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Linda Luiz: Hmm.

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Linda Luiz: so good day. Everyone. Are you able to share? you my screen?

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Okay, thank you.

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Linda Luiz: Yes. shall I begin?

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Hedvig Ekerwald: Yeah, yes, please.

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Linda Luiz: So good day. This is Linda joining you from Kerala in India.

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Linda Luiz: And this is Karen. I I I hope you can see my next slide. It's changed.

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Linda Luiz: Yes, yes. So this is Kerala, in the southwestern coast of India, where I live and where I teach sociology at a women's college, and my papers is also based. In Canada. I had conducted doctoral research on the sociology of sociology in Karina, I focused on non technical institutions of higher education. The matter I'm presenting here is taken from my data.

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Linda Luiz: sociology started its career in Kerala in the 1930 s. As a minor subject, it was seen in combination with You can see economics, English, and also philosophy and political science.

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Linda Luiz: here we see some of the earliest instances of sociology being offered as a course of study in Vienna through the 19 thirties till the 19 fifties.

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Linda Luiz: It was only 1,963 that bachelors and masters, programs and sociology were started.

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Linda Luiz: I I most of these are Christian managed institutions that you see here. It was in 1,963 at Loyola College, In that the first and main sociology was started in the State the same year at the Bishop Tuna, Parable, Memorial college, and other Christian Management institution. being in sociology, I was offered.

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Linda Luiz: and I here I present a a quick look at all the institutions that I have surveyed that started offering sociology from the 1960 s. As either a bachelor's program masters, program or minus subject.

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Linda Luiz: I have marked out the institutions where sociology was only offered as a minor subject. I have highlighted it here. The term subsidiary or complementary were used to denote minus subjects at different periods of time.

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Linda Luiz: So these are different institutions. But this is a

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Linda Luiz: the first. This was the first generation of department departments. These are the second generation departments.

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Linda Luiz: Again, there are a number of courses places where sociology was just a subsidiary, and this is the third generation departments that were established in the previous decade. we can see that there are very few higher education institutions offering sociology at these levels in Kerala and near just about about one third of these have sociology is just a minor subject.

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Linda Luiz: Now this is on the the Department for Sociology. As the remained as a minor subject, and did not start offering a bachelor of masters. In course of time.

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Linda Luiz: where sociology is, remain as a minor subject, it generally comes under the departments of economics, English political science, or history. And I I had just a list of the departments where sociology is nested.

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Linda Luiz: Sociology seem to fit well in the group of these social sciences, therefore it has also earned the place as a common subject that is offered in the social science combination at higher secondary schools in Canada, sometimes at the expense of for geography or philosophy.

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Linda Luiz: I have not taken a professional higher education within in my study. But sociology is also taught as a complementary subject at professional colleges, including medical schools, a nursing colleges, law and social work colleges in area.

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Linda Luiz: however, sociology has a very different history as compared to the other social sciences in the State.

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Linda Luiz: subjects like economics, history, and political science, well, favorites in the Social Science stream, even from before Indian independence, that is, in the 1940 s. Satish Dashpande traces this to the the popularity of some subjects to the Indian freedom struggle

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Linda Luiz: Disciplines, like economics and history, provided

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Linda Luiz: tools for the Nationalist movement to attack the colonial rule. in the name of colon economic operation and historical disadvantages. And therefore these subjects had great symbolic value in the country from the nineteenth century itself.

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Linda Luiz: On the other hand, sociology was vilified because of its apparent connection with anthropology.

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Linda Luiz: Anthropology was distasteful for the Nationalists because it focused on the least modern aspects of the nation state.

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Linda Luiz: I mean one notes that English in in this this is from the night

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Linda Luiz: from 2,020 woman notes that English economics and history alone accounted for 61% of the total enrollment for Va programs in Kerala.

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Linda Luiz: we could, we could examine why sociology was sideline by looking at its origins in Kara.

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Linda Luiz: in the global context of the Cold War of the 19 fifties

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Linda Luiz: and following the Communist revolution in China in 1,949. Research in India, especially villages, was generously funded by American philanthropic organizations. This is seen as an ideological employ to prevent the Communist revolution from overtaking India, as it had in neighboring China.

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Linda Luiz: Around the same time, in 1,957, a Communist ministry payment to power

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Linda Luiz: in Kerala and the Ministry. That is the first time a Communist ministry was set up in Kerala, and the Ministry introduced an Education Bill which supposedly aim to change the religious control of education.

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Linda Luiz: at this time. by the, in the 1940 S. church-based organizations and community and cost-based organizations create a major, or they have a major stakeholders in the field of education, including higher education. And this Education Bill was seen to trying to use up the control of these communities.

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Linda Luiz: This led to large scale protests in Kerala, led by the church political parties and cast and community based organizations which were traditionally powerful groups, and which felt threatened by the Communist Communist Government.

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Linda Luiz: in the face of the It was. It is a following, these upheavals that sociology was introduced in together. So in the face of the Radical companies, discourse. So you seem to present to a worldview of equilibrium and consensus, and American sociology, as we would know at this time, was dominated by parsons. Functionalism, which was generally seen as a conservative force.

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Linda Luiz: So ideologically, sociology seem to be aligned to the conservative interest of churches and communities as opposed to the public discourses that Marxism engaged in, and the Marxist parties engaged in. This also had a had a slow was building up a

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Linda Luiz: tradition following in the State. All in all we can see, sociology had a shorter historical record than other social sciences. It was present in very few higher education institutions, and it suffered from a lack of symbolic capital.

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Linda Luiz: I argue that the Church had a major role to play in the transmission of sociology to get. Now sociology was first introduced at institutions managed by various Christian denominations with priests and nuns, teaching it from the earliest days till prison.

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Linda Luiz: Among these there were priests and ones who had received sociological training in the United States before they returned to set up departments in kernel. We can also the role of the Global Catholic Conference called the Second Matic and Council of the 19 sixties in popularizing the need for humanistic subjects, such as sociology in pastoral care.

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Linda Luiz: the sociology, and other such a subjects were considered useful for priests, and religious to know.

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Linda Luiz: Sociology is also used as a starting point for theology.

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Linda Luiz: A social analysis and clear knowledge of social realities was thought to give a firm basis for theologize. Therefore, sociology was taught to priest trainings at Christian Seminar, at least since the second Vatican Council.

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Linda Luiz: In my study I also came from sociology as a subject

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Linda Luiz: at institutions in parting Islamic religious education. The purpose of knowledge in either of these cases was to change the world for the better as defined theological

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Linda Luiz: This relation of sociology with social work and social service also made

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Linda Luiz: sociology relevant for religious personal

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Linda Luiz: learning. Strategy was seen to make a person more socially active and counted. Now this is the, and the first paragraph is a is something that they responded to me. So she said, the benefit of learning. Sociology is that I have good contact with everybody. Sociology gives important to relations. So she and this is the aspect of sociology that she appreciated. Another is a something written by a former bishop who studied sociology for his BA.

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Linda Luiz: He said, I found sociology helpful for theology, and it helped in my religious duties as a missionary, priest, teacher, bishop, etc.

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Linda Luiz: the religious connection can also be traced to the importance of social work. Sociology in Canada has a deep relation with social work. Some of the earliest departments established

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Linda Luiz: what were established to complement programs that taught social work or social service.

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Linda Luiz: Many of the students I teach. Now tell me that they want to become social workers, so many of you. So you want to get a feeder for for social work many faculty and students play an active part in extension work and come into their development activities including welfare of women, indigenous people, elderly and other socially excluded sections.

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Linda Luiz: so so she already seen as a redeeming discipline studying society for the purpose of making it better.

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Linda Luiz: The involvement of Christian, religious, and Christian management institutions is seen to have affected the nature nature of sociology in the State.

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Linda Luiz: and some who are not familiar with sociology think it the social work itself. However, some scholars are also critical of this relation. because this orientation seemed to blunt the critical angle of sociology.

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Linda Luiz: One discipline that sociology did not have a relation to was anthropology. This is in contrast to sociology needed that developed in the early twentieth century. We had a very strong link with a social andthropology tradition in Kerala students may come across a paper in anthropology in the as part of their the but the relation more or less ends there.

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Linda Luiz: we have seen how sociology was appended to English departments at the departments that thought English language, but that did not that same relation is not to be found in the case of the vernacular Malayal.

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Linda Luiz: we can see the situation of Malayal and faculty who engage in sociological discourse in the public sphere, but sociologists themselves are hardly to be found.

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Linda Luiz: So I argue that the lack of rootedness of sociology and it's distance from grounded discourses have made it less relevant, or to Malayal.

