of treatment at the same time.

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Tianqi. Huang: and some women may just resign from the workforce, but it is worth noting that there is a public to wide public private do wide regarding the paid work. So in China a general distinction between working in the public and private sectors is job security. People working in public sectors are regarded. They are having an iron rice phone here found one

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Tianqi. Huang: this means that a security job that they do not need to worry about losing. So with regard to Ivf treatment, working in the public, private or public sector may have contributed to different imported experiences in women's Ivf journeys and reproduce in the qualities and don't know you is worked at. I worked as a civil servant, and she acknowledged that the advantage of her job. She

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Tianqi. Huang: could ask for a leave for Ivf without worrying about losing her job or losing the her salary.

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Tianqi. Huang: In short, she pay the price for putting her long term career development aside because of that, because she do not need to worry about losing her job. But she has to transfer to a last PC. Department in order to maintain her treatment and

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Tianqi. Huang: work at the same time.

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Tianqi. Huang: and nevertheless it was small common to hear about situations well asking for leave, as much more difficult as private companies to. Consequently women have to trade reproductive work for paid work. Before then Gel resigned. She worked at a private company where she had, consider it. Both understand her situation and approve her leave of absence for Ivf.

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Tianqi. Huang: She felt that it was in the appropriate to ask for so much leave, and she was under tremendous pressure, for from multiple sources, including medical chiefs, plans and attitudes from doctors, workload burden, and sometimes the depressing results from the Iv. Of treatment.

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Tianqi. Huang: So this joined her physically and mentally, and she could not handle both simultaneously. So, as a result, she resigned and puts reproduction ahead of her job.

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Tianqi. Huang: So work related pressure seems to be a key reason that you, if she to resign that essentially what she could not handle was managing the demanding work and the treatment simultaneously, we might have to prioritize and work often give way to reproduction.

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Tianqi. Huang: So, to conclude we must career trajectories will affect to to some extent by Iv. Of treatment with women adopting different strategies to balance the 2 kinds of work, the reproductive work and the paid work.

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Tianqi. Huang: This confirms that reproduction temporarily to Presidents. This choice also resonates with many existing feminist research on Ivf that suggests the gender nature of Ivf, and that Ivf becomes a way of life, something you eat a new drink.

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Tianqi. Huang: and I also want to point out the Family Supportive row in Women's Ivf. And reproductive travels in China

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Tianqi. Huang: women's resignation, or will close the price may need to reduce

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Tianqi. Huang: household income. Yet Iv. Of treatment requires ongoing expenditures and the financial pressure often for some, their partners and families in particular, self employed woman who open a familiar store or restaurant, reported that their partners would be be easier while they were away, for the treatment.

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Tianqi. Huang: and sometimes family members could cover for them. So, given the insufficient well for support, support from institutions such as the State and the welfare instance, the family became the dominant source for women to seek support for the Iv. Of tyrannies. After encountering practical dilemmas.

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Tianqi. Huang: And further, I'd like to discuss the chanted burden is shown by the women's Ivf journeys, and considering the pro not least call from the State the reproductive dilemmas women encountered, and their reliance on their families suggest a lack of fertility. Care in China.

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Tianqi. Huang: It is only families and women who bear the cause and burden of biological production.

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Tianqi. Huang: Biological reproduction, however, the State shows its eagerness to embrace the social reproduction.

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Tianqi. Huang: So this policy deficiency suggests disconnect between the pro-natalist call from the States, and the reproductive practices replayed with anxiety performed by families and individuals, and however, the course of such a disconnect are largely born by women as they have to act as decisive individuals in the pursuit of a successful Ivf resort, and which may further become a gender burden.

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Tianqi. Huang: and made this day shaped from towards pronatalism, the structural dilemmas that Ivf seekers encountered in their journeys documents, the ambivalence between the demographic anxiety at the national level and the reproductive anxiety at the individual and family levels. So families have to type responsibility for the inconsistency between nationalist calls that promote

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fertility and the structural reproductive dilemmas encountered by the women, who.

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Tianqi. Huang: while the women's so tall, all the difficulty is on their own and on behalf of their families simultaneously. So their orders Iv. Of jurisdictions, of family support, gender cost, and the absence of the State in reproductive care in contemporary China. So this shows a microcos of an ambivalent fertility structure.

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Tianqi. Huang: and that's the end of my presentation. Thank you so much for your attention and any comment. Some questions are welcome.

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Thank you. And thank you. That's absolutely perfectly timed.

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If we're a round of applause.

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okay. So we now move on to the in-person speakers. so her ching you ready? And can we get

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her presentation up

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showing how to do that?

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Some of

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1515?

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Yeah.

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I think there, there's there's a way to.

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maybe. Yeah. yes.

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I don't do all right.

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It is a Powerpoint. But can we do it? A full screen instead?

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See this one

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space?

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Thank you very much.

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Hi! So my name is Hutching. I'm another Ph. D. Student from University of Cambridge. So, following my colleague Tanti's presentation of health care, I'm going to talk about female health professional support in the status in Chinese hospitals.

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So on a global scale, women continue to be substantially underrepresented in top leadership roles in health care. Despite accounting for the vast majority of specialized health care workforce. The most common area of study includes gender, bias and discrimination, gender pay, gap, gender, barriers and surgery and the gendered hierarchy and medicine.

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However, despite the breath of Western literature on the topic, there is little research in the Asian and Chinese context. Study the show that that look at gender issues in the medical profession in Asia only emerged fairly recently, mostly being descriptive quantitative accounts on barriers in women's career, in medicines.

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as pointed out by Lim Atau, 2021. It is vital to acknowledge the dearth of qualitative literature in Asia, since Asia's Asian societies have more restrictive social norms, gendered culture and values than their more liberal Western counterparts.

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So this chapter of my thesis adopts

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a neo-institutionalist approach to explore what are the institutional and ideological factors causing women's support in the status in health care. In China the study is based on a mixed method. Ethnographic case study of S. Hospital during the COVID-19 pandemic

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constructivist ground. A theory proposed by the late Professor Kathy Sharmass is used to analyze the qualitative data gathered from non-participent observations and in-depth interviews. I also triangulated the qualitative findings with quantitative analysis on personnel data of S hospital, and that are from other research.

