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Thanks again. Welcome to the session. Last session of the last day of Isa. 2,023. And such a name is social stratification research. In aging cooperation. We're going to have 3 presenters

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2 of us gonna be present in person, and the last one gonna be present online. So we have plenty of time. But I like to be, you know, finished until you know, until you know

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6, 30, or something like that. But anyway, so the first presenter of today is by, Hey, Chan Ko, as it's from ostrac.

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Yeah, you you are. am from Australia. Yeah. Yes. A monarch. Okay. And then present. title of the presentation is examining social productive activities among older adults in the urban China, the role of household registration system who call so the voice word. Thank you.

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So good afternoon. Everyone. Thank you for coming here. This is a last session. I appreciate that you being here, I I also want to say thank you to Sawako for selecting my paper to present the research here.

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So I'm Pigeon Co. I'm based at at Monash University, Australia. So I'm a sociologist in family and aging. So I have been doing work on productive aging in Asian societies.

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My basic concern is to to want to know whether societies would be able to provide sufficient support for other adults so that they can still engage to society in volunteering, helping behavior.

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caregiving, or other community activities. So I've been published work on that. And this paper is based on the idea of of social stratification. Because I've been working on especially aging families in

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China and South Korea. I realize a lot of times. We talk about equality in aging studies. But we tend to focus on like education or job. employment. Actually, there are other indicators that can.

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but resulting data life in quality and that impact on their social engagement. So this is one of the paper that I'm working on. And I focus on older adults in urban China with the factor who called the household registration system. And in this paper we've argued that this is an important indicator for social inequality.

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So this paper is collaboration with other 2 researchers based in U.S.A. They couldn't attend the conference here, so I will present the main finding in this presentation. So let's start with the introduction and literature due to view. Then I'll go through the method and results pretty quickly. Then we will have a short discussion.

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So productive aging basically is to understand how much older adults have been involved in socially. productive activities, including volunteering.

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helping, caregiving, and those terms are developed in social aging. So it's not like well-known in majority of like mainstream sociology. But I try to bring in this concept here. So these activities are what we are interested, because if older adults, when they reach retirement and they can still continue to engage in those activities, it shows that there are certain mechanisms that help or say sustain the older adults in engaging

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or sustaining connections with communities.

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and those activities are relevant to cognitive health, subjective well-being of physical health.

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And I focus on China because China is going to be the largest aging societies very soon. and in other areas of China's They face labor migration. It is statistically show that 292 million migrant workers in urban china.

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so, assuming they are. They reach the open areas when they were young? It doesn't mean they will return to the rural areas. Many of them stayed because they have a start family there, and they have more economic means, or they want to have their generations to have better education. And they stay in the upper areas.

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So they are many more rural migrants state in urban area. So the important thing for policymakers or researchers in urban area, and especially on Asian research, the big question, is that how much integration? Is there for older migrant workers in urban China continue to engage to the their communities and society

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and a key factor for rural migrant workers in China is whether they could change their health registration.

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So my research question is that if older for older rural migrants in urban China are there differences in terms of their social, socially productive engagement by their household registration status.

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So the first part of the virtual review in this paper is that we reveal papers that that focus on migrants in general, older migrants in general and their community and social engagement. So it is found that in Europe or in other societies, this found that if they are accumulative disadvantages, it impacts on older migrants, health and social activities and social engagement.

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So if we are using the same similar ideas to look at other Chinese migrants in open China.

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the local, whether they could change their household registration system or status is very relevant.

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hustle registration system is important regulations. that the Government use in China in order to regulate the population flow, and it's very hard to change

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before the household before they really conduct the reform in 2,014 before that, if you were born in rural areas. You'll stick to your rural Hco. Or a so-called agriculture, Huco, and when they even if they move to other areas for work and work in the urban areas. They continue to hold the agricultural huco.

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the household registration status in the other areas, and very few could switch. Very few could convert their agriculture, who go to non-arriculture, Fuco.