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Linda Luiz: Beyond these disability and ideological links there are many other institution connections, so not all of the in the initial appointees were had masters of research degrees in sociology. there are faculty with post-graduate degrees in philosophy, economic psychology, English labor, and social affairs. There was even a doctor to her in history from Oxford, who taught sociology in the first generation in Korea.

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Linda Luiz: in in my study I also found that many sociology posts were established for the sake of protecting the tenure of faculty belonging to other disciplines. In case the workload of these teachers do not need the required hours.

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Linda Luiz: so this I found such departments across the different generations of departments that were establishing there.

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Linda Luiz: In many such cases sociology remained as a minor subject, and it was taught by just one faculty Their focus was on the basics rather than on research, and the faculty themselves tended to be marginalized both in the institution and also in the larger sociological community.

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Linda Luiz: so that is also a concern that such single faculty sociology departments may may lack following the retirement of the those who are incumbent there.

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Linda Luiz: So this is I've put together many different things. I. We had a look at how we're doing nurtured at related departments, how it had a minor presence at many places. So we have a look at the space that sociology occupied within social science, imagination, there was a lack of social, symbolic capital, and we had a big look at the World cold War on how that has affected the genesis of sociology, and it's relation to religious studies, social work, anthropology, and languages.

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Linda Luiz: And I have also touched upon a few other institutional images. I think I will stop with that here. Thank you.

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Thanks so much.

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And if I can ask for you to stop sharing so we can get Joe Kasagi to share her. So her slides.

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So Joe Kasagi is from the open University of Japan, and her presentation is on social logic in Gabriel Tarve.

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an intersectional, an intersection of sociology and philosophy.

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He's sorry

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Jo KASAGI: presentation.

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Jo KASAGI: Hello, everyone. I'm I'm I'm very happy to be able to talk to you today

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Jo KASAGI: as I take through my presentation with Zoom.

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Jo KASAGI: This is a contents of today's presentation

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Jo KASAGI: in this presentation. We will over to you the sort of vocabulary.

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Jo KASAGI: Is it known as a sociologist who works mainly sent out on the idea of mutation.

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Jo KASAGI: he explained in the rows of imitation.

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Okay.

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Jo KASAGI: in particular his analysis of the public, he opinion, and the crowd. It's the best known of which is mainly subject.

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Jo KASAGI: Zoom is in many subjects.

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Jo KASAGI: but we must emphasize that he was not to just

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Jo KASAGI: this on the

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Jo KASAGI: what is the real is integrated on the other case, or how to possible?

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Jo KASAGI: Yeah, that was

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Jo KASAGI: what is it here is defined only as a realized part of this email sphere to what is possible.

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Jo KASAGI: This.

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Jo KASAGI: and in so doing attempt to present Cardian sort as an intersection between sociology and yours.

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Jo KASAGI: 6 and 2,

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Jo KASAGI: according to Turk musicians, have neglected the Rosik which courses to

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Jo KASAGI: to the it.

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Jo KASAGI: We you need to find the.

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Jo KASAGI: It's. It's it's it's it's it's broad, this sense with that. No single video.

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Jo KASAGI: It's this subject

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Jo KASAGI: which is underlying to.

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Jo KASAGI: Oh, about every day I

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Jo KASAGI: this fundamental

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Jo KASAGI: possible.

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Jo KASAGI: since judgment is based on video and essentially subjective element.

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Jo KASAGI: In other words, we make a idiot to be judgment. Not that I was a you do one. It's a certain degree of conviction to be its basis

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Jo KASAGI: to explain this.

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Jo KASAGI: which and that means it.

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Jo KASAGI: It is.

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Jo KASAGI: But it does not only belong to an in the video.

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Jo KASAGI: it is transmitted to between people through imitation. This is the

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Jo KASAGI: under these conditions. Thoseical judgment is not historically individual, but it's frequently influenced by us

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Jo KASAGI: mobile. which you the point out that

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Jo KASAGI: this inference does not

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Jo KASAGI: even this in the personal communication that

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Jo KASAGI: it it's academic discussion

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Jo KASAGI: in as I was

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Jo KASAGI: beyond our subject, it could be that it's communicating between

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Jo KASAGI: who's going to

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Jo KASAGI: there? Who.

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Jo KASAGI: according to that's a particular key concerning the subject. It is not individual but correct.

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Jo KASAGI: You would like to clarify 1 point.

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Jo KASAGI: That's not a deal with isolated judgments, but rather deal with the complex body, which consists of various judgments.

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Jo KASAGI: Let's take a look at how judgments combine.

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Jo KASAGI: You know

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Jo KASAGI: we make an

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Jo KASAGI: those. Those of this function is a to what they to and organize a mass of extremely device judgment.

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Jo KASAGI: This is why

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Jo KASAGI: that aim of.

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Jo KASAGI: but he would create a harmony and avoiding contradictions between different judgment.

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Jo KASAGI: Each table meet corresponds to a specific video.

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Jo KASAGI: They are most coordinated arrangement to provide that maximum, some of the

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Jo KASAGI: Dick, for example. that discoverable Newton's role, good application

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Jo KASAGI: in this case.

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Jo KASAGI: and on the other, that desire to, to the calculation which he holds to be for most of certain

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Jo KASAGI: that, and scientists who, the more leading to this process. In this way Rosie combines different to judgment.

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Jo KASAGI: That's how nice! And we

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Jo KASAGI: there's only a difference of a degree between.

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Jo KASAGI: we believe. And I'll say good, I think, about the videos

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Jo KASAGI: for the

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Jo KASAGI: by increasing its sound

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Jo KASAGI: in this continual change

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Jo KASAGI: there is something similar to the solidification of

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Jo KASAGI: this is the.

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Jo KASAGI: generally speaking, our convictions kind of to externalize them in service. so that that process was becoming.

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Jo KASAGI: This is what

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Jo KASAGI: we constitute the so-called objective world in a subjective way that is depending on what we just second

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Jo KASAGI: this. What? What this conviction

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Jo KASAGI: this explains. Huh! Solidification will be

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Jo KASAGI: if we have a about something. We just that this convictions. For

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Jo KASAGI: let's record that certainty comes from a

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Jo KASAGI: under these conditions, but current calls that possible is identical with a certain type of beauty

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Jo KASAGI: which has not yet to be sufficiently affirmed by other videos.

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Jo KASAGI: This kind of

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Jo KASAGI: are we by this video can always accept this opportunity of realization.

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Jo KASAGI: It is always capable of realization.

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Jo KASAGI: As i.

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Jo KASAGI: 6 and 5. Conclusion. the

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Jo KASAGI: which he called

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Jo KASAGI: the formation of social reality, is conditioned by, we believe, documented by those kind of

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Jo KASAGI: who, according to direct

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Jo KASAGI: any.

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Jo KASAGI: it is not regarded as a societal reality, and it remains an and

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Jo KASAGI: however once it unites with other beliefs to the to, in case it may become a social reality.

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Jo KASAGI: That's the formation of social reality can be explained by target. And

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Jo KASAGI: to conclude, let's summarize our presentation. So far.

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Jo KASAGI: it is defined as a video in case by device, it goes to a combination with other

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Jo KASAGI: as parliamentary subject.

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Jo KASAGI: It's a that's not a pretty. Suppose

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Jo KASAGI: any

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Jo KASAGI: it is I love. Vd.

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Jo KASAGI: what? That's all.

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Jo KASAGI: The

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Jo KASAGI: this is the as we have to see this.

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Jo KASAGI: Sorry, Joe. We're over by 2 min already. Sorry that that's all. I thank you for listening. Thank you.

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Okay, if you stop sharing, and then we'll have an opportunity for

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John O'brien from Portland State University.

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on Durkheim's rediscovered lessons from 1,892. Institutional sociology from the study of crime.

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John OBrien: Okay, this is John O'brien. good to be here. It's great to be part of a session that has so much content.

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John OBrien: And I'm talking about dirk time today, principally. But to follow it discussion of tired is interesting, because when Durkheim delivered the seminar that I'm going to discuss briefly here in 1892, Tard was his arch critic entity.

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John OBrien: they differed fundamentally

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John OBrien: in term. Not not not that d time denied belief, but that he believed that the leaf belief was that was a happy phenomenon or a derivative of the social organization, that it's not as motivational for us, and so on. In any case.

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John OBrien: that's a whole. Another subject very interesting in itself.

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John OBrien: the the center here is It concerns a book. If you want a couple

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John OBrien: what a year ago, year and a half ago.