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Although all the interview. Participants are from S. Hospital. Only a large proportion of them have been in medicine for so many years, and have worked in various regions in China, so their account might shed light on a broader picture of gender disparities in Chinese hospitals.

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so as a as an umbrella summary, there is is a lack of female representation in leadership. In Chinese hospitals. Potential forms of such gender imbalances include

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few females and senior positions in clinical departments and hospital management, marginalization of females in prestigious specialisms, and more women working in junior and supporting roles than men in terms of specific, more specific data. Only one out of 8 executive board members at as hospital was female.

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only 31% of the directorial positions in departments were claimed by women, albeit female, made up for the for the majority of of staff like 61%,

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there were significantly more men in surgical departments which is, which are considered more prestigious, while women clustered in non-surgical or internal medical departments and other paramedical departments. So the talk, the Chi-square tests show that the difference in these 2 tables were not due to chance.

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So let's look into this gender imbalance in China in more detail.

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First, gender inequality has a huge impact throughout female professionals. Whole career in China, which is different from the West, where the disadvantage started to become more obvious after they step into pregnancy, and mother herds according to literature.

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upon graduation. Although females outnumbered males. Males would have more job opening to pick from, because clinical departments prefer to hire male candidates, and this quote on the right top from J. D. One J. 3 is about how her female colleague was secretly excluded from job interviews. So she said, guys were invited to in reuse first, and if there was no man suitable. Women would later be invited later.

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So almost all the participants ascribed such inequality in increment, in recruitment to maternal responsibilities, that female professionals assumed. On the one hand, female employees on maternity leave would have an impact on the Department's operations because their work has to be delegated to other people.

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Female labor was also devalued because of this very utilitarian view. Influenced by the market reform.

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On the other hand, like in the West.

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a widely held assumption in Chinese culture is that women undertake the majority of

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childcare duties. Women were expected to be unable to devote as much time and work as men do.

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Hence it would be so. Men would be constantly favored, and to undertake special tasks that could potentially benefit promotion, such as covid curbing tasks and other departmental group activities and trainings. Furthermore, male professionals were ahead in completing the workload and publication Kpi required for promotion

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as man progressed faster than women, more directorial roles in departments and in the hospital would be taken up by man. Furthermore.

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professionalism. So this is the field of medicine. So professionalism is supposed to to to be one of the deciding factors for success. But no, because there were other informal rules entailed, such as social connections, and the prejudice of women lacking in the leadership, abilities, and the ambition, aggressiveness, and vision required to become successful leaders leaders.

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So, as an observer, I found it quite disturbing to witness how some female participants justified and even internalized such standard inequalities in the medical profession. To many of them the disadvantage that women experienced in employment and promotion. it was accepted and justified by the naturally occurring gestational and maternal roles.

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The resignation to an internalization of inequality may be partly explained by the influence of traditional confusion and Taoist cultures which have been the roots of Chinese cultures for 2,000 years, concepts such as do nothing, let heaven decide, and putting yourself in other shoes, dictate a female professionals, fatalistic and passive attitudes when confronted with workplace inequalities

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and anonymous female interviewee expressed that she wouldn't hire a female, either because if if she were the leader, because don't complain that leaders are not respecting your human rights, it's understandable if you think from another perspective.

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So the gender The gender distribution and clinical specialities also reflected women's subordinating status in the hospital workplace.

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There were significantly more men in surgical departments, while women clustered in non-surgical departments. So the the table that I showed earlier on the bottom right you can see that surgical department's top left a man account for 67%, while most of the women are clustered into non-surgical departments.

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So national data so even show that the the level on the national debt is even lower, like 64% of surgeon in China were female, just only 6.4, while in my data of of the S hospital, that's like around 30%.

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So some interviewees considered that even for the traditionally female-dominated specialisms, like obstetrics and gynecology, the most prestigious obstetrician obstetrician gynecologists were man

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in the Chinese health care sector. There's a saying that girls go to ophthalmology, silver surgeries and gruelling obstetrics and gynecology. Surgery topped the hierarchy of clinical specialties because it. Generated more income for a hospital. Hence had more leverage in influencing the hospital policy.

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The high status of surgery could also be attributed to the seemingly higher efficacy of treatment compared to non-surgical department. Methods

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to some physicians, surgical methods, such as removing a tumor were more straightforward, risk and effective, which rendered surgery more popular and respectable to patients.

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The difference in physical strength and energy level also had a significant impact on the gender, but Imbalance in specialisms men were perceived to be stronger, like they had the bigger hands to handle handle the hard job, and more flexible to hinder handle. The long and irregular working hours

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female were constrained to maternity and family duties. As a result, the but development of their surgical skills was disrupted and delayed.

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Last, but not least, the gender imbalance in specialisms was also influenced by gender, stereotyping. Male physicians were perceived to have the desirable qualities for surgery, because the surgical identity is arguably constructed from characteristics that are traditionally associated with men, such as boldness of action and tick-charge Machismo.

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By contrast, female physicians were perceived to be slow, quiet obedience which assigned them to the stereotypical daily dallying of internal medicine.

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Typical stereotypes of women include. They were cry babies when, when, when being criticized, or they cannot bear the bloody stuff in surgery.

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And back to my research question. what are the institutional and ideological factors causing female subordinate status in Chinese health care?

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Here I draw on a neo-institutional perspective, which focuses on the constraining and enabling effect of informal and formal roles on relations and actions.

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The first 3 decades following the establishment of the Communist regime saw a high rate of labor participation of women and low-gender pay gap.

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Domestic tasks, such as child care were undertaken by Don way. The Collective work unit.

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however, feminist critiques argue that gender-seness under Socialism was illusory gender equality intended for mobilizing men and women to sacrifice their private families for the State. So this point actually coincide with Professor Stevie Jackson's presentation yesterday about the Deve femalization in the Mao era.