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and when they were able to switch it, that means that they will be able to use the social welfare resources and systems there in the other areas.

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But for those who couldn't and continue to hold the agriculture funds, they couldn't enjoy the welfare system support that is established for urban residents.

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So my hypothesis is that if the hustle fucal is a key important factor to social and beauty. and it connects to how much your institutional resources they can access.

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My! My hypothesis is that those who will be able to convert to non agriculture? Huco will be more likely to engage in socially productive activities because they have more resources. And they are part of the urban communities. That's basically the meaning of the key hypothesis here.

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So I'm using the china health every time on theutorial study.

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And I use 4 waves. it's because I for many's research, we have investigated that they are complicated relationship between engagement in social activities and health.

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So in order to control the impact of health, especially the the changing health among older adults. It's the best way that we have panel data in order to capture this, the changes of the health and other time changing factors that would impact on the engagement of social activities.

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So the outcome or say, dependent, variable, is socially productive activities, including volunteering, informal care, informal health, and also informal caregiving.

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and who call is a key dependent, variable.

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So one means that they converted and those who did not

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will still continue to be 0. So I focus on urban China urban areas. So the sample are respondents who were rural migrants in upper areas.

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So these are distributive statistics. You'll see that with the 4 waves of data. There is a big jump in terms of socially activity, socially productive activities from 5% to 11% in 2 years.

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For now our explanation is that maybe it's because they change the question order a bit front. So it kind of influenced the response rate, because previously. These the questions on social activities are always at the back of the health battery section. So maybe that changes a bit.

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Then you will see the stabilized participation rate is around 10% in 1% over the years.

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So the key finding here I want to share with you is that it's highlighted by orange color. So it shows that converted to. Now I've been Harry Hou Ko. Were much more advantaged because, compared to those who did not convert their hook or status.

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Those people who could convert to to now a country fuco are more likely to participate in volunteering, informal caregiving, and informal health.

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So I continue to try to differentiate whether there are differences in terms of the activity level. So in this table we

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include the participation frequencies. So those who participate frequently, like on the weekly basis, or 3 to 4 times in a month, or 5 times a month, are the outcomes. So again issues that those who could convert it Those who could convert their hook to to non-ricultural ones

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are much more resourceful, and are more likely to participate in socially productive activities.

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So based on the findings we found so far. So we kind of find support to our argument that who causes us is important indicator to social mobility in data life.

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And it's so important that

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if the control health, other economic social resources, education, family support.

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It's an important indicator of whether they can connect to their community, to their neighborhood in the urban areas.

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so

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the key important policy would be that we continue to or for policymakers. It's important to know that.

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they are tools that are used for demographic demographic control of democratic rules.

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But however, it's a long-term impact that will continuously inference all the adults social engagement in later life. And if you were thinking, How to prepare for aging societies in this paper contributed to to the literature that social mobility is an important indicator for all the adults. Social inclusion in later life.

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thank you. So welcome any feedback.

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Okay, your question is so quick.

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we're going to have one more

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No presentation was, you know, quicker than I expected. So we're gonna have a more question and answer session.

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actually, I forgot to tell you that the mark was is not adorable. So I have to play a 3 different roles, and I have to chair in as well. So, and the next presentation is my own work. So I try to be on time

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what I mean.

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 okay.

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Now, my name is soakosur has a today's topic of presentation. It's about intergeneration conflict reconsider focusing on the intention of wealth transfer from parents to children.

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So this is again a very ongoing project, and a very preliminary. There is a analysis. So I welcome any kinds of economy in the critique. So they later on.

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The first of all, one, I'm very much interested in doing this kind of research, I think, is about, you know, 2 different levels in the in demographic change, that is, macro level and microbial. So Michael level, you know, change and demographic structure represented by the age distribution so called. So the, for instance.

