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well, my presentation is just going to start. So now I can't see you anymore, because we have to close the video panel, but nevertheless, hello! From Mayburn. There's Michael and me in the room, and hello to everybody. That is a connected

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online.

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So I'm happy here to present

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a few or a brief yeah, sum up of my dissertation. And as you may already gotten from the title, the narrative style in politics, and

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it's a kind of reminder or a reference to these famous text from Hofstadter about the paranoid style, and that I don't want to speak about a Hofstadter today, but my idea is like to present narrative that is, as a kind of hinge or a linking between conservatism and conspiracy theories.

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So what I gonna or what I want to show you today, my argument is that I want to focus on the narrative dimension of conservatism and conspiracy theories.

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And my idea is, and this is what I have like worked out in my Phd. That there is a limited number of stereotypical conservative crisis narratives that hardly ever change, and that, like kind of build up the main framework of conservatism and all of those crisis narrative, say, has a deep story. There have a cyclic structure.

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They have a religious genealogy that we that we could trace back, and maybe most important. For today there are a lot of overlapping patterns with conspiracy theories.

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and besides those narratives that has, like a deep structure, there are, however, various thematic narrations and occurs of history. Later on I would distinguish more between narratives and narrations.

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So the idea is that so so a deep structure is like adopted in a certain context with thematic stories and these narrations. They are a powerful resource for geological or political mobilization, as well as for transversal discursive alliances.

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So Just to start, I will give you a few preframe of my research. What did I do, my Phd. For a project in general focus on the new right. So the new right also self-proclaimed right-wing intellectuals

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that are also dubbed as Nouvelle. What in in France voyage to in Germany, or like in

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for the scholars, it's usually the European you right, and there's also like I don't know how to pronounce it. But in Italy you have also these new right movements.

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And

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like this new right, it focuses on a canonization of right-wing paradigms and conservative sort. Say, dab it as theoretization or scientification, say, draw on a conservative, epistemic and epistemal well-laduci. This means like a pessimistic idea of man. They have, like the cyclic perception of time and space, and they draw on Nominalism instead of Universalism, like fighting against ideas of enlightenment, reason and the

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and human rights. particularly for this new right as this shift from politics to meta-politics. This means it's a focus focus on culture and ideology rather than political powers. And this is like the first link to a conspiracy. Theories, because this new right say the thesis say, apply strategically and cons conspiracy theories.

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and like, in a more or less institutional

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point of view or perspective. This new right is composed of clusters of stink tanks, cultural institutes and trimmers.

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So what I did basically, I got my data from at Corpus of French and German. You write magazines that you could see on the screen. Those are magazines with a bi-monthly frequency. they consist mostly of essays of literature, reviews of portraits. I scanned it. I apply the Ocr engine, and I coded it, using mixed Qda

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and

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as a methodology I used to discourse analysis of these new right medicines, in particular, a sociology of knowledge approach to discourse and analysis.

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And just it struck me, really soon, that in all of the or basically all of the texts I've read, and there was a common set of basic crisis narratives, and basically every utterances. And so there was some kind of commonality between everything I've read. And it took me some time to like

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get an idea of how to deal with it. And so one. And then one solution was for me to conceptualize the new right as a kind of narrative community.

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 and so like, shift my objective for my research to path the deep structure of these crisis narratives that are underlaying this narrative community. So basically, I've heard a 2 research access. The one is a diachronic, and I try to parse out the genealogy of those crisis narratives. The second one was a more or less synchronic one, because I think that those in order to or

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to reconstruct those crisis narratives and helps us to understand apparent intersections of those narratives, this contemporary populism, anti-semitism, and cons spirituality. And this is I. But I I'm going to show you in the next 10 min.

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 So

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to take a bit deeper. And just to yeah, explain you what this course analysis does. It draws on an analytical distinction between situation and utterances and underlying pattern.

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and aims to reconstruct power and knowledge regimes. This means like a discourse analysis, and it doesn't

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deal with with the content that you could read.

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But

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it tries to like parse out a deeper structure that is like, not in just one text, but an intertextual one.

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 I try to kind of merge this course, analysis in the narrative analysis and the narrative is more or less a part of a discourse. So this courses are basically structured through narratives.

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A narrative, to put it simply, is a story that arranges actions and uns in a specific sequential order. So it applies temporality and causality to a certain a discourse.

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and in my work I draw on an analytical distinction between thematic narrations and schematic narratives. What does it mean? It means it's a narration, I understand, or something that is like, refers to a certain context that is like written. It's a story that just somebody tells you. And, my dear, is that all of those narrations. They share, basically, the same deep narrative. So there's a deeper structure that is kind of it doesn't really change.

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And then you're right. I conceptualized as a narrative community because they draw on the same same schematic narrative, and maybe here you already see some links to conspiracy theories because conspiracy theories. We, I think we could also conceptualize as a kind of narrative communities that basically sticks to some really basic schematic narratives and just switches them or applies them to Semitic narrations.

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So what is conservatism? And what does it have to do with conspiracy theories? I will draw on a twofold

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definition or understanding of conservatism. So, first of all, conservatism is a crisis ideology that emerged concomitantly with modernity. What does it mean?

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Conservatism? or Karl Mannheim, a German sociologist who like invented or yeah, invented a sociology of knowledge, and he highlights, and that conservatism has a peculiar reflexivity. He calls it athletic Cfia and the studied to an adysmos, and

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but that he means that

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in a crisis and for conservatism this is the French Revolution

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there is a certain

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shift in how conservatism works. Clar Manhem says, that. And this is like I try to put it simply before the French Revolution. There is some kind of traditionalism. that draws on Tessic knowledge. This means it's a knowledge that isn't aware of itself. It's just like an everyday life routine, and if this tess of knowledge is questioned, then it could become reflexive knowledge. This means and knowledge that

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the persons are aware of, and that could be applied like politically or

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in everyday action. So his idea is that conservatism in modernity shifts away from a moral conception of society that draws on morality to an analysis of power structures, hegemony and agency. And this is something that conservatism

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shares with conspiracy. Theories set in. It's like

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the its own perspective. It also applies an analysis of power structures. He, Germany and agency. So they both emerge in like the same historical period.

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Conservatism is also a polemical, adaptive, and highly flexible ideology that thrives together with liberalism and liberal ideology. With that I mean that conservatism It always needs an enemy, an enemy it fights against, and an enemy that helps him to like get aware of his own.

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of its own structures and ideas. So what conservatism does basically is it aims at defending and legitimizing privileges of a certain social group, like basically the feudal classes. But those groups they change in the course of history. Of course.

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 Alfred Hirschman in a really great book. That's the rhetoric of reaction. Yes, the idea that conservatism

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always applies a certain kind of rhetoric that is fighting against every progressive thrust in history. Like, first he argues against human rights, then later on against universal suffrage in the twentieth century. He fights against the Bifura state.

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And Hirschman's idea is basically that conservatism is always like

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applying a certain set of arguments, and that that never changes. So

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it's kind of similar that my idea is the narrations and the narratives. But, I would like go beyond Hirschman and say that conservatism. Not only has a rhetoric of reaction, not only certain arguments against progressive thrusts, but he applies reactionary narrations, a common set of

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so what about conspiracy, theories and conspiracy theories, and they also emerge as an interpretative pattern for the French Revolution. So Just shortly after the French Revolution, as some successful. There were a lot of like conspiracy theories about the philosophers, the Freemasonry and Jews, and as the social groups that were blamed for being responsible for the French Revolution, and and this is something

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 that has a kind of ambivalence, because

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and there is both a naive and a strategic and denunciatoric use of those conspiracy theories. What does it mean? It means that there are people who like truly believe that those groups stand behind the French Revolution. But there's also these reactionary groups that just applies them. And we're looking for a certain scapegoat. And this is something that like is typically for conspiracy theories that we have this

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I to say the scope between a naive and a strategic application of them.

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And

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there is qubit in a and really early and outstanding text he distinguished between conspiracy, myth and conspiracy theory and Cupid. With that he means that a conspiracy myth basically is a pre-existing structure whereas a conspiracy theory is like the application of the structure to also a certain context.

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further on, Cupid also distinguished between conspirator-centered and plans-andered conspiracy theories or conspiracy myth. So my idea is basically that we could apply the distinction of narratives and narrations or distinction between narratives and narrations, and also to conspiracy theories, because.

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like as Cupid and conceptualized, the conspiracy myth is basically, or as basically the same as I understand narratives and conspiracy conservative crisis narratives where, as his ideas of conspiracy theories equals my understanding of them, crisis narrations.

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And so we could basically see say that conservative Christ's narratives, they are just Len-andered, and they are just a bland-andered conspiracy, miss.

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So I'm speaking about these crisis narratives. Quite a long. So let me show you what I mean with conspiracy, crisis narratives. And that is basically what I worked out in my ph, d.

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Through an analysis of this new right texts and nicest things.

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So I would say that there are basically 3 intertwined crisis narratives, and both of them could differ in their evaluative options. I will show you what I mean by that. The 3 narratives say, are dimension, decadence, and apocalypticism. so dimension. It basically means an idea that the world is falling apart, that something is falling apart.

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And there's and traditional and an anti-utopian idea of diamption within this far right narratives. And

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like these are the evaluative options, and they are both contradictory, actually, because the first one has the idea that the world was once integrated. And now it is falling apart. So in this narrative alienation. That is

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kind of a basic interpretative pattern for conservatism is perceived as negative as something that is like

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needs to be fight against. But there's also another idea of dimension that doesn't

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start with the world, but with man, and that says that man is ontologic, ontologically alienated, and that every attempt towards Universalism or Utopia is Euphrus and leading to violence. So in this perception, basically, alienation is inevitable.