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So the introduction of market reform also commenced a decline of Marxist egalitarian ideologies and the collapse of the downway system. The government embraced neoliberalism, resorting structural issues to individual solutions

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and the provision of care has been largely transferred from the State to individual households, and eventually to women in the name of her choice.

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Furthermore, under the influence of the confusion, patriarchal traditions which emphasized family and reproduction duties of women. Women were expected to engage in the perceived more feminine occupations in health care. This means taking up nursing whose work become identifiable with domestic labor.

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A lot of men didn't want to do nursing at all, because it's like serving people like you wipe their bodies and stuff. And some my owners is, they're even like very secretive about their job. And they think it's shameful to tell people they're taking care of people and being a my own nurse.

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the unfriendly work environment for women being set.

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There are some unspoken affirmative policies in S hospital, and, according to my interviewee, many other hospitals in China that require the Board to include at least one

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see now

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high-profile events were also organized each year to celebrate the International Women's Day and the International Nurses Day to acknowledge the work of female professionals.

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However, these mitigating actions did not address to the root causes for gender imbalance in medicine. This is because

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the affirmative policy treated women like a token, and will not change the structural issues that have disadvantaged women from the start of their careers.

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The superficial celebratory events would not change the gender stereotype of women in the workplace either.

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So to further a little bit on this model of the 3 institutional institutional logics in China of mine. My opinion is that traditional Chinese culture and neoliberalism have gained the upper hand in dictating the gender dynamics in healthcare in China, based on my research research findings. So that is the end of my presentation. Thank you for listening. And and because this is a work in progress of my Ph. D. Chapter, so any questions, comments and feedbacks are welcome. Thank you.

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Yeah.

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The next presentation.

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yeah.

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Brilliant.

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You back at the holy fruit, that

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happy. Which application is this.

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Okay.

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you to me?

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Okay.

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Hi, everyone. I'm happy here. And as a openly queer scholar. I have a been conductive field work. concerning the most marginalized Lgbtq community in in China for almost one decade.

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and

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today I am going to give a pre-intention. And this is one part of my whole project.

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you know.

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still longer sorry.

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Oh, okay.

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thank you.

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And this presentation is just one part of my whole podcast and I, so far I have an interview. Morning

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80

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inform us.

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okay.

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my.

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the titles of my pre-intentioned assembly yards in contemporary China's prairie ribbon theaters. I was given more accounts of. What is it's Yard, and what is the assembly?

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Can you tell me a favor?

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I

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I don't know how to go in the next page.

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I know.

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 Can we have first of the health, please?

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difference! But Closely relate his notions, young and so young, the local terms! The the the the the the and and prostitution! He was the abbreviation of the offensive to the but nowadays, in the very chance, the young has been transformed.

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and at the same time they impressed by the young community just like a Western queer community.

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Okay?

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in this sense. And the compound words have a yard that signifies the Yahoo. So as thelysis and or provides a pay. Erotic performance in cyberspace time.

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as scholars and Ngos have tend to employ the notion of a transgender to refer to contemporary Chinese yaws.

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but it is in some ways unconvincing and simplistic to employ the Western notion of a transgender to a second of to second of all, it's contemporary Chinese. Yeah.

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because both his English original version and his Chinese translations of the very notion emphasized the dimensions of genders.

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But Yo is not a mere gender turn, but rather a very complicated one relating to

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gender sexuality

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and at the body and menu level.

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Okay, my paper, M. 2, is Pearl Saber-you's in contemporary China's Prairie River deltas, a key economic zone of advanced manufacturing and modern service industry.

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It looks into the complicated social culture's context, flog it with in which the saber-year phenomena arose, and into the hierarchies yards have constructed in several space time.

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He also tries to provide the critical accounts about how important Yosa take advantage of a type of technology so that they will be able to solicit in several space and time

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my

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papers employs a collective research approach with a combination of an online in depth interviewer and a participant of

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observation. And all night tax analysis due to COVID-19, I from 2,022 to 2,023

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I have an interview 15 yards for this little project.

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And okay.

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the rice I want to say about your community. In the late 1990 S. The critics Donor Moulton, and argues that both cyberp and Korea's theory were, in fact, a problematics and manifestation of the of of lake capitalism and privilege in Western and Western. I suggest fantasy.

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however, as a result of layer mass production, the increasingly low prices of computers and smartphones has. in many contemporary Chinese working-class people to own the ones middle class luxuries.

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According to Jack Kau, as the information communication technologies, icds, especially smartphone has become less expensive.

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more widespread. Usually interface design is easier to access and the more closely connected with the working-class people. Steady lives. China has seen the rise of the working-class network society. Since the mid 2,000.

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Many of my several young informers used to be laborers working in the Icds factories besting the parable theatres afterwards. These technologies play a key role in shaping layers of a yard's daily life

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along with the rise of the working class, and they work society several yards, have a phone, their own communities, even though they have always been confounded with the censorship of a prostitution. And a

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and opportunity.

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Sorry.

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Okay. And I see this as a double ages word, for example, y's, I see this can be double H's word.

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This is because of only one-handed Icd is inevitable to clysses and or provide padded erotic performance more efficiently and conveniently in separate space time.

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On the other hand, online censorship and policing have led steady to the vicipity in which they become more likely to be arrested, due to a prostitution and or a vicinity.

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Okay, and the online. Your hierarchy. The terms of Ts is the abbreviations of transsexuals, which is otherwise. We attribute ladies by the local yellow community as referring to Y'alls who have an argument

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recommended rest through surgery to

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and in in in this context the terms CD. As the abbreviation of a cross trace of it should be articulated by the community as referring to the Yasu, have not yes, or the Mandy rests through Scheduler. But here I want to put the nose because they still have a They they are a kind of in between between Yahoo

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Try to augment their breath by taking.

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What to say? A strong astronom here.

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Yeah, something, they tell you. Taking a pair of them to make a that they look bigger. Okay? the Yao community has contracted an online young hierarchy, whereby so Ts yards are treated as more populous and valuable to why CD ys are degraded as less popular or less popular or variable.

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and it stands to reason that several years of space-time is not the Utopians. As layer exists.