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John OBrien: their crimes lessons were found. A copy of a notebook were found in an Attic and Bordeaux of France, and the notebook was handwritten by by Marcel MOS, who was here, who was his nephew, as we all know, and

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John OBrien: who's a big contributor to cultural anthropology, as we also know which is also part of parties, full subject, which is a whole, another dimension which I'm not dealing with. In any case, there's a certain authority in the notebooks given the hand that wrote them, and therefore they're very important. The other thing, though, is that he gave these lessons at at the time when, in the academic year

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John OBrien: of 1,892 93, which was the year before, he went to Paris to defend his thesis for a document

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John OBrien: and in the thesis for a doctorate. He did not discuss the sociology, sociology, perspective. Using crime as this case study. He discussed his sociological perspective, using labor of, you know, work.

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John OBrien: And there's an interesting reason for that which which I hope to get to at the end. In any case, in 1,892 he delivered a very interesting study of crime. And and the important thing here is he. He's not a criminologist. He's a sociologist.

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John OBrien: but he he believed that sociology was in in in the French view at the time, and I and the continuing view for many is, in fact, a. A. A, a.

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John OBrien: The far reaching, a general form of concern, and he, for instance, was particularly vocal about the fact that he believed that economics is part of sociology, that is, the echo. Economics is is a dynamic and institutional dynamic

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John OBrien: of social organization, and that

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John OBrien: that position is part of why I suspect his. His treatment in in, in history since then has been reduced, because, of course, the prominence of of of

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John OBrien: of economics. In any case. let's see.

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John OBrien: for their time. Crime is a social construction. It's not a moral issue.

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John OBrien: and yet nobody is associated with the idea of moral standards. Collect shared consciousness, and so on. Then then then their time, so that

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John OBrien: there the thing that's really interesting in his in his discussion of how crime illuminates the principles of sociology. That he thinks are important is that he? He shows how.

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John OBrien: not the normative order functions. And what we, we, we talked about. What we we need is when you use this words like social facts. A social fact, it for him is A is a is a symbolic fact, and he believe that norm, the normative order

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John OBrien: is similar to what we might think of today as gravity. You know. We say gravity holds a coffee cupped in the table, and normative order holds my wife and me together in a marriage and and you can't get A, you can't get a T cup full of gravity, and you can't get a T cup for the moral order. But obviously the intactness of the marriage certifies one kind of force in the same way the cup stability

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John OBrien: certifies the other force. And so he he was talking about that symbolic force. The Normative Order is a real ontological reality. Again, which is not necessarily taken so seriously.

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John OBrien: But

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John OBrien: in the slides I put in here for those of you that that have taken a copy of it. I put it. I put it on the website in case somebody wants to look. There's a lot of content in there, and

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John OBrien: what he said in 1,892 was really a following from his inaugural lessons as a professor, which was 1,888. So in 1,888, he gave his 9 year old lessons, where he established a lot of the basic ideas that he used. Later, throughout his work he he discussed social fact. He discussed what sociology is.

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John OBrien: He discussed the idea of the the notion of argument by analogy. He discussed the, the, the.

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John OBrien: the way in which personal liberty is not violated by his position any particularly stress that he's there's a difference between social practices, which are actions and structure which are categorical of categorical arrangements and or functions. And and he he studied functions, patterned social practices, the normative world in action, just to say that

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John OBrien: yes, he defined it. The unique quality of a discipline is, it has an object of study and a method of study. The object is the social fact

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John OBrien: which he describes as he does, and the method is comparative historical method, or what Mark's called the historical materialist method, if you, if you care to use those those terms.

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John OBrien: and he did not use the oxygen reference. But but many people can. So social facts are not biological facts. They're not psychic facts. They're not cycle chemical facts, they are. They identify collectively constituted phenomena of a universal nature. And he believe that that's what he held things together.

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John OBrien: The as far as crying goals try and consists in every act of which is a test, a jurate jurrentic conviction. So then, until it's gonna it's been convicted in the cart, it is in the crime.

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John OBrien: And that's interesting, because what he was trying to point out is that the moral order as a general ethical posture in society exists. But that's not the basis of crime. The basis of crime is

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John OBrien: this institutional organization, or it's the existence of society as an institutional apparatus. Thank you.

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John OBrien: So this very complicated set of arguments was, was was

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John OBrien: very, very radical for him to make the then, of course, he comes to the conclusion along the way that climb is normal.

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John OBrien: that it's unavoidable, and that the prosecution of crime is not.

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John OBrien: The importance of the prosecution for crime is to establish the limits on the normal

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John OBrien: on the norm, so that the norm exists within the limits of that which is criminal.

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John OBrien: And so there's the social This is social ordering force when the State intervenes at the level of crime. But what he points out along the way is that this concept? This fact leads to very strange consequences. For instance.

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John OBrien: for instance, it it it

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John OBrien: Let's see if I can. He, he! He! He! Studies, he studies out of all that crime people who are who are intoxicated and commit trimes, and he from his comparative data. And, by the way, he put into this into these lessons 56 original comparative statistical data from different societies. And that's the basis of his generalizations. As generalizations are not theoretical. They're based in research, anyway.

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John OBrien: He he! He sees that the the frequency of cabaret and the frequency of alcoholic crime we're crime committed to all the need reading are are similar, and since he's an institutionalist, he's therefore concludes the problem. The alcoholic crime is too many, cabbary, too many bars and and and taverns, which is interesting. I'm an Irish person, and so I think of the think of the connection between them the other is murder in in fraud, he points out. Let's see where to go.

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John OBrien: I lost it.

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John OBrien: My fingers flip. Oh, I'll talk about femininity he did. He did include femininity for the for the ladies in the room. he pointed out. That common criminality is is, you know, 15 to 20, only you've bought that women are just as likely to commit petrified, emphasize, and murder their spouse. So watch out and and

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John OBrien: and he points out the recidivism which is the repetition of time, is more frequent for females, because I suspect he didn't. He didn't go into psychiatry, but perhaps it has to do with the passionate derivative that that crime can carry. Oh, yes, here is it, he says. Most most killing does little that is negative for society.

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John OBrien: but a a crisis in the a crisis in the stock market is is really is really is really upsetting. Yet there's nobody goes to jail for causing a liquidity crisis, but they only go to jail for murdering, and the 20 is trying to make. Is that the the the logic by which

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John OBrien: government institutions legislate on crime has to do with political economic considerations and not morality.

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John OBrien: So that that's a very important point to to take. And it explains, by the way, in terms of contemporary political issues back in America. I'm an American by by by birth. Why, it's so difficult to to prosecute a former President, no matter what they do. In any case, economic crime. He talked about economic crime, and of course, along the way he touches enemy enemy for him is connected to economics. The real choice, and it, which is also a neo

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John OBrien: marxist in, in, in effect, or they didn't c it in that way. And that is, it's it's it's it's the chaos creative by economic conditions that lead to the enormousness that produces certain kinds of deviant behavior. And that's a very interesting point of view and something that should be stressed. Just the last thing to say that.

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John OBrien:  the way I can see it the reason he stressed the institution of labor in his defense of his thesis and crime. Here

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John OBrien: is that he had 2 points of view there discussed in his. In this course.

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John OBrien: He believes that that so the social organization was partly due to the to collective consciousness around normal order, normative order, and partly due to the to the solidarity produced by the division of labor.

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John OBrien: He discussed the division of labor in the in the text that he defended, and that was published first, and most people take him, therefore, as the labor economist or the division of labor Guy, but in fact, he was very into the into the importance of the of the collective a moral order

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John OBrien: which is fortunately stressed in this

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John OBrien: set of lectures which were not published, and we were never seen until a year ago.

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John OBrien: so that there's been a historical confusion, in my judgment about the relative emphasis in his in his orientation, and that there's to be corrected, and that's all I have to say, and that's it. Thank you.

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Thank you. Very good time. And

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okay. So next up.

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we're going to have

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Jacob Montereka from the University of Warsaw and Poland

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with the Metamorphos. I'm sorry I can't speak metamorphos of interdisciplinary disciplinarity from unity of method to the search for deeper insight

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Jakub Motrenko: thank you. Natalia. Many difficult words indeed!

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Jakub Motrenko: So in my presentation I intend to demonstrate that the call for interdisciplinarity has been implemented in different ways in different times.

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Jakub Motrenko: and

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Jakub Motrenko: I will turn the story of the metamorphosis of interdisciplinarity that took place in the 19 eighties in Polish sociology. And I focus my attention on the yeah, like, Robert Melton would say. Strategic research site. The circle of scholars constituted around a Polish sociologist.