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the percentage of those is 6, 5, and over is 29.1 in 2,022. That is the most recent figure in each Pm. And the corresponding few, if it figure in the world, is about 10% in 2,021. So nowadays, and then the more people are focusing on, including our colleague in our C 28, you know, showing some interest in global health

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South actually grow about South, but particularly, for instance, Africa, you know they show them relatively in very young countries. So in any case, if you like to compare the situation.

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we have to keep in mind that different countries have a different Percentage of, you know, older people. And Japan is the most aged country in the world at this point.

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and, on the other hand, the macro level and the Re represented by the parent child relationship or kinship. So, for instance, and a more concrete question is, how many you know, children you have, and you know how old they are and what's the gender competitions? So of course, there's some couples do not have any kids. So this is another issue. So we have to talk about.

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And the father and more, we are not. You know, it's not the unquestionable

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that you know couples. And then, you know, same in their, you know, in the India, you know, partners actually in the pan. And as a partners. So any further, more single parents or not, that's also the very important aspect in looking at the Michael level of Michael Michael that of intergenerational

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in a relationship.

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But again, I really like to see what these 2 different levels are connected. And this is a very classic type of, you know? questions, research questions in sociology. But through the, you know, focusing on the Asian corporation, I like to, you know. tackle these, you know long, long lasting. research questions.

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So that then, in Japan, particularly Asian corporation and economic inequality has been so actively discussed again, Japan is a most Asia country, but at the same time there such a welfare provision are pretty much limited.

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So but then, you know, as a result, the we have the large social expenditure for the elderly people. but it again, in considering Japan's high speed and a large number of elderly people who needs care. The amount of the social welfare provision are not good enough.

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and as a result, and you know, economic socioeconomic inequalities cannot be ignored. So again, a relatively high degree of income. Inequality among the elderly has been focused, emphasized in social science research in Japan. Why is that there are the too many reasons for such a kind of as situations.

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First, it's about related to the household structure an relatively high percentage of multi generational household in Japan, or it can be found, of course, in the number of it itself is reducing in these days. But compared with other Europe or North America, the number of

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multi generations, particularly 3 generation has all the relatively large. So, whether you live alone or live only with their spouse, or they are living with their younger generation.

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you know. affects significantly to the extent of economic well-being, and as a result, the package income package, also a different

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within the older people in Japan, because one of them are living with the younger generation. The income package of the overall hassle of structure also varied.

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And but some of them are living alone. they're living, and only supported by the public pensions. So within, then within the all the people with the they are the different situations in the hassle structure, and as a result they are the different in the income package. So these 2 factors are pretty much important

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to see the Japan's relatively high economic, so-called socioeconomic inequalities.

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So at the same time, not only the income inequality, but also the wealth inequality is quite large. This kind of fact is not only an inch Pam, but also across the world. It has been an overall common understanding that wealth inequality is a large, larger than income income inequality.

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The wealth inequality is remained substantial and even expanded these days, based on the Europe or global comparative studies

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and the positive link between wealth, inequality, and intergenerational transfers. also has been found as well.

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So I'd like to mention the one classic type of you know, research done by Atya Stanford and Wolf

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2,000, and they claimed that the micro-level generation of regions are not necessarily consistent with the one in the mackerel level, for, so called on the Michael level, the generational conflict has been emphasized.

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But in in looking at the Michael, several generation orations represented by the son or parents and the child relationship, and not necessarily, you know, antagonistic. Rather, they like to make sure that they, you know, they like to person their wealth and assets to the next generation.

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So Then, again, this is a very, you know, a confirmation about the how different between income, inequality, and wealth. Inequality. this is in in the figures. about the genic ocean by the age groups, between income and the wealth.

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and in all you know age groups. The difference between the income inequality and the wealth in inequality is quite substantial. So this kind of degrees and and in the gap, and not that much different by By the age groups. But if you look at some, you know mobility. Poverty rates. Actually, this is a relative poverty race.

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calculated by the income or wealth as quite interesting. You know, finance can be in interest. Situations can be seen by age groups. So if you look at the ink the poverty rates calculated by the income relatively. You know, younger people showing you that with a high poverty race.