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operations and inequalities. Yet it also needs to be noticed. Let us yah! Hierarchy is by no means a stable, as all, and as as more and more cities have a challenge in the midst of the T-shirts. So superiorities.

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Okay, your conclusion, when you say to provides critical accounts of of the communicative social culture's contacts? From a which in which there's every other phenomenon arose, and why we may need to take a break.

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I mean, take a break, not not

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not reject. We can. You can use this sometimes. Okay? And we, we may need to take a break from the notion about transgender when discussing the contemporary Chinese, the seven-year phenomena.

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And these accounts have also led us to go into the very western contemporary Chinese transgender subjectivity, and most significantly to create now Western years of provoking the perspective in

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investigating the Chinese non-conforming genders and sexualities. Okay, thank you so much.

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Can the online speakers put their cap, turn their cameras on so we can see you?

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and then we can have questions and discussion.

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Great.

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You who like to come up to the front and sit at this just at the front to them.

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Take questions

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and thanks everybody for a very interesting set of papers. Pt. We have such a small audience, but I think there's some very thought-provoking ideas in these papers, and we can maybe

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begin to take questions.

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there's not a computer down there, is there? So shall I stay up here?

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 okay, do we have it? Do we have any questions from the audience to start with?

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You? Take, yeah, go to the microphone.

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And can you say who you are. Thank you. This is Shami from the Chinese University of Hong Kong. I have a correction for sala and one for 10 c.

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for someone. I may have me some information about your research site, like, what is the site for your ethnography? It's an institution. And then for the 19 women you interview? Are they wives and mothers themselves, and how they receive this

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productive culture, and how made a challenge it? And then my collection for 10 to, you know, Beijing has been launching policies to cover Ivf costs.

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And how do you really small and

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like? What are some other aspects that besides the Ivf codes. What are some other aspects of this? What you call ambivalent

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reproductive policies or ambivalence in the State's reproductive rhetoric?

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Thank you.

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Xiaowan Cang: Okay, shall I just answer the question first, yeah.

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Xiaowan Cang: okay.

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Xiaowan Cang: Sorry. Tell me, I just It was not so clear. So I might

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Xiaowan Cang: have missed some parts of your question. Do you do you? You ask like, how do you women say the reproductive culture and challenge it?

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Xiaowan Cang: I know you asked about my field work side. But I think I just lost some part of remaining.

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Xiaowan Cang: Okay, cool. Okay, so

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Xiaowan Cang: particularly my overall pitch project explores. this threshold policy and reproductive culture, and also Wimming's made up other middle class women's fertility perceptions.

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Xiaowan Cang: a Shannon province. So I chose the the provincial capital of Chandel

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Tina City. As my field work. I've spent like 14 months in Genan

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Xiaowan Cang: conducting interviews and also ethnography participatory observation

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Xiaowan Cang: of these women, and also of some catchers in local sub districts, and for how women themselves view the policy change and the opportunity of reproductive culture. That is actually the the next empirical chapter of my basis. So I would argue that I mean

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Xiaowan Cang: themselves, have developed their own understanding of of lives and also policies of our lives. So they really feel ambivalent when perceiving

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Xiaowan Cang: the changed

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Xiaowan Cang: biopolitical agenda. Because Those women were all born under the one child policy. So they have internalized the one child norm, and they standardized

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Xiaowan Cang: 3 like a small families of 3 people

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Xiaowan Cang: with only one child, one perfect ideal, successful child. So On the one hand, they show resistance towards

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Xiaowan Cang: the post one shared policy. that includes the universal teacher policy and the 3 chat policy now. but also they?

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Xiaowan Cang: They.

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Xiaowan Cang: as they have internalized the one shell norm they themselves. Sometimes it would continue this fertility pattern that they want to concentrate all their resources and cabinet money and energy

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Xiaowan Cang: in having only one perfect child, so they can have more chance to achieve upper social mobility. as a whole family. So this is really a a mixed picture regarding women's reactions and attitudes towards the policy.

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Xiaowan Cang: Thank you.

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Tianqi. Huang: I'm sure I answer charming questions now, and thank you so much. Show me for point this out, and I'd like first to make a clarification that my fair work was conducted in 2,019 to 2,020. So I noticed that the Beijing's Government has announced the coverage of Ivf into the medical insurance in 2,022. So it is last year.

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Tianqi. Huang: and so why, I was doing my work, and Many of the participants reported that they really wished Ivf could be covered by the medical insurance.

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Tianqi. Huang: and it was such a good news when I saw the announcement last year, and, however, after a year of the announcement. We are not yet clear how the Iv. Of courage and could be adopted under. I think there is so many details that we need to follow up to see how the governments would implement such a good policy. Like how many cycles in my cover, because, as I've already mentioned

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Tianqi. Huang: for many women, they they can all just succeed with one Iv of cycle. And I'm also quite curious to know more details about the Iv of current insurance coverage. And another important issue is that, as we know, that the medical insurance in China has highly related to the one's household, the place which one registry register was.

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Tianqi. Huang: and because of the uneven distribution of the Iv. Of services, and I was also quite looking for what to see how these could be incremented when the Ivf can really be

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Tianqi. Huang: included in the medical insurance, because

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Tianqi. Huang: so many people they have to involve reproductive travel. They have to travel to like Beijing and Shanghai some top 2 cities for Iv of treatment. And I think this is also an important issue for me and other scholars doing Ivf to to give great concern in the future.

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Tianqi. Huang: Yeah, that's my answer.

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That's quite that's interesting. And it's another example of one of the things that we talked about in the session yesterday is the contradictions between what the State seems to want, more children being born, but not actually making it feasible for some people to have kids in the first place.

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any other questions, John?

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Come up the mic. Yeah.

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hey? I'm Aaron. Thank you for your interesting presentations. I have there got some questions for the online presenter and

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about Iv I question. So I'm not sure I have. asked this question. But I'm interested in understanding your experience of approaching these women. So did you. experience any difficulties

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in terms of recruiting or poaching these women, and how did you kind of cover up with this situation.