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So you can see that conservatism could basically draw on 2 really contradictory conceptions of alienation.

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The same goes for decadence. So dimension basically is some ontological story about the world, about man. Decadence, goes on, and it has as a story about the contemporary society. It's a process. So there's the first narrative of decadence that tells us something about the masses, about sluggish, hedonistic, and narcissistic masses were just questioning institutions and authority. This is basically an elitist document.

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 but there's, however, the totally opposite narrative of decadence that I call an anti-totalitarian one that is directed against corrupt elites who were implementing social engineering, mind control and re-education. What is basically a Populist argument. So usually, conservatism deals with spouse. It's directed against the masses, but also against the new Liberal elites that it questions

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with apocalypticism. This is basically the tipping point. It's like the perspective on where society is going, and there are also 2

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to modes. The first one that I call cadishontic. it means that the Apocalypse has to be averted or contained. So this is basically a reformistic argument that tries to prevent society from changing too much and to first. But there's also a more or less revolutionary argument that

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test us that the Apocalypse is inevitable, nevertheless.

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and it has to be accelerated for a new order to ploss them. So there is a certain hope that

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the Liberal order could like break down, and then there could be a conservative order, re-established, and, as you can see.

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some of those narratives say, overlap quite a lot with conspiracist ideas, especially those this one the stacker dance that deals with elites who we are implementing social control, mind control, re-education, and among others is an idea of the leads that you also find in a lot of conspiracy theories.

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as well as both of those apocalyptic ideas that society is breaking down like that we have to stop those conspirators. And before it's too late, and basically the whole structure of conspiracy theories cross a lot from apocalypticism. The idea that time is running out. Get here the idea that there's something to be revealed, some hidden truths, all of those

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like

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once together, conservative and

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conspiracy series. So just 2 min to to conclude

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all of those narratives, as you can see here. They are just not distinguished narratives, but they kind of work together like they tell us a story to tell us a cycle about.

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that follows a certain path. So this dimension basically is an anatology that goes into some process of history and the source history leads to a certain tipping point, that is, epicalopes. This is so. Basically my, my, my main idea and conservatism, like tells us this whole crisis circle cycle.

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So I would say that basically, in almost every conservative story you could sign those elements like not all of them, but some of them. And this is kind of like typology or heuristic in order to understand on what the conservatism tells you about history and society.

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 we could draw back those conservative crisis narratives to yeah, to its religious genealogy. And also this is something I think they have in common with conspiracy theories.

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So let us look at this idea of dimension. We find in the Bible as the idea of the fall of man and the Tower of Babel, like the fall of man, who is like deals with men who is like evil, who distinguish themselves from Paradise and the Tower of Babel who deals with this upus of humankind. They get secularized. And now it's like the enlightenment the French Revolution or communism that like tries to

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overcome. overcome. the

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how to say, like humankind. decadence as well, you may be familiar with the story of Sodom and Gomorrah, or the War of Babylon that got like secularized into

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and liberal society democracy, or nowadays devochism that is like

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a certain label for this idea, the war of Babylon and apocalypticism as well. Like we find it's basic structures in the Book of Revelation, and it gets secularized. And

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like the idea of the collaps of institutions or these specific conspiracies, narratives of the create replacement or the great reset.

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and, like the correct reset, is particularly interesting, because there you can find both of those evaluative options like, there's this idea that the great reset is something really bad that needs to be contained and stopped. But there's also these ideas you find sometimes that.

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like the great rosette, leads also to a destruction of liberal society and capitalism, and that afterwards there could be like a new order to be restored also. This idea of, like the New World order and conspiracy theories, is also just taken from the Book of Revelation, where we find this idea of New World Order.

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So to conclude and to recap. What did I try to show you? I tried to speak about similarities between conservatism and conspiracy theories, and both our interpretive pattern for the French Revolution. Those could be used epistemologically or or strategically, and often. it's difficult or stinkish between both.

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 both draw on apocalyptic narratives and on metaphors and robes that

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we are taking out of this app apocalypticism, and both has a basic pre-existing structure that is adapted to various affairs.

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conservatism is mostly trust, mostly on plans and of narratives, not on

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like. It doesn't focus certain agents or certain people, but like it deals, or it. It has this idea that there is a plan behind everything, and those plans are not narratives that they could be easily transformed into and read as conspiracy theory. So this is my my idea. And this is why a lot of

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where sometimes conservatism could easily be switched into a conspiracy theories, and that it's also the The reason that conservatism mostly doesn't have a problem is conspiracy theories like I wouldn't say that conservatism.

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It's a conspiracy theory at its own. But like as it shares a lot of the same structures. Yeah, there's just a certain

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and

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how to say, like, it's easy for conservatism to to become a conspiracy narrative

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and like I didn't point it out today, but just like to

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to point it out. Yes, a similar narrative structure of anti-semitism and populism that we could speak about. So. This was my presentation. Thank you for your attention, and I'm looking forward for the discussion.

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Lorenzo Viviani: Thank you very much.

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Lorenzo Viviani: Thank you very much. So the

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Lorenzo Viviani: now is the the second presentation.

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Lorenzo Viviani: Gregor Bungayars University do is progress in Germany.

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Gregor Bongaerts: Yes, and a good morning.

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Lorenzo Viviani: Good morning. And the title is the societal production of insecurity.

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Lorenzo Viviani: and you have the floor. If you guys, if you want to share your

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Lorenzo Viviani: screen.

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Gregor Bongaerts: I would like to. But it doesn't work. There is another.

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Gregor Bongaerts: Yeah, we we just crashed. So just give us a sec to fix. It

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is in my or your problem. My, my, my connection crests. Good. Now, yeah.

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Gregor Bongaerts: 2 times. So it was late, because the connection seems doesn't seem stable.

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Yeah, it's a

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I love it.

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But no, it should be working now. It should be how to share your screen

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Gregor Bongaerts: could be working. Okay,

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Gregor Bongaerts: by connection.

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Gregor Bongaerts: broke down 2 times in the last 15 min. That's the reason why I leave my camera off at the moment. I hope this stabilizes the connection. But if it's okay.

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Gregor Bongaerts: Now, I try first to share the screen hormone, please.

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Gregor Bongaerts: it should work. Now, do you see the presentation? Okay, great. Thank you. It works. Okay. Thank you.

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Lorenzo Viviani: 50 min. Yeah, I start. And I try to be first. Thank you very much. So it's a society that the title is a societal production of insecurity

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Gregor Bongaerts: and my starting point

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Gregor Bongaerts: that there's an explanation for the rise of conspiracy theories

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Gregor Bongaerts: as a modern phenomenon. And this explanation is That's in times of

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Gregor Bongaerts: uncertainty, insecurity there is a for for many people an appeal for conspiracy, theories and complex societal situations of the road. Here there is likely to be a desire for simplification and conspiracy. Theories feel that need. So they are simply a simplified explanation for a complex and

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Gregor Bongaerts: experiences unsecure as unsecure, experienced societal situation. So now

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Gregor Bongaerts: But my question is not why there are conspiracy theories in modern societies.

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Gregor Bongaerts: why they rise arise

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Gregor Bongaerts: but How to explain the structural situation which underlies

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Gregor Bongaerts: the rise of a source of of conspiracy theories.

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Gregor Bongaerts: with that structural situation in mind, the situation of experience, insecurity. What are the conditions under which a society situation is experienced as in secure or uncertain

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Gregor Bongaerts: on my thesis, at the possible causes for observable during the corona pandemic.

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Gregor Bongaerts: you a few ideas for yourself. I want to share with you. experience. Uncertainty arises from different logics of relatively autonomous fields. That's the main theaters.

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Gregor Bongaerts: And these logics are broken and disseminated at the same time by mass media. So I want to point out the role of Mason. A mess on social media for the production of insecure societal and security, and

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Gregor Bongaerts: therefore, as a reason, or in course for the arise of of the rising of conspiracy theories.

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Gregor Bongaerts: media form the topics for you and everyday people. That's a second point I want to make. It's a kind of a fundamental logical.

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Gregor Bongaerts: a perspective which if you're suggested as as supplement as a second theoretical framework.

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Gregor Bongaerts: it's a everyday people perceive the contradictions of different logic and to develop a sense of and security that is a basis for the

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Gregor Bongaerts: theoretical framework is, mainly a theory of functional or better content. Differentiation with the reef fashion, if we initiation is connected with with the names like Nicholas Luman, or the to account for addition from do account over.

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Gregor Bongaerts: and I speak for a content differentiation to get so other theoretical approaches in this frame, mainly the approach from what you's a theory of fears.

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Gregor Bongaerts: Modern society is differentiated and multiple of those relative, autonomous. fears. And within those fields

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Gregor Bongaerts: it is still. It was a specific contents. And like politics, like science, like all, it's like education, economics, and so on. Law and and so on. And we field operates a specific logic.

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Gregor Bongaerts: It's practices on the

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Gregor Bongaerts: interplay of those logic is logics mediated by the media. that's my idea, is the reason or possible explanation for an experienced in security within modern society.

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Gregor Bongaerts: The relevant fields. I want to show to to point out, or science politics, media. And I added to your consumption, and that's mainly the title for for what I was already said for the fundamental logical perspective. I want to ask you the

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Gregor Bongaerts: through. I take a frame back off the functional

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Gregor Bongaerts: to

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yes, she is of science.