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and if you calculated by the wealth and the one calculated by the wealth. You can see also the high amount of poverty rate among younger people, but as the age goes, the the amount of poverty rate decreasing, based on the wealth inequality

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based on the wealth. And so, if you look at the very age to person, age 75, and over the poverty rate calculated by the income. It's slightly higher than the one calculated by the wealth. So this kind of mechanisms should be discussed at a later on in a different, you know papers, but I'd like to focus on the inheritance intention of inhabitants such and and the wealth.

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So the motivation to save the money money and the labor, because to their children has been discussed already. A mainly in an economic field. So the, for instance, and the Horioca has been working on, you know, wealth, and you know, saving issues.

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focusing on and on Japan quite a while, and a life cycle hypothesis for accumulating savings, or very positive behavior to saving the money in Japan. has been discussed according to this hypothesis, you know you save the money, while you know, raising their kid young kids. But they once the kids has grown and leave their home.

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they start, you know. Say, they start with grow their own savings, so later on to maintain their living standard. So the next, you know, precisionally, motivation is also closely related to this lifecycle hypothesis.

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So why? They, you know, save the money, because to to prepare them, you know, uncertain, you know social risks for the future.

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so that this is a motivation to save them, save them for the savings. But why does some, you know? people! you know, leave the big question in the West to the next generation. And this is also very, very famous, a kind of you know, hypothesis or motivation. This is one is strategic automation based on the exchange hypothesis, that is.

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F. You have the several cares, but then the fuel likes to, or some some they are not equally, you know, taking playing a role to take care of their own parents, you know, care so if they, their parents, likes to leave their wealth

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to the cares? Who, you know provide the care the most. This is the kind of exchange kind of hypothesis, and the later, ultimately the motivation is no matter what they like to. You know they yeah their big big quest to their children. So they are the basic argument related to the saving the money or leaving their big question.

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So question research, question here is it again, an increase in a longevity is closely related to the agent corporation as they age, the gap between being healthy being, a frail will expand, so closely related to precision that the hypothesis and they are more likely to prepare or protect themselves from aging risks. Such an illness and function of financial crisis.

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And our center and question is whether the intention of the old people to pass on the big question to their children becomes stronger and weaker as they age.

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and and the uncertainty for the future increases. So, in other words, of Christian, you know the the risk of you know, social social risks as they aged and increasing, but in how? Their, you know behavior to leave the request and a change.

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So what we like to find out ultimately is how to link individual behavior to leaving their bequest to the children, taking into account, in taking into account the increase in various risks that they themselves care or face.

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So here is the data. And then the this is, and you know, coming from the panel data started. Then in 2,010, and the pile up until the Y 7. The our recent one is what's and web 7 done in 2,022.

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So this is a very basic statistics of the recent one. And you know, I compiled these, you know, data wave 1, 2, 7.

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So this is one shot of, you know, figures. Yeah, based on the most recent one. And the the graph shows the change in the degree of intention to the their be quest to their children.

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So as far as I see, the result in a snapshot. This is the based on the game, the most recent one. The majority changed their intention to pass on their big quest between 2,010 and 2,012. So over the last 12 years, and most of them, you know, change their intention, other less, positive, less intended.

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or more intended. So this is a kind of background. So again, this is a very their first kind of analysis on panel data. I showed them, you know, a fixed effect model. So I like to see you know what's then? What's the factors to determine the change in their intention of of of

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of to to leave the there the bequest. So the point is that I'd like you to focus on the effective age. This is a negative. So it seems to me that you know the so-called a life cycle, hypothesis, or precocious hypothesis can be supported as they age their intention to leave their be quest, as you know, becoming more negative.

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But, on the other hand, if you have more income or more savings.

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or if you have an experience to inherit their own, inherit the because from their parents, you know the intention to leave. Their wealth is pretty much strengths in Japan. So this is a kind of analysis divided by the gender. The, you know, basic structure

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are not the different. You get quite similar.