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I also have a question for show one. So there's any of your participants participate. You know the social practices like attending lectures or being

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selected as this, like Mudo family.

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And how? How will they react to these kind of

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these

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a walt.

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So yeah, that's all my question. Thank you.

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Okay.

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Tianqi. Huang: okay, so I start to on to the question and thank you so much for pointing this out. This was the most interesting part why, I was conducting my feel work at the very first beginning, as I mentioned in the presentation, I hope to recruit participants from the hospital, but I did not.

434
01:29:20.480 --> 01:29:42.800
Tianqi. Huang: I. I did not get access into the hospital, and I was wondering why around at the at the all side of the hospital. I tried to talk to people, but I find it's very difficult to build. Come, build ch. With the women who are undergoing Ivf, because it it. It is still a quite

435
01:29:42.800 --> 01:30:05.630
Tianqi. Huang: personal issue. And then I managed to enter the family hostile, and I almost stay during all the day town with them. So I I sometimes they invite me to go to hospital with that, and I also have lunch reason, and then we have, like so many informal conversations that could be my build a trust

436
01:30:05.630 --> 01:30:13.260
build our commute to trust and also help me to have the chance to clarify my research purpose, and also

437
01:30:13.390 --> 01:30:37.340
Tianqi. Huang: to show my willingness to recruit them to participate in the interviews. And that's how I ended up recruiting women's. And yeah, this is a very important part. And, as you just said, it is really difficult to approach to these people, but actually they are really one to share this story. We share this story with other people

438
01:30:37.340 --> 01:30:43.559
Tianqi. Huang: to stay, really undergoing through so many difficulties and dilemmas in the Iv of treatment.

439
01:30:46.680 --> 01:30:47.750
shall we?

440
01:30:47.910 --> 01:31:09.079
Xiaowan Cang: Yes, okay. So we answer, and your very interesting question. So actually, I haven't included any informants who will awarded such an explanatory awards. But I actually interviewed the schedule to organize such rewarding ceremonies.

441
01:31:09.140 --> 01:31:20.479
Xiaowan Cang: And they would say, and both like the Cultural and and the Propaganda Department and the Women's Federation think it is a formal list.

442
01:31:21.020 --> 01:31:29.860
Xiaowan Cang: a formal list measure, because they admitted that it's all about just meetings, meetings, a a formal list.

443
01:31:30.080 --> 01:31:45.269
Xiaowan Cang: and they're trying to reduce its occurrence because they know that people do not really believe in such a thing. And also these exemplary stories

444
01:31:45.390 --> 01:32:02.839
Xiaowan Cang: are quite similar every year, although they are trying to reduce repetitions, but because they are focusing on the really narrow range of selection criteria that emphasize failure, piety, emphasize an intergenerational.

445
01:32:02.890 --> 01:32:12.210
Xiaowan Cang: How many within the family? And you know good relationships between mothers in law and daughters in law, and how women can come violence, their work and and family.

446
01:32:12.350 --> 01:32:25.520
Xiaowan Cang: and contributed to both the public sphere and privacy. So, generally speaking. I to the most local level in sub district

447
01:32:25.920 --> 01:32:29.560
Xiaowan Cang: stories are quite similar every year.

448
01:32:29.680 --> 01:32:44.189
Xiaowan Cang: so so they try to just select the most obvious ones, and then reported to the upper government. So it's more like a task assigned by the upper Government, and

449
01:32:44.410 --> 01:32:50.449
Xiaowan Cang: and it's a a target for them to meet, to hive one family all

450
01:32:50.490 --> 01:32:52.420
Xiaowan Cang: several models every year.

451
01:32:52.620 --> 01:33:05.510
Xiaowan Cang:  and to to demonstrate that they have finished this kind of like work, task work, responsibility, to carry on those days will to promote such a

452
01:33:05.930 --> 01:33:10.609
Xiaowan Cang: reproductive family ideal

453
01:33:10.910 --> 01:33:37.669
Xiaowan Cang: and you relate it just involves like photos taken and then published on the We chat accounts platform. And then this is down, and they don't really care, like how many, how many viewers? look at this article, or like the actual quality of of the ceremony. So it's quite A superficial. And for one thing.

454
01:33:38.560 --> 01:33:39.510
Xiaowan Cang: thank you.

455
01:33:41.780 --> 01:33:44.480
More questions. I saw another hand up somewhere. Yeah.

456
01:33:50.770 --> 01:33:59.859
thank you. I think our presentation is great. I really enjoy it. My name is Wei Chen, from Stockholm University, Sweden. I have

457
01:34:00.160 --> 01:34:09.190
one question to January. so I sorry if I may stay in the slides. Have you

458
01:34:09.400 --> 01:34:10.730
a

459
01:34:10.960 --> 01:34:14.190
a figure for the patterns of these

460
01:34:15.260 --> 01:34:16.550
attitudes

461
01:34:16.650 --> 01:34:19.730
before the the conversation of apc

462
01:34:19.920 --> 01:34:21.190
components.

463
01:34:24.390 --> 01:34:28.919
Jiangrui Liu: you, you mean, the of the what, please.

464
01:34:30.590 --> 01:34:35.240
Yeah. But the the face value like before the the decomposition

465
01:34:40.610 --> 01:34:41.510
that you

466
01:34:43.850 --> 01:34:46.130
sorry you you hear my question.

467
01:34:47.110 --> 01:35:00.520
Jiangrui Liu: I think I I didn't follow very clearly. I you mean they you figure. And maybe I should sharing screen on here. Yeah, yeah, yeah, please wait a minute.

468
01:35:07.500 --> 01:35:08.680
Jiangrui Liu: Okay.

469
01:35:13.340 --> 01:35:16.060
Jiangrui Liu: I cannot share my screen. Because

470
01:35:17.130 --> 01:35:21.339
Jiangrui Liu: because the the host is sharing.

471
01:35:27.410 --> 01:35:29.279
Jiangrui Liu: I think, yeah, I think it works now. Yeah.

472
01:35:33.080 --> 01:35:33.910
Jiangrui Liu: there.