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Lorenzo Viviani: I think there are. I think there are some problem with your in your connection.

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Gregor Bongaerts: Okay? Okay?

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Oh.

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for

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Gregor Bongaerts: yeah, we're getting the same and

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connection issues here as in, we're hearing the same thing.

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Lorenzo Viviani: I can hear nothing

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Gregor Bongaerts: where. I don't know if you here.

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Lorenzo Viviani: if you hear me about the we? We don't understand anything.

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Lorenzo Viviani: Oh, it's your connection. Okay, okay.

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Lorenzo Viviani: so

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Lorenzo Viviani: I try to.

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Lorenzo Viviani: We can.

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Lorenzo Viviani: We can start with the the for the presentation.

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Lorenzo Viviani: And we try to recall or where I go.

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Okay.

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I think the third presentation is online, right?

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The that presenter and online presenter.

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Lorenzo Viviani: we can present that for the Andre, if you're in. Okay. Okay? So Andre

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Lorenzo Viviani: Andrea, you can undermine the University of Campania, which you can be there from Italy

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Lorenzo Viviani: and the

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Lorenzo Viviani: title of your of the relation is environmentalism, the colleges next, new ideologies.

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Lorenzo Viviani: And you can start. You have the floor.

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Andrea Millefiorini: Okay, thank you, Lorenz. Good morning to all the participants to this panel, and I will read my relation, because my English is not so fluent, and I hope you understand the Well, then, if I speak

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Andrea Millefiorini:  these I have not slides, so I I will try to rest in the 15 min, and if I if I go

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Andrea Millefiorini: I go along and he's the Lorenzo. remember me. Okay.

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Andrea Millefiorini: So The sociological debate on the subject of ideologies seems to have recently regained interest among researchers.

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Andrea Millefiorini: This debate is linked to the question of Populism, and whether or not the letter can be considered a minor form or ideology typical of this 20 first century as well as of the other periods. In the past.

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Andrea Millefiorini: however.

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Andrea Millefiorini: there still seems to be little awareness in this debate of the many and varied thoughts that new ecological and environmental movements are taken. In recent years.

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Andrea Millefiorini: especially, the younger generations seem to be the most open and sensitive to forms of political and sealed commitment to saving the planet. These forms of participation are different from those typical of the eighties and the nineties.

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Andrea Millefiorini: in that the new movements seem to bring with them not only a message limited to issues of respect for the environments, but also appears to be endowed with a real philosophy of life.

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Andrea Millefiorini: a wealth and sound that could be a prelude to the structuring of an equally strong and recognizable ideology.

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Andrea Millefiorini: It is therefore necessary to investigate and deepen these aspects in order to try to answer the question of whether the new environmentalists and ecologist values could be in the more or less near future, translated and structured by some group of movements into a true ideology.

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Andrea Millefiorini: To do this we will first have to carry out a brief reconstruction of the historical parable of ideologies in the West, using the social historical methods.

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Andrea Millefiorini: and then try to arrive at the definition of the concept.

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Andrea Millefiorini: This will allow us to distinguish the concept of ideology from others similar to it, such as political culture and mentality. The ideologies of the twentieth century in this sense were something not comparable to those of the nineteenth century.

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Andrea Millefiorini: They mobilize the masses on the basis of a strong identification of individuals, and the identification subtly mediated by the party organization, but also possible by virtue of certain specific characteristics of the ideologies. In this period.

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Andrea Millefiorini: This characteristics, in addition to the traditional and consolidated properties of the wealth and Shawn of the conception of the words also consisted in the strong capacity to mobilize by virtue of the message they carried message, aimed at allowing easy adaptation and creating a strong sense of belonging to the political group of reference.

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Andrea Millefiorini: Even if the individual participants could not be, or were not in direct and close contact with one another.

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Andrea Millefiorini:  identifying with something, however, requires that that something be recognized as having meaning and significance for the individual

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Andrea Millefiorini: in the long run.

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Andrea Millefiorini: If the object of identification no longer performs this tasks sufficiently, it loses its strength and

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Andrea Millefiorini: ceases to exercise this function. The end of my society

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Andrea Millefiorini: coincided roughly with the crisis of the great ideologies of the twentieth century.

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Andrea Millefiorini: The last decades of this twentieth century thus marked the beginning of an identity crisis of the subject.

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Andrea Millefiorini: having long since it lost the cultural movements, and more recently, the ideological ones which supported the gats left behind the overcoming of traditional models of belonging and identification. Today the individual finds himself lost, fragile and insecure, in a globalized and fragmented society.

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Andrea Millefiorini: The strategies developed by the individual to cope with this emptiness of identity are many, some more effective, others less so, although all of them on the whom are unable to sufficiently covert that void

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Andrea Millefiorini: the common 3 that has called a company

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Andrea Millefiorini: the decline of mass society, and the event of what contemporary sociologists call a society of individuals has been withdraw into oneself a phenomenon that is certainly not new in the modern in the holistic societies, but which has continued to accentuate and exrustate its trades.

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Andrea Millefiorini: and which has resulted in forms of social narcissism, aesthetization, spectralization, and window dressing of the self

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Andrea Millefiorini: in the forms and ways that we can all see by simply opening the social page of attitudes, or Caius

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Andrea Millefiorini: more generally the individual rather than seeing his on her own identity. Recognition reinforced as progressively developed forms of mistrust, distrust, and a tendency to close toward the other.

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Andrea Millefiorini: This has for fostered in some a tendency towards identity closure within a narrow, comforting perimeter.

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Andrea Millefiorini: free of doubts and uncertainties.

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Andrea Millefiorini: The presence of close individual and social identities is thus one of the reasons why we still witness to day the persistence in fortunately restricted sectors of radical and totalitarian ideologies, such as the fascist or Nazi ideologies.

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Andrea Millefiorini: or to the spread of the fundamentalism in Islamic immigrant communities.

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Andrea Millefiorini: but also to the rise in social groups. In this case, also, quite extensive of conspiracy theories and denial theories up to the most radical and close forms of Populism.

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Andrea Millefiorini: all this Pareto would have explained.

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Andrea Millefiorini: It's the consequence of the failure to to translate the receipts of the Second and Fifth Classes. Persistence of aggregates and integrity of the individual, and these dependencies

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Andrea Millefiorini: into derivations of vast capacity, ideologies, rhetoric, ways of thinking, as ideologies have been in the past capable of providing covert explanation and justification in sufficiently moderate terms that could be controlled by the elite, who were there

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Andrea Millefiorini: custodians to feeling, and impulses that overwise would not be framed, and thus tended to develop and spread disorderly in some cases, even in irrational and violent forms. As is not been frequently the case in our societies today.

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Andrea Millefiorini: the current situation in the social landscape of an advanced and Western democracy is thus one of the consequences, not of the presence of ideologists, but precisely of their absence.

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Andrea Millefiorini: Ideology are just action, commitment taking part.

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Andrea Millefiorini: It was therefore also a valid motivational factor for open identities, and indeed the levels of political participation in the golden years of ideological parties reached levels no longer comparable to those of later decades.

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Andrea Millefiorini: However, today there are forms of open social identity that, while no longer recognizing themselves in the political families of the parties, and therefore in ideologies, nevertheless find other forms of expression starting with social and saving engagement.

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Andrea Millefiorini: The ways in which active phones of identity are pushed today rest more on the social and civic sphere than on a purely political one.

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Andrea Millefiorini: This is also due to the disappearance, as we have seen of the traditional role played by ideologists and the parties that were their wealthy representatives.

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Andrea Millefiorini: All this allows us to outline an overall profile of 20 central ideologies which could be defined as follows, so we can define ideology.

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Andrea Millefiorini: Sufficient current sets of values, symbols, and attribution of meaning, of which well-defined and well-organized social groups are the back. The bearers used to have a precious, precise reading of social reality.

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Andrea Millefiorini: to reinforce the group's identity, to motivate, to action, and to increase the group's influence, consensus, and power within a given society, in order to trust for or maintain the latter according to the ends that the groups proposes.

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Andrea Millefiorini: as we know when we speak of social group in relation to the ideologies we are referring as part of as the twentieth century is concerned, to political parties and movements.

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Andrea Millefiorini: We, we must then ask over ourselves. is it possible to conceive of

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Andrea Millefiorini: and observe the presence of an ideological apparatus even in political formation that are not organized, and structure in parties and movements on the traditional type.

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Andrea Millefiorini: In fact, this is one of the most relevant aspects in order to be able to give an answer to our initial question as to whether ecologism and but environmentalism can be considered ideologists, and whether they can be considered capable of structuring, large-scale organized movements.

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Andrea Millefiorini: much more so than they are today

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Andrea Millefiorini: since the 90 S. And up to the present day the phenomenon of political participation in the West has undergone changes that have progressively led to news types of political engagement, and consequently new types of formation engaged in the political and civic arena.

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Andrea Millefiorini: There have been 2 access on which this transformation has developed. The first axis is that of the further individualization of participation.

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Andrea Millefiorini: The subject participates, first and foremost, to use an instrument of self-realization on set of self-promotion, of visibility which allows him to leave even more fully the individualistic cultural movement that marks contemporary Western societies.

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Andrea Millefiorini: The second taxis is given by a tendency of hybridization, of political participation into civic and social form of participation.