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Jakub Motrenko: Stefan Novak.

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Jakub Motrenko: What is Intel interdisciplinarity? I will follow Jamie Cole's analysis of interdisciplinarity from his book, The Open Mind, and where he demonstrate inter disciplinarity as a specific value of cold war, science.

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Jakub Motrenko: interdisciplinarity is an expression of historically and cultural, culturally specific values. These values linked politics, cultural sensibilities, definitions of science, visions of proper ordering, of the Academy and American society, and so on.

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Jakub Motrenko: So some words about my research strategic site.

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Jakub Motrenko:  and so the team of Stefan Novak a Polish sociologist from the post war generation.

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Jakub Motrenko: and well, the high days for Stefan Novak was the 1,900 sixtys, 1,900 seventys. Although he played a central role until his death in 1,989

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Jakub Motrenko: Novak process, the ability and need to bring people together around him, acting as a leader in a collaborative circle or being important, node in a network of thought collective.

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Jakub Motrenko: The Department of Methodology at the Institute of sociology. Wars of University became a place for the crystallization of the ethos of positive sociology, tricky call of Marxist sociology.

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Jakub Motrenko: Novak was educated in the traditional humanist tradition of Polish pre-war sociology, and was a pupil of Stanislav, Osavsky, the last classic of Polish sociology, who died in 1,963.

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Jakub Motrenko: The experience that shape Nova's individual scientific program radiating out to his student was the sport Foundation fellowship and subsequent stay in the United States.

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Jakub Motrenko: the the Methodology Department was work. He had, it was run on the model of Burea, of applied social research created in the Us. In 1,944 by Paul Lazarus felt where Novak underwent an internship. In the late 1950 S.

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Jakub Motrenko: Novak was characterized by a liberal virtues, a peculiar dynamism of action, openness, wider social circles, but also but also discussions with people representing other research paradigms and word views.

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Jakub Motrenko: And now I'm going to present 3

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Jakub Motrenko: 3 phases, 3 steps of the metamorphosis of interdisciplinary

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Jakub Motrenko:  So 3 phases or types of interdisciplinary can be distinguished which I call the metamorphosis from unity of method to research. For deeper inside

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Jakub Motrenko: these 3 phases of inter disciplinarity are Positivist, post, Positivist and Anti-positivist. So let's start with the first one. The first face was dominated by the principle of unity of knowledge.

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Jakub Motrenko: interdisciplinarity was based, first in the 1960 s. On method. I'm referring to the general methodology of science and quantitative methods. And then, in the 1970, S. On Theory.

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Jakub Motrenko: in 1,973, Novak edited the volume, Theories of Attitudes. This was the fruit of a conference held to your area. As Novak explains, the Conference was intended as an interdisciplinarity Inter Interdisciplinary Conference.

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Jakub Motrenko: It brought together sociology psychologists and social psychologists. Novak points out that at this was the first conference devoted to attitude theories. It was natural that many authors attention was drawn to definitional issues. What it is actually are.

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Jakub Motrenko: Nova concludes that, despite some definitional differences which do not in fact, follow the disciplinary, divide a clear commonality of positions in understanding the field of attitude, theory, inquiry can be drawn.

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Jakub Motrenko: the interdisciplinarity of the conference was planned, not back clarified, that you are theoretical issue of attitudes. It is becoming one of the more prominent issues in the social sciences.

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Jakub Motrenko: It was obvious that such work must be interdisciplinary. The issue of attitudes has found itself at the intersection of the fields, of interest, of of their very different disciplines, above all, so sociology and psychology becoming a very strong factor working towards the integration of the various sciences.

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Jakub Motrenko: Now that emphasizes that this was an interdisciplinary of a special kind, because we felt the boundary dispute that are frequent in science.

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Jakub Motrenko: the complementarity of psychology and sociological approaches was obvious to him. Now that illustrates this argument with an anecdote, what, in one conference, a well known sociologist lectured on the measurement of the intensity of dispositions that make up attitudes, and a well known psychologist, on the other hand, and

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Jakub Motrenko: presented research into the changes in attitudes of Italian peasants.

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Jakub Motrenko: this model of relations should be called transdisciplinary. One concept methodology, explanatory scheme appears on the ground of various academic disciplines, things

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Jakub Motrenko: second, face

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Jakub Motrenko: 10 years later that this timing situation was fundamentally different from the late 19 seventies. Onward a rapid theoretical shift began to take place in Novak circle which can be called the Anti-positivist Breakthrough.

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Jakub Motrenko: The book published in 1,984 visions of men and society in current research, was the fruit of a four-day conference.

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Jakub Motrenko: It's not that explained in a books. Introduction underlying much of the inquiry in the social sciences are certain preconceptions about the nature of human beings, the nature of human communities and societies

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Jakub Motrenko: owned by human beings, or the nature of particular social phenomena. Novak explained that this was not about presentation and analysis in relation to scientific cognition in general, or even issues of importance to disciplines.

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Jakub Motrenko: but rather about issue. The personally important to researchers, researchers, their own preconceptions of the phenomena they study and articulation of their own normative attitude towards these phenomena.

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Jakub Motrenko: Sociologists, anthropologists, psychologists, psychiatrists philosophers, historians, biologists, physicists and mathematicians, were invited to join the discussion.

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Jakub Motrenko: The diversity of the subject matter was predetermined by the Interdisciplinarity that resulted from our intention. They say

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Jakub Motrenko: this in turn, however, was an expression of the conviction, then our own. Try that philosophy about the affairs of the human world is influence not only, but what happens in a discipline, we practice ourselves.

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Jakub Motrenko: after all our visions or concepts of the phenomena we study may also be shaped by what happens in related disciplines, and sometimes also in disciplines by distance from our own.

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Jakub Motrenko: He closes his introduction by returning to the problem of interdisciplinarity. He concludes that undertaking such as this volume can be multi-fac its response to a problem common to all sciences.

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Jakub Motrenko: The book, however, is not that worse? One big question rather than an answer to the issue it raises. Now, that's need for contact with representatives of other disciplines is still a current, but not in order to find a common answer. Method, concept as as this could only be of a very general nature. The value is imposing the question themselves.

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Jakub Motrenko: and the answers to not even have to be formulated with reference to scientific knowledge, but to one's own experience this kind of Co presence, but actually without common points. It's called multi DC minority. And the first last phase, anti-posit is anti-disciplinary.

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Jakub Motrenko: and

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Jakub Motrenko: and a conference in 1,987 results in the book really geography of Polish Society in the 19 eighties, in a text summarizing the discussions that took place during the conference. One author stated, the Tom of the discourse was set on the one hand by the Ifor to identify the police. Religious experience on the basis of empirical evidence

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Jakub Motrenko: gathered so far, and, on the other hand, by the philosophical reflection on the understanding of God safe, and the knowledge of religious phenomena. The diversity of the presented positions was due to the selection of speakers and to of the speeches and the presence of philosophers, sociologists, historians, and journalists from many different backgrounds, had an impact on the question. Post problems raised and answers pumped.

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Jakub Motrenko: Okay. In the introduction to the book Dot, or stated the conference in Cajunish itself, was conceived as a kind of summary of our theoretical investigation, and as an opportunity to present our research project to wider cell phone of philosophers and sociologists. Among the other things, we wanted to confront our convictions and intentions with different research perspective in order to gain some distance from our own project.

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Jakub Motrenko: Philosophy became the main source of knowledge here, so Scholar G. Was to integrate in its theory the knowledge produced with within philosophy, theology, the science of religion.

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Jakub Motrenko: It is no longer a question of confronting different scientific disciplines, but the return of a genuine philosophy to fuel the sociological imagination to suggest interpretation of the research recorded, providing a deeper insight into the phenomena under study.

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Jakub Motrenko: so just to sum up the forms of collective life at the preferred type of personality remain the same. People from different traditions continued to come together, and the open-minded character was defund. If defended.

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Jakub Motrenko: However, the geography of discipline has changed. Psychology offering universal model of action has been replaced by history. Theologians or philosophers of religion were invited instead of 150

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Jakub Motrenko: and mathematicians, the word template has changed, and among the sociologist the place of deeper of Communist party members has been replaced by members of the Catholic Church. The form of interdisciplinary has changed

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Jakub Motrenko: from transparency clarity to multi disciplinarity, to interdisciplinary census strict and the reason behind the you. The new unification has therefore changed.

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Jakub Motrenko: The reason for dialogue was no longer longer the postulate of unity of knowledge, but the search for a new, deeper insight into phenomena which, in the opinion of the researchers, escaped the description of sociology and social science in general, but required religious imagination and philosophical scourge.