473
01:35:40.129 --> 01:35:45.180
Jiangrui Liu:  can you please point out which

474
01:35:45.260 --> 01:35:46.370
Jiangrui Liu: this one?

475
01:35:46.920 --> 01:35:56.129
No, I I think it's good to first show how these values. I mean, the face values before you decompose into Hpn and cohorts

476
01:35:56.240 --> 01:35:59.090
and see like how it actually looks like

477
01:35:59.389 --> 01:36:02.049
to give like,

478
01:36:02.150 --> 01:36:03.950
a general picture of.

479
01:36:04.340 --> 01:36:25.079
yeah, just how it develops over time before you decompose into into different components. I think that will help us a lot.  because, like the the figures here are already like decomposed and estimated of these 3, individual factors.

480
01:36:25.440 --> 01:36:28.930
And but they are not the the face value like.

481
01:36:29.530 --> 01:36:41.919
 you know what I mean. Yeah, just do you have statistics on just like sample as a whole sexual attitudes before they're broken down into age cohorts and

482
01:36:41.990 --> 01:36:43.559
time differences.

483
01:36:43.719 --> 01:36:53.160
Jiangrui Liu: I I I I I I follow you right here. But I'm sorry I didn't. include the basically described data here. But I, I do have the day.

484
01:36:53.379 --> 01:37:00.350
Yeah, yeah. And how is it like like these 3 values are the stable or

485
01:37:00.370 --> 01:37:01.999
a bit more liberal

486
01:37:03.010 --> 01:37:25.919
Jiangrui Liu: actually, in a in a actually from this figure like in the pure effect, we can't see the it is actually a a directive reflection of the basic discretion of the of the change. And I think I have that in my

487
01:37:26.459 --> 01:37:35.269
Jiangrui Liu: I'm sorry I I didn't include the but the but the the this pure effect shoes, the basic trains of the 3 types of the 6 or 2.

488
01:37:36.420 --> 01:37:41.769
The pathet is already like the composer net out of the cohort and age.

489
01:37:41.889 --> 01:37:47.340
 right? Right? I think the might be very similar. Yeah.

490
01:37:47.830 --> 01:37:53.409
Jiangrui Liu: Oh, yeah, yeah, it's very same here. Yeah, okay. thank you. And one more thing, I,

491
01:37:53.879 --> 01:37:56.910
as I know, like this, Ipc.

492
01:37:57.760 --> 01:38:00.159
a method is.

493
01:38:00.969 --> 01:38:03.029
it's not. It's a

494
01:38:03.459 --> 01:38:11.090
quite debated, I think, because I I try to do is some some time in their list so so many different approaches, and

495
01:38:11.309 --> 01:38:14.489
I mean, of course, they don't like each other. And

496
01:38:14.610 --> 01:38:19.180
have you tried some other approaches?

497
01:38:19.430 --> 01:38:25.970
Jiangrui Liu: Yeah, yeah, that's pretty good question. Because, you know, this study is actually quantitative study. And there is a

498
01:38:26.120 --> 01:38:42.370
Jiangrui Liu: quite, a actually, very long, a debate about the Apc model because of the identification problems. And there's a lot of a recent debate. I think you can check the I think you've really the view a review paper by wind Chip.

499
01:38:42.430 --> 01:38:46.810
Jiangrui Liu: I mean hover. And he proposed a lot of

500
01:38:46.870 --> 01:39:08.299
Jiangrui Liu: recently developments of and it's special, I think. Andrew bail I I I forgot his Institute, but he wrote a like organized a book about HP record model. And to answer your question directly, I think this H. A model is more like

501
01:39:08.340 --> 01:39:33.779
Jiangrui Liu: you, it's more more used to buy social scholars, I think, is more safe to do this. And I I was and and I I am working on. Try to like, verify my main result with the interesting estimator. but I'm waiting for I'm working on this. I I think the the the primary results

502
01:39:34.000 --> 01:39:45.470
Jiangrui Liu: consistent with the the Hpc model. But I have to do more to make it like believable. At least. Yeah.

503
01:39:47.500 --> 01:39:52.240
thank you. May I have one question to the sorry. I don't remember in the final presenter.

504
01:39:52.840 --> 01:39:54.090
Okay.

505
01:39:54.100 --> 01:40:00.640
yeah, yeah. So it's really interesting.

506
01:40:00.840 --> 01:40:03.380
I have one question like.

507
01:40:04.430 --> 01:40:10.719
is there any like a discourse of the gender conflict between, like the

508
01:40:10.910 --> 01:40:34.399
the tension, like of the the transgender Yao and the non-transgender? Because, like it looks like the nuns are like, yeah, like with a pot look down upon. But why? Why? They are not going to the transgender, are they? I mean, I think my, they might still like, think that the male is more superior, or they might just it's more physically convenient.

509
01:40:34.940 --> 01:40:38.329
we know. Yeah.

510
01:40:38.560 --> 01:40:41.019
you're right.

511
01:40:41.030 --> 01:40:43.760
They of

512
01:40:45.050 --> 01:40:51.690
 Several forms of sex work, for example, money boy

513
01:40:51.900 --> 01:41:02.620
trainers that's working. And and Ok, Yao's okay. You know, China's and famous has worked a disagreement against and Yahoo.

514
01:41:02.640 --> 01:41:04.600
because the

515
01:41:04.620 --> 01:41:07.030
love you yah!

516
01:41:07.390 --> 01:41:10.300
In cash close to chancing

517
01:41:10.460 --> 01:41:13.840
they are in.

518
01:41:14.930 --> 01:41:16.090
I don't know.

519
01:41:16.230 --> 01:41:17.330
and

520
01:41:17.380 --> 01:41:26.360
also many boys disagreement against. And Yama, because, okay, we are also the sex worker that

521
01:41:26.600 --> 01:41:33.239
we are, we are. we don't cross-

522
01:41:33.460 --> 01:41:41.950
so with, this is quiet, I'm saying, and y'all are the most modified.

523
01:41:42.220 --> 01:41:48.050
even in a successful hierarchy it most logicalized.