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Andrea Millefiorini: This has so cards and continues to occur due to the fact that while civil society continues to show scenes of strong brutality, initiative, and innovativeness. On the other hand, political societies policy to cool as shown, and continues to show an intrinsic weakness and poor capacity to guide and direct their changes taking place, and a general lowering of qualitative level of its ruling classes.

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Andrea Millefiorini: These 2 trans mentions above have had very visible effects on participation in terms of content. There has been an increase in form of participation focused on specific issues, on well-defined and limited sectors. For example, the Proformational association and movements on animal rights, protection and liberation or movements promoting the consumption of ethical food, for example.

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Andrea Millefiorini: and it is precisely on the subject ethic

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Andrea Millefiorini: that, as I went to ran as observed, we cannot serve the most significant innovations, not only in content, but also in forms of participation. Duran has checked, as called this movement's ethical movements.

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Andrea Millefiorini: One thinks of the whole universe of the LGBT plus movement of the movement linked to the so-called cancel culture of the vigorous revival of movements against racial discrimination.

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Andrea Millefiorini: Well, as we said, these are forms of activism that lie somewhere between the social, the civic, and the political.

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Andrea Millefiorini: However, they do not seem to take the next step of directly entering the political arena, to organize, and permanent forms competing with the other political actors for position of political power.

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Andrea Millefiorini: This is because these groups make use of discontinuous, intermittent falls of engagement of their sympathizers, and they both all because it would not be easy to organize a political party that competes in elections in a broad electorate, solely on the basis of this individual countenance.

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Andrea Millefiorini: In fact, these are generally few issues or single issue organizations which, although sometimes extended to a global level, would not be able to caress a sufficient percentage of rules to enter the respective representative assembly if they were to stand for elections.

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Andrea Millefiorini: These groups, while responding to identity, needs do so on the basis of monochromatic visions of existence and social life.

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Andrea Millefiorini: animal price activists. Vegan's LGBT blues, Fridays for future cancer culture, while begin beer is wide-being business of high ethical values, patience and height. Moral sentiments not provide the vision that has at least 2 of the attributes of ideology.

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Andrea Millefiorini: one, an overall representation and description of the social reality with respect to which they intend to impact with their action, and consequently to a clear representation of the type of society, they envision for the future.

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Andrea Millefiorini: or at least, if they do so, they do so in a partial manner, limited to the sphere and subject matter they conduct.

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Andrea Millefiorini: This is why they do not succeed in increasing their consensus beyond a certain extent, and remain, as we said, somewhere in between forms of social, civic and political engagement.

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Andrea Millefiorini: As is evident then we are in no way in the presence of even crude forms of the ideological structuring, at least when compared to the definition we have given above.

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Andrea Millefiorini: But having reached this point of in our exposition, a question imposed itself.

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Andrea Millefiorini: must the societies in which we leave necessary have a culture whose core, as Giroshape roads consists of some kind of ideology? Or was Max Weber not already right when he pointed to the politicism of values as the feed you had of contemporary political cultures?

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Andrea Millefiorini: The answer can be found in the state of things as well. All experience them on a daily basis. Not only do we not see comprehensive readings of reality around us, we do not even feel the need for them.

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Andrea Millefiorini: We do not go in search of it. Each one of us stands or believes he stands more or less, and in his own and universe of meaning, in his own comfort zone, made up of small or large gratifications, without this arousing in him any particular need for general and shared visions of social reality.

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Andrea Millefiorini: Yet a society could not stand, if at its core there were not same ultimate value, ultimate values as parcels defined them, in which we cannot fail to recognize ourselves in some way.

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Andrea Millefiorini: For Westerns. These youth to ultimate values are linked to the individual inter individual solidarity, justice, freedom, order, and security

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Andrea Millefiorini: for other societies, such as the Chinese, for example, those values are linked to respect for hierarchy, community, absolute dedication to work and family, and for them to order and security

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for others. We find the value of tradition, authority, the value of a community of origin cast, and others.

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Andrea Millefiorini: And going to conclude, as we can see, therefore, although contemporary cultures, at least Western ones show on the surface a great variety, difference, and even discordance of orientation and preferences at the bottom, at least for a significant significant part of their members.

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Andrea Millefiorini: they still retain some recognizable identity on principle without which they, the very legal constitution on which they are based, would lose the authority and trust they still enjoy.

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Andrea Millefiorini: If it is therefore no longer possible to speak of ideologies in the the 20 first century sense that in the twentieth century sense, it is nevertheless possible to speak of national political cultures

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Andrea Millefiorini: within a single national political culture in which the members of society and its various sector and groups recognize themselves. It is then possible to distinguish progressive or conservative political culture. Hence more right wing or more left wing.

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Andrea Millefiorini: Here we can therefore set out the discounts relating to our initial question, which, we repeat here.

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Andrea Millefiorini: can, and environmentalism and ecologists impose themselves as possible future ideologies of the 20 first century.

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Andrea Millefiorini: It would seem that we are not in the presence of ideologies, neither today nor in the future, since the groups that are the virus of these 2 out by important political, cultural orientations do not appear to be endowed with powerful value, conceptual and therefore symbolic and community covid communicative tools capable of synthetizing in a single reading, a political action, that is, let us say, Universalist and aim to everyone.

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Andrea Millefiorini: So it is true that if taken as a who, the ecological and environmentalist movements could in effect exhaust the cover the entire

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Andrea Millefiorini: and cover the entire field of a possible political reading of present-day societies.

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Andrea Millefiorini: However, the word of ecology and environmentalism, precisely for the reason we mention it, both linked to the overall structure and condition of present-day societies, still appears fragmented into a myriad of subjects or bits of their own original, but often different, and in some cases of posing perspective.

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Andrea Millefiorini: this is certainly a richness if we think that in the ninth nineteenth century the socialized movement also experienced.

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Lorenzo Viviani: You have 1 min left.

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Andrea Millefiorini: Okay? Okay. You know.

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Andrea Millefiorini: the nineteenth century. The Associates movement also experienced a multi from present of many different groups, movements, philosoph and writers. We can see several similarities between these 2 historical cases, however, in the first case, that of Socialism there was over time a progressive quabulation of ideas and proposals into large party organization. They took on and made themselves the bearest of an overall reading of reality.

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Andrea Millefiorini: certainly with different nuts and political currents within the same parties, but all identifying themselves in a general and unitary message of liberation, which even had the ambition of

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defining itself as scientific.

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Andrea Millefiorini: Instead, in our opinion, discounts of the marginal, possible environmentalist privilege, capable of producing form of conflict organized not only of values but also on interest would be different. The Echo Environment's project could, in fact, coagulate a wide range of values, interest, and consequent attribution of meaning.

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Andrea Millefiorini: The challenge, then, for movement, that draw of this inspiration is to succeed in incorporating other discourses, such as the debt of technology into the environmentalist discourse, in our opinion, to conclude

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Andrea Millefiorini: the key to the hypotheses of the birth of a true environmentalist ideology lies in the ability to give life to large political formation that synthetize in their ideological discuss several levels between them, the environmental, the technological, and the improvement of human life.

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Andrea Millefiorini: Only the future with.

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Andrea Millefiorini: Tell whether this hypothesis is realistic or not. Thank you.

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Lorenzo Viviani: Okay, thank you. Thank you very much.

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Lorenzo Viviani: So Gregor, are you connected? Now.

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Lorenzo Viviani: record.

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Lorenzo Viviani: how are you? I I see you in the in the virtual room now? No?

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Lorenzo Viviani: Oh, okay.

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Lorenzo Viviani: Okay. So

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Lorenzo Viviani: So before relation

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Lorenzo Viviani:  we can, we can nap, rocky

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Lorenzo Viviani: with relation titles starting properly so as acknowledged phenomenon. You're in practice.

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Lorenzo Viviani: and you have the floor. I don't know if you have the okay our point.

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Yeah, thank you very much. Good morning.

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Well, in this presentation I am going to talk to you about an approach to Populism. I developed during my Phd.

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Project that was devoted to starting

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loyal, highly motivated long time voters of the Law and justice party in the Radical. Well, maybe it's of course, whether it's radical or not, it's

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of course it depends on the context, but definitely right-wing Populists

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party that that is in government in Poland.

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So what I was interested in was the epistemological dimension. So knowledge practices, populist epistemology, the way beliefs are formed, the way

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these voters process information

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and the the approach I'm going to show you reflects that this interest in the epistemological sides

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of Populism.

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In the presentation we'll briefly describe the current mainstream in Populism studies and some recent developments when it comes to empirical studies on Populism.

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and mostly to argue that there is indeed a need for an epistemic approach to Populism, and there are some

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advantages that are to be gained. If we, if we develop such an approach, we and then I will describe her

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3 steps that, if if not necessary, or at least important

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important for me also in developing the the epistemic approach free steps that draw from different theories in order to reconceptualize Populism as a knowledge phenomenon.

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and then I will present some core concepts I used among them the Epstein community and epistemic interventions.

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And lastly, I will talk about some practical considerations. So about methodological tools. I use to implement this this approach

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so very briefly, because I'm pretty sure we are quite familiar with with the mainstream theoretical approach in popular in the field of Populism studies the the the mainstream is formed around the Ed Asian approach, so Populism is quite often defined as a form of an ideology.

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The specific elements of this ideology and empirical research on Populism usually falls into categories. The the supply side status and the demand side status. Their supply sites are being analyzing Populist discourse, and I think parties manifestos

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with a hugely discourse, analysis and qualitative tools.

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and the demand side being a starting Populist attitudes

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mainly with quantitative tools.