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but therefore both men and women, the effect of age is negative, and about the for men rather than the savings themselves, the income and the experience of the receiving the big question from the parents showing very important effect. On the other hand, we won not only the age, but also the savings

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and the experience of receiving the big question from the parents, showing the important significant effect, but not the income.

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So this is a very preliminary result. But again, the negative impact of age and the intention to leave the request to children was confirmed, and it appears that the precautiously hypothesis could be over, all supported for men and women. The receptor of the bequests from their parents enhances their intention to leave it to.

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They are children, both men and women. This is dynasty. Hypotheses could be supported by our data in some aspect. So the next step in development of research will be to examine the interaction of age with a degree of economic asset and a big questioncept from the parent

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and watch the mechanism with it quite a different directions. Directions and explaining Intention to the their big question to the next generation.

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Thank you very much. That's all.

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Okay. So

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this is a kind of easy day

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for the minutes.

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And Katina

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Katina, you there

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together there? No.

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no.

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So

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So we have a me 2 presentation. Okay, now, our, yeah, okay, our system doing. And and then we have, we moved to the question and answer session.

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me, okay, okay, okay, so we shall we sit here?

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We have a question to send her names and

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community. Yes, yes.

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But yeah.

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thanks.

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Okay. Also. Anybody in the zoom. If you wanted to meet yourself and ask questions, or pop your questions in the chat, I can deliver them to our panel.

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so I have a question. My name is Arian. and I was wondering if it isn't the precautionary hypothesis. What other explanations do you have for the trend that we're seeing in those graphs is the older aging.

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and less likely to give that benefit? Yeah.

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other hypotheses. I can't. You know. I can't think of other hypotheses

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so precautious hypothesis should be more plausible to explain.

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Explain. They are reducing the

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spending or making the ambition and negative. So I didn't. You know it's anything more so I didn't. I couldn't say that. But

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I think the other one is the conscious or amuse themselves.

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That might be the most.

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Would there be any other geographical location or any other factors that may influence those things from like a macro level.

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This is in the national, and it's not that head of data, but they are hydrogen to this kind of interview. Survey into that.

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Yeah.

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thank you. Anyone else have any questions.

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Yes.

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you.

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I have a one question for a presentation from Professor. and I think it's a relationship between her parents and children. It might be a

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to a

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oh.

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more than that, not one direction. But

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hmm.

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as sorry. Bi-directional. Do you think there is a possibility of the intention to be to be a big quest for a children?

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Sorry. Okay.

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do you think there is a possibility? I intention to be a to be a

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sorry?

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 I depend on the situation of a children.

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And, for example, if and the children have enough acid by the by themselves, and some parents don't have intention to a be case for children.

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so do you have a there is such a possibility.

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Yes, thank you.

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Thank you very much. That's a very important point. Actually, yes, the the survey includes. not. It doesn't include the children, the wild situation, but their, you know, educational attainment and you know. occupations, working status are included. So I can. I can guess that, or they are living together or not.

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But and you know one thing I like to mention related to your comment that the number of children and negatively affect the intention of their of their

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request. So then, I didn't, you know, include the number on the children and in in fixed effect involved. but you know, that's a right. Yeah, if you look at the London model so you can see it and the other

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of the number of children.

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So, but, as you said, it's it's not that much simple they're related to, you know, relation to the children.

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but we'll see we think about it. Thank you.

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Hiroshi, Sina. I have a question to the first.  As I understand, your your analysis was a fixed effect model.

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Is that right?

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Oh, I see. Okay, But the the, the the hybrid coefficients for the time varying covariance will be the same as the fixed effect

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in a hybrid model. So yeah, this means that that you could

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assume that the treatment, whether you change from the foucal to the urban resident is not dependent upon the various characteristics

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that that it is

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as, yeah, you find me just at the point. So basically, we

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we

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coded the conversion of saying

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so basically, in our simple order, we only have, we create a conversion of the time.