524
01:41:48.070 --> 01:41:55.129
And yes, let's the transgender lay John in gas. That's where

525
01:41:55.650 --> 01:42:03.559
and they discriminate the because for this transgender.

526
01:42:05.220 --> 01:42:10.899
Yes. it seems like a black shirt. You know what I mean.

527
01:42:11.500 --> 01:42:17.710
because

528
01:42:18.740 --> 01:42:23.549
all effort to construct our

529
01:42:23.790 --> 01:42:37.290
transgender subjectivity. And now you you are And you. You sometimes say you are transgender, but we we, we transgender. We don't do the gestest work.

530
01:42:37.690 --> 01:42:40.520
We are just a that's the.

531
01:42:40.690 --> 01:42:46.879
And so let's fight. And to the women community. And it's proved ya.

532
01:42:47.040 --> 01:42:49.969
so it's a young's always in between, you know.

533
01:42:50.430 --> 01:42:54.469
So that's why they finally

534
01:42:54.730 --> 01:43:02.639
on their own communities because they computers.

535
01:43:02.920 --> 01:43:11.689
do we belong to a community? No. Do we belong to transgender community? No. Do we belong to

536
01:43:11.890 --> 01:43:15.189
female students work and community not

537
01:43:15.230 --> 01:43:22.759
do we belong to money, boy community? No. So we can find any place to look at themselves.

538
01:43:23.970 --> 01:43:28.059
Actually, I think they are transgender engage in

539
01:43:28.990 --> 01:43:34.660
like sexual work. I don't know how many, but I obviously I discovered there's a

540
01:43:36.320 --> 01:43:42.809
there. There's a quite big community on Twitter, those just transcendental women, and they are like doing

541
01:43:42.820 --> 01:44:00.550
informally doing sexual work. And and there's tension between like that. Those who have done the operation and those who have not like that. That's probably because the the sex work market is so huge, I mean for streaming

542
01:44:00.570 --> 01:44:06.800
string, and the market is so huge and select the levity as

543
01:44:06.810 --> 01:44:08.949
it's for you

544
01:44:09.350 --> 01:44:15.300
to get in. And there are 2 major of the kinds for young.

545
01:44:15.570 --> 01:44:16.840
Why.

546
01:44:17.200 --> 01:44:25.760
groups of a plant are stream, and who misidentified young as a.

547
01:44:28.040 --> 01:44:33.639
and the other groups of the cans relate just to the your body.

548
01:44:34.210 --> 01:44:35.570
Yeah, so

549
01:44:37.740 --> 01:44:40.060
yeah, you're right. Okay, thank you.

550
01:44:41.010 --> 01:44:43.260
Thank you any more question. Oh.

551
01:44:44.190 --> 01:44:46.810
they were her own as a son of an

552
01:44:51.990 --> 01:45:05.360
thank you to all the speakers for the wonderful presentations. I found it really interesting. I've got a couple of specific questions to Sierra One and Kennedy. So

553
01:45:05.430 --> 01:45:07.060
do you

554
01:45:07.280 --> 01:45:08.250
framework?

555
01:45:08.620 --> 01:45:37.080
Yeah. where do the these grassroots? Family building projects take place like specifically so in Shan Doom. Are they also taking place generally across, like the whole country? And are the poster campaigns that you also refer to? Have you found that they're different in different places, or are they similar across the country? Because I also observed some posters in Shanghai. But I haven't seen the kind of text in Shanghai that you were showing me Shandong, I mean, that could also be a temporal difference.

556
01:45:37.680 --> 01:45:44.240
And then, Kenti, I was wondering. your participants are quite young, like.

557
01:45:44.290 --> 01:46:13.690
I'm not an Ivf researcher, but you had examples from like a 26 year old and a like 31 year old, and, as far as I'm aware, in the Western context, the mothers who go, or like mothers to be who go for Ivf are a bit older. So I wonder if it's because reproductive age is also earlier in China that the woman also searched this treatment earlier. What the reasons might be behind sort of quite a young age in in so seeking Ivf

558
01:46:13.750 --> 01:46:22.379
treatment, and then, just in general for the rest of the speakers. I was wondering, since the panel is about gender and nationalism. If you

559
01:46:22.480 --> 01:46:29.559
could comment on the relation between gender and sexuality and nationalism in relation to your research, so like, for example.

560
01:46:29.580 --> 01:46:38.409
how does neoliberal and traditionalist tendencies of Chinese nationalism intersect with gender in your research? Or have you come across that in your research? Thank you.

561
01:46:41.820 --> 01:47:04.740
Xiaowan Cang: Thank you for your questions. okay, I'm gonna answer. about this. geographical potential differences of the campaign. generally speaking, the family from the education family, those construction campaign is a national campaign. it first appeared actually in 2,013,

562
01:47:04.800 --> 01:47:06.319
Xiaowan Cang: and has been

563
01:47:06.340 --> 01:47:14.319
Xiaowan Cang: gradually, growingly, emphasized by President Xi. Jinping, and also by the optional means Federation

564
01:47:14.420 --> 01:47:18.670
Xiaowan Cang: in their local practices. so I think.

565
01:47:18.910 --> 01:47:22.959
Xiaowan Cang: Yes, it's similar propaganda materials

566
01:47:22.980 --> 01:47:38.530
Xiaowan Cang: are evident across the country. but because I visited a lot of like sub district offices. And like they're they all facial official buildings. So they are. We're more

567
01:47:38.530 --> 01:47:56.440
Xiaowan Cang: like, quite obvious posters of this kind of things. and also because I I did my through the in. And Shannon is like the home province of Confucianism. So Shannon particularly highlighted confusion values

568
01:47:56.590 --> 01:48:10.399
Xiaowan Cang: a family and and gender, and this like State family and some voices in their India propaganda campaign, and and the whole project.