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And well, there's nothing wrong with it, of course, and we have gained a lot of very valuable insights from both of these sites.

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The the issue, however, is that we have a deficit of studies that are in between. So that focus on how Populists discuss, for example, actually influence

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boats us.

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and how it's

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what role it has in belief, formation, and creation of world views, than then drive these attitudes that are studied quantitatively.

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There is in some quantitative analysis and research.

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There is an assumption that populist discourse activates latent attitudes.

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And well, there is this This is a very convenient assumption, scientifically, methodologically, but it is a contentious one, and it's well, it provokes questions like, Okay, but where do these attitudes come from? And why are they the way they are, and why are they so uniquely suited for Populist discourse?

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Hmm!

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There are, however, some studies that in the last about 5 years have begun mapping this area in between. So this area

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of interactions between Populist disco and attitudes

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this area that is

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well, uniquely suited, I would say, for an epistemological analysis.

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And this studies well, the the wave of these new studies is mostly coast caused by

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Hmm.

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The reflection on the state of today's society and the so called post-truth era that will even an inflation of

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fake news and miseration and formation of epistemic bubbles, and so on and so forth. This studies. Usually you deal with 2 types of police knowledge practices

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the legitimization practices aimed at questioning and undermining established knowledge and counter-knowledge practices that provide alternative truthful information.

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And 12 of this research comes in in many varieties, and I unfortunately don't have time to to describe them in detail.

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But what

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this important thing to to note

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is that

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all these different studies and research right now is carried out in isolation from each other. So we have no theoretical framework

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that would link all those valuable insights we have.

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for example, about the nihilism, populist and nihilism when it comes to anthropogenic climate change or anti-expet stances, or digital or algorithmic populism. So for example, algorithmic activism that is aimed at

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influencing this alliance of certain formation online and to make them more visible.

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and so on. So

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the aim of of this epistemic approach was to provide such a framework and to start

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well, linking all this of this different

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different findings.

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What we return here.

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The first step, I would argue to reconceptualize this approach to Populism

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is to abandon this of this thought, that thus I mean, you need directional one-way relations between Populist politicians and and the the voters or supporters.

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and to focus on the representation relation

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and the the most fruitful, I would say, approach. Here is the one that was developed in the scope of a constructivist approach to representation.

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The the main idea here is that representation relation is not a relation between predetermined actors

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who is represented and who represents, is consistently negotiated. They are constructed in the representational relation, and so there are complex dialectical relations that cocaine through the political subject that has its own agency, that acts in a

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with a specific image of the world in mind for

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and so

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this is a, then, a

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well

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articulating this vision comes from 2 sides of the equation.

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Hmm!

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The next step, the second step, I would say.

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that develops this idea of representation, relation, and the the thought that it's not that it's not determined. It's it's quite fluid. And it's negotiated

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is, I would say, the works of

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and his theory of politics. The main idea here again is that politics cannot be limited.

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just conceptualizing relations between predetermined political actors.

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and when theories of politics focus on, just, for example, issues of exercise and connecting power. They miss the essence of politics that lies in establishing the political. So so defining what is public, what is a public common matter, and who has the capacity and voice to discuss it, and and and legitimacy to to discuss it?

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So Rossieres provides a very useful link between the political and epistemological, who he, he mostly uses aesthetics.

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and he defines a concept of the distribution of the sensible.

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a system of self-evident facts, of sense perception that simultaneously discloses the existence of something in common, and to the limitations that define the respective parts and positions within it.

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So

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the idea is that politics is also related to a specific vision of the world, one that makes something signed and political, and something's invisible and well, not having any political meaning or values, and thus doing politics according to Rcia, is always an intervention and a visible and sayable.

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so a reconfiguration of the vision of the world aimed at, for example, introducing new political subjects that were either the deprived of the voice or refraining certain matters as political and common things.

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and lastly.

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in the field of Populism, studies the important development. Is the post-length theory of Populism.

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one that aims to combine the Lucklow, and discursive approach to studying Populism and performative approaches of scholars, such as Pierre Ostigai, and Benjamin Moffat.

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So the the core concept is that the co notion is that Populism is something that is done rather than something that exists.

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and the political praxis of of Populism is creating the people as a sovereign political subject.

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In this view the people is always a relational and multi-dimensional concept, and a specific vision of the people is created in a range of various practices the practices I would call knowledge practices, as they aim to produce a set of specific beliefs pertaining to the people and and the surroundings.

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And, lastly, the post. Our current theory succeeded in marrying together this discussive practices and perform activity, and show how they can interrelate and coexist. And this is vital for an epistemic approach

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to to Populism, as it aims at describing knowledge and the formation in a more continuous and holistic way, taking into account not just discourse practices.

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So if you were to map the epistemic approach to Populism, it would be predominantly interested in what lies at the intersection

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of discussive practices, performativity, cognitive processes we mentioned earlier that are started right now, and communication practices. So the the epidemic approach will be something in the middle mapping this field. All those dimensions that co-construct the knowledge of specific voters that affect the decisions.

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And while it well, it is an oversimplification of the matter. But due to time constraints. We can associate each of these dimensions of a specific question.

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that specific specific question that is important in knowledge, information, what is said and written, how it is performed, how it is communicated, and how it is processed.

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 I can. I can.

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So the core concepts here for the epistemic approach would be the epistemic and epistemic interventions, and I draw here from the works of Tel Aviv.

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They've other vast points to concept one of the epistemic circle, a set of people who uphold a specific view

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or use a specific discursive frame, or a narrative

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and epistemological circle. A set of people who share a specific type of reasoning or specific modes of processing information. and then the epistemic community would be a a specific configuration of epistemological circles.

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lastly.

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thus, epistemic interventions would be discursive and non-discursive practices.

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that influence be a formation nondiscursive, for example, like practices or actions that change the modes of communication.

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For example, this algorithmic activism or creating new platforms to communicate like trumps through social, for example.

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So

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there are some practical considerations here. There are well, many dimensions and many angles we have to take into account. So it may be quite a daunting task to implement this implement, this ideas in in

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research practice.

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And of course we need mixed methods to try to catch all these different dimensions.

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I don't have time to talk more in depth about it, but I would like to present an example of a research design I used in my research on Populism, Poland, and

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Populist. voters of the law and justice! But in and that is the thinking about protocol and how I used

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this protocol. So it's a tool that involves verbalization of any thoughts and associations that come to mind during the completion of a specific task.

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and it was first used in cognitive science that's now used. For example, in usability studies.

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I used it in a couple of ways of which present free.

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So one of them was doing the interviews because I I conducted interviews with voters of the Law and justice party, constructing a relational identity map. So it I asked my but participants of the study to to place cards on a diagram according to the perceived closeness or distance.

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They. They felt that that group, and the idea was to construct a relational identity, one that is contextual and grounded in relations with these groups. And well, this thinking allowed protocol

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being the well, the the the act of narrativeizing of this choices. And we're verbalizing. Well, why this group is here. Why that group is there? Really helped at making sense of this.

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this different different relations, and, for example, provided cleaning

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for a well. constructing

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the core of identities what they meant, how they interrelate

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it provided a lot of context.

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Here, for example, the the this identity being a Polish Catholic, a member of one's own family, and a voter of a supporter of the law and justice party.

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The second, the second 2 was the Parliament, not construction Parliament map. He had the maps of perfect imagined same. So the lower house of the Polish Parliament.

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The idea was to assign seeds to various parties, as the pots been so fit the the color. Blue is, of course, for law, law, and justice, and again, it provided a very valuable context and narratives to make sense of

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why? Why participants assigned a particle, a percentage of the seeds, and what that meant for them, what they wanted to do with

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this, as they as they assigned the seats. And so, yeah.

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there was quite a variety, but still

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an important tendency. And lastly, I also

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studied article and politicians reception. And here it was a bit more complicated. The Some discussions whether this tool is suited well for for the sector of analysis I would argue that it is, and there are some scholars that use it in that way to, to.

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to, to study, discuss about it discourse. So in this, in this example, we read, together with the participants, some articles and some some speeches, and we Every 2 of 3 sentences we stopped, and I would ask questions, ask for any associations, ask for specific words and how the participants understood them. And again, it's a

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well, it's not a perfect matter, and we don't have a perfect medicine analyzing the processing information, but from the second best methods I would say that it was quite. It was quite useful.

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So to conclude

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this epistemic approach. Populism right now is, of course, limited to case studies, and this was those those were examples from a case study of law and justice votes, supporters.

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It is always a study of a specific epistemic community. So we have to be quite cautious in

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in comparing those.

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But

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possible future applications are doing comparative analysis when we use the same or very similar tools to assess this discursive frames, or heuristics, or or

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all the cognitive process of that may be important in constructing beliefs and worldviews of Populist voters. So thank you very much.

420
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Thank you. Thank you.

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Lorenzo Viviani: Thank you. Also to me. I don't see in the room, Greg, or so I think that we can.

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Lorenzo Viviani:  we can discuss the relation and if you have any questions not always in the in the in present room, but but also in the every room.

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Lorenzo Viviani: There are some questions.

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Would you like the people to come up to the camera to?

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01:12:40.480 --> 01:12:58.500
Hello! My name is Sarah from Germany. I'm Olim University. I have a question to Felix. Maybe I missed the most important part at the beginning. but I was wondering which kind of texts have you used as an empirical base for your analysis?

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Lorenzo Viviani: Thank you other questions.

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Lorenzo Viviani: I have also 2 questions, but I I prefer to listen your question

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all right.