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invariant, variable. So it's just one characteristic we do not capture whether they change over the observation years, because most likely what happened is that they don't change back so only all rural migrant. Neural migrant workers will change, convert their hook to now regard you who at once.

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So there are no cases like change back. So basically in that model, we control the time varying factors

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that includes health which that would change over time and other factors like employment

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contact all those factors as a time varying vectors.

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You

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yeah, yeah,

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so my question is because there are so many.

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because there are so many benefits of changing the registration, Hugo, to urban area.

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Is it possible that the

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people have intention. I mean people who are more socially productive

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will change their hooco registration. In other words, the causal linkage may be the opposite.

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basically, it's very difficult to change who code based on that engagement. But I think your implication is that those who can engage maybe are already well off

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beforehand. So

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A lot of people change their hook or like before they reach the old age. So there is a possibility that indeed, maybe we capture those who are already highly selected in later life, because when we capture those who are who were at the age 80 55, and older.

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but we could. We could only see that when they change the hook, but not the other information. Yeah.

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can I? Can I ask you a question do you take it into account to, you know, hassle structure so I really can see what's the mechanism, you know, getting registered in the Hookco, and the Hugo is such a, you know, hot topic in the arts at 28. So I I heard the several researchers are related to Hook. But still I really couldn't understand the Hooker system.

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So the thing, you know, causality issues are one thing. But this is that if you you know, approve this registration or claim. Everyone can move to

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the non-agricultural sector or what's the basic

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household structure, someone that's a living along as someone. So the

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we control the household structure like, Co. Residents. Yeah, the to be arrangement.

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It doesn't have any effect to socially

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treasury productive. If it's in this model. And the who call status is pretty. the hustle organization is based on the individual. Yeah. So if they could convert, they who call in at a younger age, due to various reasons. It's only him or her

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so those who could Chilli Hugo, due to marriage would be those who, especially female migrants.

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However, in our simple, it's very few cases that do that. And most of the cases based on what I we understand is more like due to education? Or do they enter the national enterprise.

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State improved enterprise units.

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you know, invite them

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to leave it together.

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They can change their they they can stay in the other area. But if in the times of emergency and they were in need of

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leading medical care, health care there who call won't be able to be able to access to those institutions. So for us, as a Nursery Care Institute, I mean to build in the Hunco unit

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than these kids. You know, urban area, the number of nurses in their home, which are a limited and even building behind them who are afraid.

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Creative parent.

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you know they?

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It's no spark. If the fucking was not

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like to manage.

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Yeah.

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mit Ctl, and every very beginning the historical reason was just to regulate the population moving from the rural areas to open areas. That's their original intention. But as time evolved, it became the like the proof whether they could hypervis to use the resources in the open areas. 150.

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Yeah.

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everyone wanted. But it's salt.

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this institution, is it? They have a lot of barriers.

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Yeah. So they need to meet have a certain criteria in order to apply for.

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you know, Slide, you said they were formal ways of converting, such as from a high academic performance and military service. Can you talk about that a little bit, please?

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So according to research, it's more like when they were at the younger age. If they could achieve certain academic excellence, they would be possibilities. They could, and study in other areas. Then they would also offer to change their hook, but that would only apply to really elite students one

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and also those who could enter the State enterprise. then they would.

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They may have the opportunities to to be offered to change the they hook up.

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But those are really selective cases. So it's not like we. It's different from the way we apply for a passport those things. It's a different selection process. So that's why a lot of studies from such as replication talk about hook and

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employment, occupational status and educational achievement.

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And those studies are have contracted on younger age or mid-age adults.

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Anyone

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questions

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Yup. There

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we can close our session. I can let you go, and I have a such thing. But then this this is very interesting. You know we should have more. But in this thank you very much for attempting the last session I myself I pretty much enjoyed.

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And yeah, I hope to see you some time. Next next to the are you to to

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thank you very much.

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Thank you. Thank you