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Jakub Motrenko: Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thanks so much.

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And so next up we have

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Marek Stavasha from Charles University in the Czech Republic, on 2 early careers in sociology, Mazarik and Jerusalem.

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Marek Skovajsa: Oh, hello, everyone

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Marek Skovajsa: I I am happy to be here. I hope you can hear me.

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Marek Skovajsa: I will share my screen.

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Marek Skovajsa: So happy to be here with you again.

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Marek Skovajsa: unfortunately not in in person. I present on an on the chapter in the Atlantic History of Sociology in in Central Europe.

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Marek Skovajsa: The topic seems to me close to the

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Marek Skovajsa: the main subject of this panel, which has to do with the

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Marek Skovajsa: yeah existing problems that were common in the early days of of of sociology.

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Marek Skovajsa: Excuse me and I and how it is related to

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Marek Skovajsa: oh, I don't like

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Marek Skovajsa: that. Sociology was not a acknowledged as an a full discipline, but it was part of

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Marek Skovajsa: a sort of road offering of a subject.

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Marek Skovajsa: I want to show you first some of the

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Marek Skovajsa: figures I am going to to present about 2 figures, to be more exact one is when I'm a Yanu Salem.

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Marek Skovajsa:  what's at philologists by his first

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Marek Skovajsa: training he came from what was then Bohemia. We are not speaking about the Czech Republic in the nineteenth century, but about the

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Marek Skovajsa: A. Land which was called Austria, and one part of it was Bohemia Now, nowadays it is in the the Czech Republic, and the other person is too much. Massachusetts was, the

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Marek Skovajsa: who is now internationally, perhaps, as the President of of of Czechoslovakia after 1,918, but mastery was, first of all a a university professor, and he was in his

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Marek Skovajsa: I would say in this academic hey day the the founder, the most important

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Marek Skovajsa: individual in the establishment of check sociology. So the subject of my book will be.

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Marek Skovajsa: it's an early sociology. I would like to compare And and

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Marek Skovajsa: as a do, interesting cases of a trajectory, a professional academic trajectory to make those individuals part of members of

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Marek Skovajsa: at least sociology

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Marek Skovajsa: how to begin this? and well, in the nineteenth century in Central Europe there was no sociology. There were individuals who can be

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Marek Skovajsa: from hindsight characterized a sociologist. But so there were no departments of sociology.

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Marek Skovajsa: and the similar. This Institutes or Research Institutes. They did not exist either. So people who were a sociologist where

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Marek Skovajsa: first of all, something else, they could be philosophers. They could be lawyers, they would be  keep on

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Marek Skovajsa: theologians in some exceptional cases, perhaps. when there is no strong institutionalization of a discipline, then we have to assume that there are no channels that make it possible for people to were aspiring to be sociologists, to take the direct

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Marek Skovajsa: to choose means in order to achieve their objective, to become academic sociologists. therefore they are some consequences such as sociology does not have. I'll not enjoy a a definition that would kind of

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Marek Skovajsa: be supported institutionally. So the conception of sociology can be very broad. There is no typical carrier.

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Marek Skovajsa: they are but the plurality of carrier types. There is a

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Marek Skovajsa: a as a consequence and greater instability of individual carriers in the sample or in the population of, would be sociologists.

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Marek Skovajsa: and the it is more likely that the career of sociologists will. Logs will be truncated because of external or internal cycles.

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Marek Skovajsa: no, for

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Marek Skovajsa: It can happen that we will find individuals who could be successful in academic profession, or

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Marek Skovajsa: you know, I related to professional activity, but their identity as a sociologist would be only partial. They are in particular 2 types that could be

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Marek Skovajsa: important for the the the couple I will be investigating in Jerusalem. One is what I call young and naive effect. Someone who first, as a young person at the university goes into sociology, wants to do sociology that does not exist.

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Marek Skovajsa: and then an account with difficulty in find in a permanent academic position. I would anticipate to say that this happened to somebody to master it.

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Marek Skovajsa: Another possible type of a carrier would be what I called security first on the later that that would be those people who first make themselves established

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Marek Skovajsa: professionals in another.

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Marek Skovajsa: and then later on, they they kind of go back to their original interest, which would be genuine interest. It would be sociology.

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Marek Skovajsa: and they end up becoming a part of the studio of sociology to some degree at least, this can be considered to be the case of

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Marek Skovajsa: Why, I think it could be useful to talk about your bosom and mastery in conjunction.

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Marek Skovajsa: It is obviously a very difficult thing to compare to individuals who had, like that we do different contributions who came from very different the grounds also from one single country, or even a province of that country.

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Marek Skovajsa: But if if nothing else, this comparison can display the reality of types of at least sociology.

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Marek Skovajsa: Then also help to

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Marek Skovajsa: kind of the aspects of their careers that I I highlighted because of comparison, and it obviously helps in that. This case can have to show that it is important to look at the history of sociology, ecosystems, the national borders

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Marek Skovajsa: nowadays in the and the checking, the the literature on the history of sociology.

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Marek Skovajsa: Yeah, new Zealand does not exist because he's German on.

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Marek Skovajsa: It belongs to Austrian colleagues, and we don't deal with him. I think this is wrong, not only because it this I'm a historical, because in the nineteenth century

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Marek Skovajsa: the 2 of them

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Marek Skovajsa: we're simply members of one political community.

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Marek Skovajsa: well, so very briefly, on the 2 individuals both were born in a very kind of

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Marek Skovajsa: humble. So we should

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Marek Skovajsa: settings

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Marek Skovajsa: my setting was born. And what is today? The

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Marek Skovajsa:  part of the which is called Moravia here, and the the south east of this map in Huddonin. he went on to study, and but not the high school, and then maybe university studies in in Bernard and in philosophy

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Marek Skovajsa: with the so professor Professor of Philosophy, famous at the time named France, but he, Brentano.

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Marek Skovajsa: and he did his habitation of what we would call associate professorship

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Marek Skovajsa: license to to teach sociology at the University in 1,879, in in Vienna, Where where he went Downo was the the head of his his committee. Then he had no job until he was an invitation well, to be in Prague, where annually established. Tech University was hiring a few, not my name, but if you me, professor. So he went to the crowd and became at

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Marek Skovajsa: check Professor

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Marek Skovajsa: philosophy, but he also taught, and because of sociology, and he got sociology regularly. So that makes him into a the sound of actually of of theological tradition.

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Marek Skovajsa: since he came to Prague he became more and more involved in political struggles of the day. He became one of the leaders of the check national political movement.

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Marek Skovajsa: He was more critical member of this movement than many others, but still he was increasingly his

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Marek Skovajsa: time and energy was increasingly got or they can claim by this political activities. he became a journalist of a high rank, but still a journalist, and he is out on the Parliament in Vienna for a certain time The well-known part of Marcelli's story is that he went into exile during the World War one, and became the head of the campaign to establish an independent Czechoslovakia.

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Marek Skovajsa: that is also to

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Marek Skovajsa: destroy Austria, Hungary, it's evident, in 1,918, and massively became the president of Czechoslovakia.

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Marek Skovajsa: with little time left building for for sociology. They'll have in jail with Salm was born in a small village somewhere in the middle of of the Czech Republic nowadays.

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Marek Skovajsa: into a Jewish family, first attendant a local Jewish school, but then, because of his talent and aspiration. He he went to Prag to study at that

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Marek Skovajsa: high school and maximum. That's the the term goes in Central Europe, and he went on to study at the University he studied classic with theology.

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Marek Skovajsa: Then he became a

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Marek Skovajsa: license to high school feature, and he went on to a small town between Beno and Vienna called Nicola for Nicolas.

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Marek Skovajsa: but he thought for a couple of years he he launched his academic

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Marek Skovajsa: every year. He was right in this time. Already he moved to Vienna again. He thought that the high school

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Marek Skovajsa: he actually taught at a high schools for 80 years before he was able to  give the

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the of his teaching responsibilities on high school, and only thought at the University.

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Marek Skovajsa: You also got a habitation in 1,891,

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Marek Skovajsa: in philosophy again, and you can see that the committee is actually quite similar. There is again, there is not Brentano, but 2 other members go in A are the same.

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Marek Skovajsa:  perhaps, also

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Marek Skovajsa: that that brings us closer to why it makes sense to speak about the 2 together as they were parts of the same personal or the personal network

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Marek Skovajsa: then, Ted was

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Marek Skovajsa: teaching at the University, but he was not appointed until 1920 an extraordinary professor, and only 1923 he was appointed full professor as

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Marek Skovajsa: 2 weeks before he passed away.