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So

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so, firstly, thank you very much for my fellow presenters for your presentations.

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I have some comments and questions to to

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a Felix and to

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Andrea.

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I to Felix, I really enjoyed your presentation, and I thought it was in many ways in dialogue with what I did, although I used a different different type of concept. But this idea of studying, discuss frames, narratives

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that are entangled in various ways that have their own roots. I studied this discussive frames as they were re-performed or performed by voters and supporters. We conducted discussed analysis of

436
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of written materials, but I think there was an interesting connection here. So thank you very much for that. I have a question.

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Well. one question is that

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you use mostly the concepts of conspiracy, myth, conspiracy, theories. There is also a concept of conspiracy, an infallied mentality developed by Serge Moscovichi, which is quite a

439
01:14:39.120 --> 01:14:50.849
a classic theory. So I was wondering whether you used in some ways this concept, and if if it has its place in your your analysis.

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how it? How would you? How would you relate to it? The second thing is that

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when we talked about the acceleration, accelerationistic

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and

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narratives, what I found interesting was that it is not always the just, the domain of conservative groups.

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Thus, for example, there are, for example, some left wing

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left wing political groups that also argue for accelerationism. So that was an interesting thought.

446
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And lastly.

447
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My question also is, you talked about the similarities between conservatism and conspiracy theories, so I would also like to ask about the differences, or some some important points where those delineate and and differ. And to Andre

448
01:15:50.290 --> 01:15:51.400
I

449
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I have a question. Well, I am very sorry. Maybe I did not catch everything, because your presentation was quite dense, and it's not a criticism. It was just packed with a lot of reflections and information. So maybe I miss something. What's

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what strike me was that your analysis was very close, I think, to the words of Michael Frieden, I think you didn't use these concepts, but his concepts of thin ideology.

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that is, that exists as a core of some concepts and may thicken so may actually

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take a merge with other ideologies, and take other ideologies in order to construct a more and more holistic description of the world. So my question is, whether you used to those theories, and whether and what are your thoughts about this, this, this concept of thin ideology? Thank you.

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Lorenzo Viviani: You.

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Lorenzo Viviani: They also have 2 questions about one. And if I if I

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Lorenzo Viviani: they very, very brief, I I can.

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Lorenzo Viviani: I can ask you something that the first is that the to Felix? that you have a You know that Populist, maybe a rifle right being poppy, is this conservative appears to be imaginative community to more people. But Popul is not necessary, and Tim, all their needs in particular, is different from the traditional national, is now of the

457
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Lorenzo Viviani: 20 centuries. So Do you find that the In Germany there was an anti-modern zeitgeist of poker, radical right

458
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Lorenzo Viviani: at or

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Lorenzo Viviani: and there is a the same cleavage between the conservatisma using by conspiracy, theories against the cosmopolitans, against the elite, that a a and so on. The second question is

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Lorenzo Viviani: to to phenix. If in your research you have seen. You have reached some revival of the anti Semitic narrative in the in the right. We this course of the German right for no.

461
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Lorenzo Viviani: and the second, and to Mik out is very brief. Is that the probably spare for months is very interesting. Your perspective, what stemming community between this supply side, the demon side of Populism. You know that the the Populist, that 4 months in the perspective of not only is the and so on.

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Lorenzo Viviani: He popped with me is a successful only if it works on existing stereotypes, and if they is able to create a resonance of a frame. That that there is a yet present in in this society is not only a matter of course. of a constructive

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Lorenzo Viviani: is is a form of politician of resonance and frame. I want to say, if you agree. Thank you.

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Okay, so thank you all for the questions. This has. This has been quite a lot, and I will try to like answer everything brief. So, beginning with Sylvia, my material was basically a copper of German and French. new right magazines that I,

465
01:19:32.540 --> 01:19:36.569
where I applied a discourse analysis on. And then.

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starting from those magazines, I like got connected to like books. They refute and like the decor I was expanding when I was starting my discourse analysis. so

467
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basically, because this new right in this new right magazines, they draw on a lot of conservative sinkers a lot of conservative books like those I think you mentioned, Luciano, the conservative revolution in Germany, like Kashmir, Oswald Spangler and like. There's a whole canon that is like, always repeated, and so

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started from these magazines. I ended up like, and trying to

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like observing all of those singers. and I think, like this

470
01:20:21.210 --> 01:20:29.589
for the narratives I I worked out I got it from this new right magazines, but we could also find it like in a lot of conservative books.

471
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Okay, yeah. So that's basically the idea.

472
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So

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I also want to thank Michael. And I. I also see a lot of similarities, and I was really entrenched by your presentation.

474
01:20:44.440 --> 01:20:53.439
So you ask about the conservative, the conspiracy mentality, and how which place it would have in my presentation, so

475
01:20:53.910 --> 01:21:19.119
I think it could be like easily adopted. But as far as I did, I don't really deal with the subject. So and this has to do with my methodology, because with discourse analysis. I cannot really speak about like the mentality. Therefore I would have to apply like a different approach. but it could easily be done this. so

476
01:21:19.170 --> 01:21:41.849
I'm I'm more interested in the industry, in the structure of knowledge that is like, not really inside the individual, but more or less, it's a cultural pattern. I would say that the individual draws and of course, like we could applied a different methodology. in order to like to try to how the individual deals with this cultural pattern. That is a kind of like resource or a it draws on.

477
01:21:41.850 --> 01:21:51.910
But nevertheless, I think, like what you end up as an epistemic community, it equals kind of what I call a narrative community, because a narrative is also a kind of

478
01:21:52.020 --> 01:22:05.430
like a way of sense making. And there's a lot of It has a certain epistemic quality, the narrative one. So I think my idea to that. The new right as a narrative community is basically the same as when you say

479
01:22:05.630 --> 01:22:09.709
Populist audiences of epistemic community?

480
01:22:10.200 --> 01:22:36.639
concerning these acceleration, mystic models of this narrative. you're right. That there are some leftists like the one I tried from is basically nickel, and who worked together with Mark Fisher and like, develop this idea. However, this Nick land just recently, like he get closer and closer to the odd ride, and he's like And nowadays an important proponent of the

481
01:22:36.640 --> 01:22:47.369
Us. American, all right. And I think this has to do with this narrative, because it's not really an analysis of like capitalism and contemporary society.

482
01:22:47.420 --> 01:22:49.129
But it's a

483
01:22:49.190 --> 01:22:53.979
it's more a narrative that he develops like his. And my idea is that

484
01:22:54.140 --> 01:23:10.839
every time you find, like left-wing groups or people analyzing contemporary society, not really analytically, but more or less as narrative, meaning that they use. Like more metaphors, they try a strong distinction between before and after.

485
01:23:11.320 --> 01:23:15.410
and every time there's a high how to say

486
01:23:15.520 --> 01:23:23.250
a possibility that they at some point get into the right wing right wing, thinking

487
01:23:23.900 --> 01:23:25.210
so.

488
01:23:25.990 --> 01:23:34.410
Yes, so this is also an idea of my approach that those narratives they kind of could connect left and right? Because

489
01:23:34.710 --> 01:23:35.650
this.

490
01:23:36.790 --> 01:23:54.090
yeah, because the the connection between left and right is a shared epistemic, I would suppose. And this lays in these narratives. So more or less. And maybe we could like deepen this talk later on. And so the differences between conservatism and conspiracy theories.

491
01:23:55.800 --> 01:23:58.700
Well, maybe let's start that.

492
01:23:58.930 --> 01:24:27.219
both of them. And we could add populism. We could approach with a lot of different methodologies like for conspiracy theories. Like, as you said, there's the mentality. There's like an ideology. There's the Mercedes, the narrative, and all of them like shows that there are a lot of different dimensions of this phenomena. The same goes on for conservatism. maybe difference is that conservatism?

493
01:24:27.540 --> 01:24:43.250
And maybe I would say that, like conservatism is just like a bigger frame where a conspiracy mindset could be a part of. So it's difficult. It had differences, because it's not like a distinctive phenomenon, but more or less.

494
01:24:43.710 --> 01:24:45.530
this could be a part of

495
01:24:46.230 --> 01:25:00.190
okay. So And to your last question with Tiano, I have to admit that the first one about the anti-modernist. I didn't really got so I will just jump to the arrival of anti-semitic and narrative in the discourse. And there I would say,

496
01:25:00.190 --> 01:25:18.560
It depends on what you understand as anti-semitism, and, like, in my point of view, anti-semitism is not just a prejudice against Jews, but it's a certain, also a certain narrative that uses to choose them as a code for a principle, a principle of like, of erosion, of order, a principle of

497
01:25:18.810 --> 01:25:25.030
who blamed the Jews as being at the core of a word conspiracy.

498
01:25:25.210 --> 01:25:29.660
You may see in my, I think my narratives

499
01:25:29.680 --> 01:25:56.080
they share a lot with with this idea, like decadence, basically, is the idea that there's a certain principle, or a certain plan. that leads to an erosion of a certain order. And this is basically what anti-semitism has about So in all of those narratives we could just easily add Jews as a code, and then we have, like a perfect anti-semitist, and narrative also, like apocalypticism,

500
01:25:56.180 --> 01:26:10.299
like anti-semitism, is basically a part of the Apocalypse, even in the Bible, like the Jew, as the agent of the evil of Satan. This is the same we find nowadays, even though they don't speak about, choose. But about

501
01:26:10.420 --> 01:26:26.239
it could be deliberate politicians. It could be like Communism, lochism, cultural Marxism, like all of this is just like they just swap the codes. But the story behind is basically the same. So yeah, there's A lot of revival of anti-semitism. Even. So say,

502
01:26:27.150 --> 01:26:30.990
yeah, they wouldn't admit. Or sometimes they don't even notice.