569
01:48:10.590 --> 01:48:18.069
Xiaowan Cang: and I think this is this is like a a localized culture as well, because Sheno is also perceived to be more

570
01:48:19.410 --> 01:48:22.889
Xiaowan Cang: conservative and a bureaucratic

571
01:48:23.120 --> 01:48:28.750
Xiaowan Cang: for his conduct regarding regarding Ginger and

572
01:48:29.070 --> 01:48:31.510
Xiaowan Cang: and people's

573
01:48:33.320 --> 01:48:38.839
Xiaowan Cang: social mobility, aspirations, and and their education and unemployment choices.

574
01:48:39.570 --> 01:48:45.050
Xiaowan Cang: So I'll see that, generally speaking, the whole campaign

575
01:48:45.270 --> 01:49:00.919
Xiaowan Cang: includes the excellent Chinese traditional culture elements. that is like a universal characteristic. But then in chandel it's particularly emphasizes

576
01:49:01.210 --> 01:49:08.329
Xiaowan Cang: confusion values and notions and norms. So I hope that answers your question.

577
01:49:08.990 --> 01:49:10.070
Xiaowan Cang: Thank you.

578
01:49:11.710 --> 01:49:12.430
Yeah.

579
01:49:12.660 --> 01:49:18.470
we're running out of time. But I'm not sure there's another session in here at half-past, so we we can carry on.

580
01:49:18.780 --> 01:49:24.120
Sorry I've forgotten who the next question was for.

581
01:49:26.620 --> 01:49:27.750
Sorry.

582
01:49:27.850 --> 01:49:50.359
Tianqi. Huang: and thank you so much for the 2, 1, 4, 1, 2 questions. These are really so provoking. And so for the first question so there is one background information that I need to clarify. So there will China, 9 participants in included in this research, and one third of the participants. They came for a second child.

583
01:49:50.360 --> 01:50:15.359
Tianqi. Huang: so that means they much more outer than the cases I've presented in this presentation, and the oldest participants in my study is 47 years old, and there are similar women more than 40 years old, and I think you just pointed out a very interesting points, and that makes me reflect on the bias someplace

584
01:50:15.360 --> 01:50:16.309
of my

585
01:50:16.390 --> 01:50:41.389
Tianqi. Huang: research, because P. Hospital is a very prestigious hospitals, a in in China it has a high reputation, and it's good that like serving some complicated. And and that's why some of my participants came for the kin for me hospital, because they have some complicated infertility issues so them. That might be one of the reason that some participants.

586
01:50:41.390 --> 01:50:50.130
Penn state was so yeah, and they like they come for Ivf for the first trial. But I was not quite sure. Because I I don't.

587
01:50:50.390 --> 01:51:14.270
Tianqi. Huang: Yeah, because of the difficulty in recruiting participants. So these are this, will the participants IQ T have included, and I would like to follow up this question to have a look to see whether there's really difficulty differences between the reproductive ages in the other regions or in the other social contacts and

588
01:51:14.270 --> 01:51:22.760
Tianqi. Huang: compell with the Chinese contact. And that's a very, very interesting following up question. I would like to do in the future.

589
01:51:22.760 --> 01:51:50.689
Tianqi. Huang: and in terms of the second question, nationalism, how it intersects with gender. So, as I mentioned in the presentation. The way I try to see the nationalism and gender is the thing of the gendered burden to really use this thing, to try to figure out who has taken the cost of the production and to capture the ambivalence between the nationalist

590
01:51:51.120 --> 01:52:02.410
Tianqi. Huang: publicity of encouraging fertility and the individuals and families practical dilemmas they encountered in their reproductive journeys.

591
01:52:02.410 --> 01:52:27.409
Tianqi. Huang: So this is also a question points to the motivation for having children, as the States really wants people to to have more children, for like so many reasons like the aging population, and also for like, for economic development, and so many as things from a micro perspective. But for the to be just the motivation for

592
01:52:27.410 --> 01:52:50.149
Tianqi. Huang: them to have children, it's like much more complicated they may have in basic desire for children that may suffer from great family pressure, or the major internalize the gender to reproductive responsibility that they think they should have down. So it's like much more complicated, and my research also shows there is a gap between the

593
01:52:50.540 --> 01:53:03.189
Tianqi. Huang: the national list publicity to encourage fertility and people's really intrinsic or multi faceted motivation for having children. And

594
01:53:03.240 --> 01:53:13.559
Tianqi. Huang: I hope this might yeah, answer your question. But actually, I actually, I'm not quite sure about that, because I it's really complicated

595
01:53:13.870 --> 01:53:15.900
Tianqi. Huang: when it comes to national reason.

596
01:53:16.190 --> 01:53:30.919
Before we go on to the sort of you know of the speakers to talk about the nationalism issue. Emico had a question. Do you want to still want to ask your question, Emiko, which I think we can possibly carry on? I don't think there's something in this room at 1230. I've just checked.

597
01:53:32.050 --> 01:53:39.900
Did you want a question? You're okay. Do any of the other speakers want to say something about the nationalism question, and that we can sort of wind up. Then

598
01:53:44.330 --> 01:53:50.130
how does your research relate to the question to the question of the relationship between gender and nationalism.

599
01:53:55.140 --> 01:54:03.179
Anybody else wants to comment. I can perhaps sale very little bit. So it's just like the 3 institutional logic there, just

600
01:54:03.190 --> 01:54:10.979
that is shown. I think mechanism is probably more related to the Socialist style or the Communist side, but in

601
01:54:11.280 --> 01:54:16.939
but, as presented in my findings, I think what it takes the gender dynamics in the hospital is.

602
01:54:16.970 --> 01:54:28.280
it's like more about the traditional Chinese culture and the neoliberals on the market instead of the Marxist egalitarian rules. Or, Yeah.

603
01:54:31.870 --> 01:54:33.640
do you want to comment on that.

604
01:54:34.430 --> 01:54:37.739
Anybody else want to comment on that question?

605
01:54:40.790 --> 01:55:03.910
If not, I think we can. We can wind up there and thank you all, and thank the speakers especially for keeping the time. and we have run over time a bit. But I think because there's no one else in the room. We're okay. so I am really pleased. We've had a chance for discussion, and thank you all for fascinating papers, and which I'm sure we've learnt a great deal. So thank you, everybody. Thank you.