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Marek Skovajsa: This could have something to do with this Jewish background, and also with his that lasting Socialist political orientation. Okay, I show the map of Bohemia where you can see how the trajectories of Masari. And

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Marek Skovajsa: yeah, Rosal, I'm actually kind of overlap, only to the direction is the reverse order and Jerusalem both list I spent some time at Leipzig, at the University of Leipzig, the prestigious

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Marek Skovajsa: academic centre in the late nineteenth century setting also

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Marek Skovajsa: state and road for some time, and in the in the war. It was for 4 years in in exile, otherwise the academic careers are limited to this relatively narrow

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Marek Skovajsa: 30 to 8. Well, I can show some books by both authors.

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Marek Skovajsa: and point that part of it was sociology. Part of it was not sociology.

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Marek Skovajsa: and that brings me to perhaps the key and last slide because of

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Marek Skovajsa: the time limitation. we. I want to be talking about the relationship of sociology to other fields. So here we can see Masari and the Rusalem kind of development in terms of

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Marek Skovajsa: academic disciplines that they pursued. You can see that, master. It was a a, a graduate of a philosophy program soon in his

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Marek Skovajsa: Wendy's he edits Sociology

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Marek Skovajsa: which was actually.

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Marek Skovajsa: which resulted in his first book on Su Suicide. As the the

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Marek Skovajsa: Pathological Me got this phenomenon of modern mass society. that that was before he's 1030, and before he came to Pr.

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Marek Skovajsa: But when he was in Prague at the Czech University, he under interest in cultural history, then in political thought, and so as a film history and in in religion, in he engaged in Parliament, with

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Marek Skovajsa: Catholic Church and the other other religious thinkers. in case of Jerusalem, he he started in classical philology. Then he started to teach, but he did not want to teach only the we can let in. He found it to narrow. So he added, philosophy, he will even ask by the authorities to be a bit of philosophy, and from there he he obey his kind of and political

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01:09:53.810 --> 01:09:56.380
Marek Skovajsa: minded to

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Marek Skovajsa: orientation and other psychology, empirical psychology. He also added pedagogy, and only late in his every year. It was sociology. He did write about Spencer a bit, but then, in the 1,900 and

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Marek Skovajsa: 9, he published an article in the sociology, on the sociology of cognition or knowledge, and this makes him into as the founder of this discipline. We also work on on ethics.

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Marek Skovajsa: So to conclude, I want to

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01:10:24.040 --> 01:10:31.339
Marek Skovajsa: to say 2 things. One is that those early sociologists on which I focus here at why not

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01:10:31.570 --> 01:10:49.189
Marek Skovajsa: definitely not the pure sociologists, but they have to grow the disciplinary portfolio which included sociology, that one that is 1 point jointly with other disciplines, and the other point is that sociology is part of their portfolio only for some time.

399
01:10:49.270 --> 01:11:00.900
Marek Skovajsa: as the discipline number one, and you see the difference that is marked with this red line here for massive. It was early in his career. Then he moved on to broader

400
01:11:01.240 --> 01:11:04.680
Marek Skovajsa: interest. That has to do with the political cabin here.

401
01:11:04.700 --> 01:11:07.649
Marek Skovajsa: Yes, Jerusalem, and this would be the case of

402
01:11:07.700 --> 01:11:22.119
Marek Skovajsa:  first work fun. Later, he first established himself as a high school teacher in a as a university lecturer, and only at that point he he sees to teach. He gave up teaching in the high school, and

403
01:11:22.140 --> 01:11:31.499
Marek Skovajsa: we we decided to full time engage in with with sociology, the sociology of knowledge. well, it's that is.

404
01:11:31.620 --> 01:11:33.980
Marek Skovajsa: oh, I I want to to say, Thank you.

405
01:11:39.530 --> 01:11:40.610
Okay.

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01:11:40.650 --> 01:11:48.460
if you can stop sharing, I'm going to try and share the recorded presentations because we've got 2 still to come.

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01:11:49.060 --> 01:11:54.950
Let's see, I don't have any support here. So it's hopefully. I'm doing this correctly.

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Sorry. Okay.

409
01:12:18.160 --> 01:12:23.639
so I'm going to start with So Sedya tunnel

410
01:12:23.660 --> 01:12:30.660
from Istanbul University in Turkey, and her presentation on the French sociologist, anthropologists

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01:12:31.470 --> 01:12:32.480
or

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anthropologists, sociologist Durkheim Mouse, and Levi Strauss.

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so that

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included his article.

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He cares that the spontology of France is then not the first archaeological to

416
01:13:14.310 --> 01:13:17.800
it presents 5 to get away from the soil, and one day

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you can't start at the foremost

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participants is a French exception from the We.

419
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These cooperation.

420
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that's an organization.

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01:13:36.070 --> 01:13:41.510
The relationship between

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01:13:41.720 --> 01:13:45.500
to the

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this.

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according to some.

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01:13:52.640 --> 01:13:53.560
that

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dollars. It was a remarkable section. We'd 20 treasured French fog for that. It's the only in in parts.

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and

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this means the rotational force is oscillating between being a

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this session.

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The collaboration between 2 next

431
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to be accepted as a indicator of fertile. The disciplines of sociology and anthropology are.

432
01:14:35.860 --> 01:14:38.610
There's a little bit of

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in the time when you set up with the

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01:14:50.570 --> 01:14:57.769
societies to find the evidence that forward provides

435
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this

436
01:15:01.510 --> 01:15:03.309
in

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which, under us relationships in social structures and prosecution.

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We're going to learn from our religious life, which was

439
01:15:20.160 --> 01:15:27.420
on your most.

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It was only our students

441
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and

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a single also

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for that

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in 1,925 for most

445
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to.

446
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If you remember that the innocent who things together

447
01:16:09.040 --> 01:16:11.870
we're going to

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01:16:11.900 --> 01:16:16.129
most articles published in

449
01:16:19.960 --> 01:16:24.430
almost that focused on many new conservatives and subjects.

450
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These studies are widely accepted as having a

451
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in a sense, so we intellecting complex concepts of social type.

452
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But at the same time.

453
01:16:44.610 --> 01:16:57.380
for this close sexual anthropology. Firstly, most shame do not like those of accepting social.

454
01:17:07.430 --> 01:17:13.299
There is a conviction that this size can be an omnibus

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from most perspective. Other things exist, and you have been in social life.

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These are observable

457
01:17:33.280 --> 01:17:34.630
forms

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01:17:34.880 --> 01:17:39.770
in his study. Yes, tips are not evaluated just as themselves.

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The entire system of

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01:17:46.620 --> 01:17:52.560
the question of

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01:17:53.460 --> 01:17:54.250
this.

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01:17:54.640 --> 01:18:01.620
I mean, according to most society, isn't it? For solar?

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They only as the teams and the spirit of things

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01:18:09.240 --> 01:18:19.760
are exchangeable.

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giving, receiving, and

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01:18:22.590 --> 01:18:30.200
these are the

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01:18:30.360 --> 01:18:33.620
are fulfilled by extending you

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01:18:34.220 --> 01:18:40.570
his life. Relief becomes a concept that over this all the cultural errors

469
01:18:41.060 --> 01:18:50.350
for the

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01:18:51.320 --> 01:18:54.090
anthropology

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01:18:57.030 --> 01:19:00.410
principle as

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01:19:03.820 --> 01:19:07.990
he is.

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01:19:09.250 --> 01:19:12.899
his article, transpose a budget was dedicated.

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01:19:14.350 --> 01:19:15.080
Yes.

475
01:19:15.570 --> 01:19:17.419
it is so small.

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01:19:20.900 --> 01:19:24.890
His sympathy for they spent on their number of.

477
01:19:25.560 --> 01:19:46.720
I'm sorry. Can you stop the video? I I think there is a problem with Oh audio.

478
01:19:46.830 --> 01:19:50.189
So there's a problem with you. You guys can't hear the audio.

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01:19:53.070 --> 01:19:55.740
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: That's good. There is the the message.

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01:19:56.290 --> 01:20:00.300
This is Marx's iPhone: Yes, yes, we can't hear the.

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01:20:00.510 --> 01:20:04.239
This is Marx's iPhone: you know.

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01:20:04.710 --> 01:20:08.649
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: Okay, I I can please, not myself.

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01:20:10.870 --> 01:20:11.870
Okay.

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01:20:12.180 --> 01:20:17.080
Do you want to present instead? Then I'll just stop sharing.

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01:20:17.640 --> 01:20:18.570
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: Okay.

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01:20:19.620 --> 01:20:21.919
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: can I show my one?