503
01:26:31.660 --> 01:26:34.570
Lorenzo Viviani: Okay, so thank you. Thank you very much.

504
01:26:36.920 --> 01:26:42.600
Lorenzo Viviani: You can ask for to the questions. I don't know if you want to answer. And there.

505
01:26:42.860 --> 01:26:44.779
Andrea Millefiorini: yes, thank you.

506
01:26:45.020 --> 01:26:58.559
Andrea Millefiorini: thank you to the colleagues for his very interesting question. in ideology. Yes. Well, I I know this debate about about the ideology

507
01:26:58.920 --> 01:27:09.350
Andrea Millefiorini:  Italy. We discuss about the about the internal populism like a ideology.

508
01:27:09.570 --> 01:27:24.310
Andrea Millefiorini: And I do. I am not an expert of Populism. I think that we can not. compare Populism with the environmentalism ecologists. And but at all, I think that

509
01:27:24.450 --> 01:27:30.100
Andrea Millefiorini: the the problem is that the fed or seen a.

510
01:27:30.590 --> 01:27:58.629
Andrea Millefiorini: it's a ideology. it's it's about. It's always about ideology that we speak. Because, the problem is that I think that we need to overcome the the concept of ideology which is now up. a little update updated outdated for me, I think that we if we consider the

511
01:27:58.870 --> 01:28:09.180
Andrea Millefiorini: hmm the whole of the society. they the confirmation of the society. I think that

512
01:28:09.470 --> 01:28:22.920
Andrea Millefiorini: a. A. A kind of thinking about politics is not now, producing a translate to translate it with in terms of ideology thing, or

513
01:28:22.950 --> 01:28:52.849
Andrea Millefiorini: it could be so the the challenge for us, I think, is to to find a a new, a new word, a new term, a new expression to explain this social representation, or this in imaginary, that that is the perimeter of a and political area. we have not an a, an an expression adequate to the, to the problem for me.

514
01:28:54.080 --> 01:28:55.349
Andrea Millefiorini: Thank you. Okay.

515
01:28:55.730 --> 01:29:01.919
Lorenzo Viviani: Michael. Michael. I don't know the the right conversation of Michael or

516
01:29:02.110 --> 01:29:32.029
Nicole. Sorry, Mika. Okay. Oh, yes, yes, we can at the end, thank you. well, Answering to to you, Lorenzo about this issue of creating resonance, and that this discussive frames cannot be just a constructivist, and it's in their nature. I completely agree. And actually, I I use the, the, the work of Paris, of Aslanidis in in my work, and I completely agree. The

517
01:29:32.190 --> 01:29:46.030
I even well, I I had to be quick, and I skipped a bit that slide. But I I use some concepts from the cultural sociology and from. And Swiddler.

518
01:29:46.100 --> 01:29:47.880
So

519
01:29:48.200 --> 01:30:04.880
I emphasized the idea that discussive frames have to articulate various types of various elements, resources, linguistic, both linguistic and cultural resources. Swiddler wrote about the the culture toolbox

520
01:30:04.880 --> 01:30:25.689
mit Ctl, and so a variety of resources that can be used and articulated in many different ways and and absolutely Populist. Discussive frames and discussive practices are in many ways successful, because they skillfully articulate those existing resources in new ways? 150.

521
01:30:25.730 --> 01:30:31.479
And I think there were some questions. If that answers your question. Yeah.

522
01:30:32.060 --> 01:30:38.500
thank you. There were some questions on the chat, I think to and and to me

523
01:30:38.680 --> 01:30:41.210
indirectly.

524
01:30:41.410 --> 01:30:51.449
There are other questions we have a few minutes with Fernando. Would you like to read it out, or we can read it out here.

525
01:30:54.490 --> 01:30:56.920
Lorenzo Viviani: Okay, okay.

526
01:30:59.010 --> 01:30:59.720
yeah.

527
01:30:59.840 --> 01:31:03.670
Fernando Castaños:  yes. I was

528
01:31:03.860 --> 01:31:07.899
Fernando Castaños: asking. This was a direct question for Andre, which he has

529
01:31:08.090 --> 01:31:11.869
Fernando Castaños: more or less answered when he answered the previous question.

530
01:31:11.940 --> 01:31:21.810
Fernando Castaños: I wonder how how he would deal with 3 problems for notions of ideology derived from the orthodox Marxist conception

531
01:31:22.000 --> 01:31:22.990
Fernando Castaños: one

532
01:31:23.130 --> 01:31:33.430
Fernando Castaños: can interaction, and therefore domination or cure among people belonging to groups with different ideologies, which is a problem which the

533
01:31:33.520 --> 01:31:44.239
Fernando Castaños: who Co. At rest in different ways, not using this language. But that was one of his main problems. Then why does one person have internal ideological conflicts.

534
01:31:44.400 --> 01:31:49.360
Fernando Castaños: which is one of the main worries in back teams

535
01:31:49.480 --> 01:31:54.659
Fernando Castaños:  discussions about

536
01:31:54.720 --> 01:31:58.090
Fernando Castaños: mean meaning making. And

537
01:31:58.490 --> 01:32:09.809
Fernando Castaños: why 2 people in the same identity group have different ideologies, which is one of the first questions Likeloe wanted to address when he started

538
01:32:10.380 --> 01:32:14.290
Fernando Castaños: considering his views of up discourse and Populism.

539
01:32:14.920 --> 01:32:17.820
Fernando Castaños: but, as Andrea has already said.

540
01:32:19.620 --> 01:32:26.649
Fernando Castaños: it would be better to find different ways of thinking about ideas and ideals.

541
01:32:26.700 --> 01:32:28.370
Fernando Castaños: and not

542
01:32:29.490 --> 01:32:36.849
Fernando Castaños: going back to the notion of ideology. But this was also an inter right question for me had

543
01:32:37.140 --> 01:32:42.390
Fernando Castaños: I also. I'm also the doubtful about the pronunciation.

544
01:32:42.420 --> 01:32:48.819
Fernando Castaños: If you're saying the way he conceives the epistemic community

545
01:32:50.340 --> 01:32:52.979
Fernando Castaños: has it still to do with

546
01:32:53.580 --> 01:32:57.539
Fernando Castaños: the aviation or or cognitive dimension

547
01:32:57.730 --> 01:33:01.000
Fernando Castaños: of discourse?

548
01:33:01.540 --> 01:33:07.689
Fernando Castaños:  And he seems to be

549
01:33:08.640 --> 01:33:20.659
Fernando Castaños: thinking that people have to agree more on how they see the world for the kind of phenomena his researching

550
01:33:20.740 --> 01:33:22.000
to

551
01:33:22.360 --> 01:33:33.010
Fernando Castaños: or cure. So it was an indirect question for me. He didn't use the the notion of ideology. But I'm not sure if he's

552
01:33:33.360 --> 01:33:37.000
Fernando Castaños: views about the epistemic community.

553
01:33:38.100 --> 01:33:39.950
Fernando Castaños: Also.

554
01:33:42.190 --> 01:33:44.690
Fernando Castaños: we'll have some of these problems.

555
01:33:45.140 --> 01:33:49.670
Fernando Castaños:  Besides this, I want to thank

556
01:33:50.010 --> 01:34:02.740
Fernando Castaños: all the presenters. Their their presentations have been very good, and are making me think a lot. And and I'm joined suggestions for further theoretical and empirical research. Thank you very much.

557
01:34:02.850 --> 01:34:22.960
Thank you very much. Michael and Ria, you can briefly answer the question. I have a very preference service. So my whole approach was an attempt to sidestep a bit of problem, and not to use the term ideology with all the difficulties in defining Populist ideology.

558
01:34:22.960 --> 01:34:48.469
because the the phenomenon is extremely varied around the world. So my idea was to sidestep the problem and to study a very specific community of people and study the discursive frames they use to categorize information and to make sense of the world. So it was a kind of a jump to empirical data and sidestepping this problem of ideology, which I believe is

559
01:34:48.540 --> 01:34:52.730
perhaps not the best concept to talk about populism.

560
01:34:52.990 --> 01:34:54.680
Yeah, that that's it.

561
01:34:54.760 --> 01:34:57.179
Lorenzo Viviani: Okay, thank you. Andre.

562
01:34:57.250 --> 01:35:01.790
Andrea Millefiorini: Yes, thank you very much to Fernando for for your

563
01:35:01.940 --> 01:35:16.070
Andrea Millefiorini: questions. well, I'm not sure to to be capable to give you a very clarifying answer. But in terms of

564
01:35:16.090 --> 01:35:30.049
Andrea Millefiorini: of the Max's categories. And I think that this is a very interesting question, because the the problem now is that we, if we consider that the 5 cleavage of rock and the

565
01:35:30.100 --> 01:35:31.990
about, the the.

566
01:35:32.220 --> 01:35:53.930
Andrea Millefiorini: the born, the the parties, the this party systems today, we have not. No one of this prevention. If, if politics in the West in experience, an era of retreat, of withdrawal of one of the reasons for this is be found, in our opinion, in the decline of conflict in contemporary societies.