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01:20:22.240 --> 01:20:26.340
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: you know, I feel my slide. Okay.

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ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: I'm sorry.

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01:20:31.400 --> 01:20:42.150
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: Oh, this problem. I'm sure that's it. That conflict from Istanbul University today. I want to talk about the relationship between Durkheim and Livestos.

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01:20:43.820 --> 01:20:46.100
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: Hmm. yes.

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ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: Lord Lewis Holt, in his article French Sociology, published in 1,945, declares that sociology in France is the era of the first anthropological task. Thought experiments represented by Dedeco, Russo, and Montane, and defends the idea that the permeability of sociology and anthropology disciplines

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ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: mit Ctl. And is a friend exception exception of classes. From the beginning this cooperation finds an organic expression in the collaboration between Durham and Moss. 2.

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01:21:22.110 --> 01:21:48.160
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: Oh, the relationship between uncle and nephew remains a controversial issue open to different interpretations. According to some, Mar Samos was a natural and because it's successor, a successor, a second man. According to others, he was a remarkable exception within twentieth century French tout, who had planted the seeds of many new files.

494
01:21:48.430 --> 01:22:05.710
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: especially in France, Allen, Kaye, Carmichael, and Riv. The most insist on the originality on on my oathmos. This means the position Osmos is oscillating between being a second word man and a remarkable exception.

495
01:22:05.930 --> 01:22:26.030
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: However, another approach needs to be to be determined. The collaboration between these 2 names should be accepted as an indicator of how fertile the disciplines of sociology and anthropology are when considered together because there is a real intertwining here.

496
01:22:26.330 --> 01:22:27.660
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: I mean you can.

497
01:22:27.780 --> 01:22:38.540
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: who set up with the aim of establishing a positive science of society in time, turned his direction to distant and different societies.

498
01:22:38.550 --> 01:23:05.100
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: to find the evidence that provides crease to need science. Meal needs, and, thanks to his nephew, modes in 1,903, your kind and most cultured, the work, primitive classification which addressed the relationships between social structures and classification systems regarding to the elementary forms of religious religious life, which was the due time. Last word

499
01:23:05.310 --> 01:23:06.520
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: on you back

500
01:23:06.680 --> 01:23:23.780
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: implied that most anthropological interest were reflected in the book writing most. Only your signature is missing, and although it was published with a single other, the work, the work was the product of a Co. Of a collective efforts

501
01:23:24.060 --> 01:23:37.769
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: in 1,925 25 most pioneers, the establishment of the Technology Institute within the University of Paris. It's Luciani Vibril, and

502
01:23:37.830 --> 01:23:51.809
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: in 1,931. This time he was elected the Sociology chair at the College of France, but despite its its name, this chair function in reality as a chair of anthropology.

503
01:23:51.950 --> 01:24:03.470
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: It should be. Remember that the addition which brings together posthumously the most articles published in lemon sociology, was titled Sociology and Anthropology.

504
01:24:03.800 --> 01:24:25.029
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: although most had focused on many different areas and subjects, his studies are widely accepted as having a like to come sociology method in various files, in a sense, fully integrating due time, sole concept of social fact, broadening it until it became total social fact.

505
01:24:25.070 --> 01:24:36.980
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: But it but at the same time most had all been the groundwork for levy straws, structural anthropology, the 2 points where he diverged from the time.

506
01:24:37.050 --> 01:24:38.160
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: firstly.

507
01:24:39.120 --> 01:24:59.080
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: most shell share. Do you times approach of accepting social fact as positive, and the idea that a positive sites is necessary for being able to investigate this fact, and the connection that these science can be, and only be sociology.

508
01:24:59.320 --> 01:25:01.910
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: From most perspective. However.

509
01:25:02.160 --> 01:25:22.129
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: things exist within social life that cannot be. That cannot be directly observed. Hey, such as least values norms, ideas, and social representations, these unobservable objects, a symbolic meaning for most

510
01:25:22.150 --> 01:25:34.709
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: in his study the gift, if not gifts, are not a related just as themselves, but through the entire system of values that they symbolize and their entire meaning.

511
01:25:34.830 --> 01:25:38.350
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: The question, the question of symbolic meaning

512
01:25:38.380 --> 01:25:43.850
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: had come to center very quickly in in the most early studies.

513
01:25:44.140 --> 01:25:55.980
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: Secondly, according to most, society, is not based on the solarity, but on but on, but on the reciprocity. In the other words, communicative exchange

514
01:25:56.290 --> 01:26:23.749
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: As long as the things and the spirits of the things are exchangeable, the society develops 3 types of obligation on the basis of symmetrical, and a symmetrical relations over the gift, giving, receiving, and returning these obligations and counter obligations to which, most gave the name system of total presentations are fulfilled by exchanging gifts.

515
01:26:23.790 --> 01:26:31.729
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: In this way the gift becomes a becomes a concept that regulates all social areas.

516
01:26:32.190 --> 01:26:33.990
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: 2 businesses

517
01:26:41.660 --> 01:26:50.890
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: continues to stand as soundly best as the gravity theory in astronomy. anthropology

518
01:26:51.160 --> 01:27:01.499
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: depart from the principle of reciprocity. We can now examine the continuity and the afflation between Levitos and his. Shell met

519
01:27:01.640 --> 01:27:16.920
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: most. His article, French Sociology is dedicated to Moss. He wrote to Mar Samos in the constant remembrance of his seventeenth birthday, spent under a double operation.

520
01:27:17.170 --> 01:27:26.779
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: In his controversial and famous preface to sociology and anthropology, lives those presents most most as Moses.

521
01:27:27.870 --> 01:27:35.650
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: Moses, who come, who, conducting his people all the way to A, To to a promised land.

522
01:27:36.040 --> 01:27:41.209
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: and had, at the age of the most emails, possibilities

523
01:27:41.630 --> 01:28:02.969
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: for the teaching for lives, calls. The teaching of Mouse remains highly esoteric, but while at the same time exerting a very deep influence, but also he is the first to make an effort to transcend empirical observation, and to reach deeper relatives.

524
01:28:03.210 --> 01:28:05.530
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: Do the genius, of course.

525
01:28:06.520 --> 01:28:21.000
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: to conceptualize the gift, exchange and ethnographic phenomena can be observed in common in different human societies, in a way to allow comparing different different types of societies

526
01:28:21.030 --> 01:28:37.359
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: in the owner of structures of kinship, live source moves from the principle of reciprocity and read society through exchange regimes, just as mostly the the gifts the source had a form had found a constant.

527
01:28:37.520 --> 01:28:40.759
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: the prohibition of incest

528
01:28:40.960 --> 01:28:49.350
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: that would allow, compared to different societies, and would grow this ethnographic fundament to the conceptual level.

529
01:28:49.600 --> 01:29:06.350
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: depart from the idea that human societies are based on the necessity of exaggerating, due to provision of incest. The examined society is based on a system of exchange, exchange of words, goods, and viewing

530
01:29:07.040 --> 01:29:09.440
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: effects

531
01:29:10.630 --> 01:29:31.009
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: The relationship between livestock and livestock is, of course, is not so cordial and tied to the globally closed, like other young flows, offers of his generation, first rejected due time a heritage which is so as a Conservative. More or less

532
01:29:31.120 --> 01:29:38.380
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: he started his. His academic career in Brazil is a sociologist who refused to teach.

533
01:29:38.500 --> 01:29:41.520
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: It comes, and you can't stay right.

534
01:29:41.770 --> 01:30:02.729
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: All I was lasted to have the Chair of Sociology with Levis Frost demanded that. Let it be fired. I'm claiming that he refused to teach this kind of sociology. He was not entirely wrong, because in the lives of was in obvious insurrection against the

535
01:30:03.020 --> 01:30:24.429
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: when he returned to France. years later, however, this was become also the in constant and the paradoxical disciple of their time. He writes in an article review, for our part, we remain convicted that social facts must be studied as things

536
01:30:24.530 --> 01:30:40.980
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: in the he. He declares his attachments to Durkheim. I'm probably at this moment nearer than any of my colleagues to the Duke, I mean tradition.

537
01:30:42.040 --> 01:30:52.359
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: and also in his book, Sexual Anthropology, dedicated to Durcom, leaves those declares himself a in constant disciple of the

538
01:30:52.690 --> 01:30:54.669
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: indeed, this was

539
01:30:54.710 --> 01:31:12.509
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: hope that the discipline of anthropology, of much to Jukem, because, first Lena, sociologic, become a become a workshop. They developed the tools of modern anthropology and gave impetus to the discipline.