567
01:35:54.020 --> 01:36:10.239
Andrea Millefiorini: the the fractures that were so well identified by rock, and at the time seemed to have exhausted their propulsive trust in generating new political formations of great stature. It is true that, according to some 150

568
01:36:10.240 --> 01:36:27.529
Andrea Millefiorini: such a And my colleague as a Giovanni Barbieri Populist parties that are the consequence of the emergent of the fifth cleavage that between the citizens and elites, for example, but for me this is not a very

569
01:36:27.540 --> 01:36:49.709
Andrea Millefiorini: real political conflict, because it it doesn't succeed to synthetize a, a, a a lecture of the the reality which is capable to be create meaning for all the citizens. So it's very difficult to to answer to your questions, but I think that.

570
01:36:50.030 --> 01:36:59.319
Andrea Millefiorini: and it's a It's a very important to hope that the conflict will will

571
01:36:59.360 --> 01:37:27.940
Andrea Millefiorini: succeed in the future to to emerge in in some in some concept, in some area of of argon all things. But I think when the conflict will will emerge, it will be, do it, not with the ideologies, but a new, with a new kinds of of mentality, of a of a I idea assistance that will be the very different

572
01:37:27.940 --> 01:37:31.050
Andrea Millefiorini: respect to the old ideologies.

573
01:37:33.380 --> 01:37:35.400
Lorenzo Viviani: Okay, thank you.

574
01:37:41.140 --> 01:37:56.620
Mit, Ctl, and there are other questions, very, very, very briefly, that there was just a short remark, and from the audience asking if claical bongards could try again to at something or to have his presentation if his Internet is working now 150.

575
01:37:57.430 --> 01:38:03.060
Gregor Bongaerts: Yeah, so that my isn't. It is working, but every few minutes it breaks down. So

576
01:38:03.160 --> 01:38:24.979
Lorenzo Viviani: so I'm I don't know if it's stable enough to to try it again. But I would like to try if you want to. If you want to, you can try it. Yeah, we have some.

577
01:38:25.640 --> 01:38:31.930
Lorenzo Viviani: You mean 10 min. You have 10 min.

578
01:38:32.430 --> 01:38:47.529
Gregor Bongaerts: I hope? My, we have the 10 min left to. Oh, my connection gives me 10 min. So I I just have only have a mobile Wi-fi. So that's a problem. I think you, okay.

579
01:38:48.820 --> 01:39:15.629
Gregor Bongaerts: So the idea was on the which societal circumstances an experience in security arises. My idea was it's an interplay between different differentiated fields of foreign society mediated by a mass media or social media which produces an experience of in security by everyday people. So on the

580
01:39:15.630 --> 01:39:25.839
erez agmoni the different fields I wanted to point out and to highlight was science, with its logic of struggles about scientific truth, scientists as professional actors, 250

581
01:39:26.130 --> 01:39:29.189
Gregor Bongaerts: scientific achievements as capital, and so on. So

582
01:39:29.420 --> 01:39:36.290
Gregor Bongaerts: mutual criticism as a principle. That's a specific logic of this field, and you

583
01:39:36.530 --> 01:39:41.980
Gregor Bongaerts: another for next field. I wanted to. So on. Now I cannot

584
01:39:43.670 --> 01:39:56.130
Gregor Bongaerts: problems So try. So now it works. Next field is a field of politics. with a specific logic of struggles about political power

585
01:39:56.190 --> 01:40:11.519
Gregor Bongaerts: and not about truth. Yeah, I put it to the power is as a as a capital of in in sense of of would you? about a capital which one has with offices or influence.

586
01:40:11.620 --> 01:40:21.279
Gregor Bongaerts: We have a logic with the position of government and opposition and the competition about petition, the potential electors. next field field of mass media.

587
01:40:21.620 --> 01:40:29.449
Gregor Bongaerts: Another different logic, different from politics and different from science. We have struggles about attention, a lot of truth and

588
01:40:30.480 --> 01:40:43.230
Gregor Bongaerts: political programs with a selection of information by specific criteria, like sensationalistic criteria, particularity extraordinary to you, the well known man by stock as as

589
01:40:43.260 --> 01:40:57.950
Gregor Bongaerts: points it out, then we have mass media as a monopoly of information, production, dissemination, or which define reality, and which has has some symbolic power

590
01:40:58.080 --> 01:41:01.090
Gregor Bongaerts: comparable to to to politics.

591
01:41:01.630 --> 01:41:17.440
Gregor Bongaerts: Oh, once! These are the 3 fears I wanted to highlight and the production of insecurity results. That is a possible model by the interplay we're out is produced by the interplay between the named fear. So, on the one hand.

592
01:41:18.000 --> 01:41:26.229
Gregor Bongaerts: erez agmoni, there are interdependencies between the free of science delivers knowledge to inform politics, media provide attention, politics, guarantee, free science, and journalism.

593
01:41:26.320 --> 01:41:31.320
Gregor Bongaerts: On the other hand, the content of science is, and by poly on end of politics

594
01:41:31.410 --> 01:41:35.019
Gregor Bongaerts: is broken. If the

595
01:41:35.080 --> 01:41:53.020
Gregor Bongaerts: find findings of science and the political programs disseminated by media because media has the logic of extraordinarity of which which I I named before, and this phenomenon was observable. During the corona pandemic

596
01:41:54.090 --> 01:42:01.690
Gregor Bongaerts: we have a scientific advice which was translated into policy, and by the translation into policy

597
01:42:01.980 --> 01:42:13.789
Gregor Bongaerts: Erez agmoni it was broken by scientific knowledge and potential political popularity. An additional scientific knowledge and political considerations were shaped by the selection of criteria for mass media 150.

598
01:42:14.290 --> 01:42:20.840
Gregor Bongaerts: I name this a kind of variation of the old. So theorem practice problem of critical theory.

599
01:42:21.700 --> 01:42:38.909
Gregor Bongaerts:  so on. I am. Specify what I mean by this. Now, this regarding the consumption of of the information disseminated by the most media, what do every day people perceive? Under these circumstances.

600
01:42:39.220 --> 01:42:43.620
Gregor Bongaerts: Journalism presents political positions and scientific discourses. But

601
01:42:43.680 --> 01:43:11.440
Gregor Bongaerts: regarding to the logic of journalism itself, criticism or normal science is presented as a contradictory conflict without hope for scientific consensus in Germany we have the discussion. You'll be pr in the mass media of of the different assessments of well known you knowologists with were scandalized. There we will. One sets the X the other sets of why and the the scientific logic behind it

602
01:43:11.440 --> 01:43:16.179
Gregor Bongaerts: wasn't. It wasn't explained by a Max meeting.

603
01:43:16.180 --> 01:43:29.409
Gregor Bongaerts: Political positions are as well presented as fundamentally incompatible, which are politics, for politics is quite normal. But there's a scandalizing and and conflict. driven

604
01:43:29.920 --> 01:43:39.720
Gregor Bongaerts: information by the most media. and we gains this. This is your positions between different opinions. concludes the. We

605
01:43:39.810 --> 01:44:04.650
Gregor Bongaerts: make it fast. Now, clue is. The result is that everyday people start to think that science is one opinion beside others with a better knowledge. This wasn't finding, I think, what it that was was observable. One of the pandemic politics I've perceived as lacking of strategy, because balance and scientific knowledge with political interest leads to policies without an understandable orientation. Briefly, no science, neither politics.

606
01:44:04.889 --> 01:44:14.119
Gregor Bongaerts: provide current interpretations on the situation and can deliver understandable orientation. And however, this is because of the broken perspectives.

607
01:44:14.219 --> 01:44:31.810
Gregor Bongaerts: Well, Jon, that is in produces. So John is the journalistic, the the mass media, information about science and about politics gains this this. This experience of the politics with this

608
01:44:31.920 --> 01:44:38.320
Gregor Bongaerts: for politics, which is not rightly oriented, and a science with with with

609
01:44:38.520 --> 01:44:41.989
Gregor Bongaerts: which which is not better knowledge than everyday knowledge.

610
01:44:42.160 --> 01:44:52.430
Gregor Bongaerts: So from the point of view of a phenomenological that is to be the second theoretical framework founded sociology, this leads to a feeling of insecurity on the part of everyday actors.

611
01:44:52.900 --> 01:45:01.309
Gregor Bongaerts: the perceived disorder as a suitable basis for the appeal of conspiracy theories which in turn provide a consistent picture of the situation so

612
01:45:01.469 --> 01:45:13.289
Gregor Bongaerts: conspiracy series as simplified explanations or narrations regarding a complex and not understandable society or reality.

613
01:45:13.580 --> 01:45:31.649
Gregor Bongaerts: So this order is attributed to powerful actors. That's the logic of transfer with the series behind it, just behind, observed the surface of reality. Reality appears as a symptom that distract from the actual players of the game, and, for example, the gates or the Eli that Q. A. And so on.

614
01:45:32.280 --> 01:45:33.819
Gregor Bongaerts: That's it.

615
01:45:34.209 --> 01:45:43.910
Gregor Bongaerts: briefly ended my this presentation, and sorry for the full, very unstable connections. Thank you. This order I produced with it.

616
01:45:45.020 --> 01:45:46.470
Okay, thank you.

617
01:45:47.770 --> 01:45:57.499
Lorenzo Viviani: And so thank you. All that we can conclude this very interesting panel. I hope to radio works on the

618
01:45:57.510 --> 01:46:06.410
Lorenzo Viviani: on the next time. And thank you. All in presence and online. Thank you.

619
01:46:06.629 --> 01:46:08.499
Gregor Bongaerts: And by. But