540
01:31:12.690 --> 01:31:24.630
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: Besides drawing on the prince the Ducanian principles and English anthropologist, Alfred played a leading role in the development of the of anthropology.

541
01:31:24.710 --> 01:31:39.999
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: Of course, neither do. I nor his first generation collaborators could do filed work because of the World World War, but that had not stopped the I don't reforms of religious life

542
01:31:40.050 --> 01:31:46.720
from beginning a constant source of inspiration for a Australian working anthropologist

543
01:31:47.450 --> 01:32:08.339
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: as a conclusion, your time looked for the validation of his sociological method in this societies, and without ever leaving his seat. It, he he became for Marsamos and Alfred radically from one of the most important theorists in the he of anthropology.

544
01:32:08.610 --> 01:32:25.229
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: Most who applied Durkheim's method to different societies was the source of Levestro's structural anthropology. With with the importance he attached to symbolic meaning and the principle of reciprocity he proposed.

545
01:32:25.400 --> 01:32:44.380
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: and at a certain point in his carrier there was that retrospectively repaid his depth to Japan. It would be certainly interesting to add one more link to this chain and investigate. How would you translate it?

546
01:32:44.390 --> 01:32:50.269
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: Ocean, and leaves Christian concepts and approach back into sociology?

547
01:32:50.530 --> 01:32:52.059
ŞEYDA SEVDE TUNÇBİLEK: Thanks for this thing.

548
01:32:57.230 --> 01:33:15.680
Okay, I'm going to give it a go for the last presentation. So the last presentation is by Olber Alberto Cordero befarias from the University, the Estado Borio de Janeiro in Brazil. And it's what is a systematic history of sociology, presentation of the

549
01:33:15.830 --> 01:33:17.939
the problem and some hypotheses.

550
01:33:18.200 --> 01:33:27.660
Now, if you guys can't hear it online. Let me know. They've said that they've tried to fix it. But if that isn't fixed, there's not a lot

551
01:33:27.690 --> 01:33:31.739
that they can do without canceling the session and starting from beginning.

552
01:33:32.800 --> 01:33:34.250
So fingers crossed.

553
01:33:36.380 --> 01:33:37.080
Okay.

554
01:33:39.800 --> 01:33:41.840
 is

555
01:33:44.070 --> 01:33:44.910
okay.

556
01:33:49.460 --> 01:33:51.010
And the

557
01:33:51.500 --> 01:33:54.270
my work is in.

558
01:33:55.040 --> 01:34:02.209
It's a semiconductor. So the presentation of your chrome. In some hypothesis.

559
01:34:03.350 --> 01:34:11.499
I would like to thank the Professor responsible for this space for having expected my communication

560
01:34:11.940 --> 01:34:12.750
also.

561
01:34:13.170 --> 01:34:18.320
Secondly, I would like to ask permission throughout my presentation.

562
01:34:21.380 --> 01:34:29.980
The present communication starts from the observation. that is, the inconvenient sociology and the philosophy

563
01:34:30.210 --> 01:34:32.399
made a physical tradition.

564
01:34:32.840 --> 01:34:38.730
This is the 4 questions that are of a systematic order.

565
01:34:38.990 --> 01:34:42.299
but not to of a historical, or that.

566
01:34:42.730 --> 01:35:00.909
I say that these are not systematic in historical policies, because I didn't look at concerning with questions about evidence that prefer the historic to show up in social identity of in this.

567
01:35:00.970 --> 01:35:11.320
as well as the internal aspects of the systematic development of some classical, social, theoretical formulations.

568
01:35:12.060 --> 01:35:17.660
I highlight this dual approach for 3 main reasons.

569
01:35:19.170 --> 01:35:23.640
In the first place, this is the American perspective checking.

570
01:35:23.710 --> 01:35:27.210
I want to summarize the historical perspective

571
01:35:27.570 --> 01:35:30.540
makes us conceive of

572
01:35:30.590 --> 01:35:32.880
another general framework

573
01:35:34.140 --> 01:35:40.440
for understanding a history of social fuel in sociological fuel.

574
01:35:40.580 --> 01:35:43.000
then the you point 1

575
01:35:43.140 --> 01:35:47.520
that is the one that is mainly concerned with

576
01:35:47.680 --> 01:35:53.029
humanizations in today divides this historic issue.

577
01:35:53.110 --> 01:35:56.220
disciplinary and

578
01:35:57.590 --> 01:36:02.590
why the system American leaks are being reconstructed.

579
01:36:02.960 --> 01:36:16.160
Judaism between a precipitous and and another recipient. One is being undone as a general criterion of

580
01:36:16.270 --> 01:36:18.230
communication and

581
01:36:18.430 --> 01:36:20.209
confined self.

582
01:36:20.600 --> 01:36:22.890
True, only one school.

583
01:36:23.520 --> 01:36:27.460
that of an institutional history for

584
01:36:27.630 --> 01:36:29.630
institutional identity.

585
01:36:30.880 --> 01:36:35.540
But it's a true image. And and the reason is

586
01:36:36.020 --> 01:36:46.370
the journey of a progressive vision of the history of knowledge, and so far as it

587
01:36:46.870 --> 01:36:51.999
but advises scientific evolution in the residue from

588
01:36:52.420 --> 01:36:56.490
disciplinary thinking to another discipline of one

589
01:36:57.950 --> 01:36:59.730
that was simple

590
01:36:59.750 --> 01:37:07.970
of conveniently humans. since the village is social theory and in sociology.

591
01:37:09.170 --> 01:37:21.649
secondly, because this is many questions about searching in the history of the discipline, greater adaptation to epistemic aspects

592
01:37:21.700 --> 01:37:33.730
that are commonly not considered as much as the concept of about which the studies of the genesis of Socio.

593
01:37:33.830 --> 01:37:36.450
such as the progressive

594
01:37:36.650 --> 01:37:44.139
development of modern notions of the state, economy or society.

595
01:37:45.760 --> 01:37:58.799
Terribly because this is connection between fury of training and your reflection. The Hittsburg of disciplines is not always aggregate, not the way it is of receiving it.

596
01:37:59.309 --> 01:38:08.880
In general, the properly historical level of the conception of theoretical contents is to be the most

597
01:38:09.240 --> 01:38:19.200
from the point of view, that is, when we are committed to thinking

598
01:38:19.410 --> 01:38:25.589
diet chronically about the development of social fumes.

599
01:38:27.010 --> 01:38:32.439
the disciplines historic emmers from the outset here as

600
01:38:32.750 --> 01:38:37.440
something external to the theoretical configuration itself.

601
01:38:37.600 --> 01:38:41.239
or as the external donations

602
01:38:41.320 --> 01:38:42.489
out, they

603
01:38:42.910 --> 01:38:46.720
constituent of the same theoretical ofulation.

604
01:38:48.750 --> 01:39:02.409
Both theoretical separation between both goals of analysis and geometrical identification between them have their gift, which is in the first case.

605
01:39:02.469 --> 01:39:14.079
when Akstone, the separation bitterly historic in this America's ignorant it. Internal aspects of this American development of some

606
01:39:14.629 --> 01:39:20.469
classic social, theoretical formulations. can influence

607
01:39:21.440 --> 01:39:38.850
and influenced by teachers related to evidence that concern, that the historical and social identity of the discipline that is to the more properly historic hush to shop, and, of course, extinct aspects.

608
01:39:42.480 --> 01:39:48.059
There is this American questions posed by the Austria Philosophy course

609
01:39:48.110 --> 01:39:55.370
are luckily limited to the historical context of the initial formation of mother production and sciences

610
01:39:55.889 --> 01:40:04.850
be quite violent in a second. It's diffusion featuring both occasionally leads to their fellow.

611
01:40:05.389 --> 01:40:15.099
Should observe the Hilton of this systematic level. The case of aesthetics is, I think, energetic.

612
01:40:15.150 --> 01:40:21.099
The historical constellation of dyspopia has an extensive biology.

613
01:40:21.740 --> 01:40:23.389
but it's

614
01:40:23.700 --> 01:40:25.080
consideration.

615
01:40:25.090 --> 01:40:31.899
and this is immediately leveled as that of an ecstatic Genesis. That is not

616
01:40:33.290 --> 01:40:34.090
if he.

617
01:40:34.520 --> 01:40:43.760
If it is true that there can be a mutual gratification between the cultural historical.

618
01:40:43.920 --> 01:40:55.369
Khashoggi's group of sociology in social theoretical consideration combinations between social theory and sociological and

619
01:40:55.750 --> 01:40:57.590
aesthetic fuel.

620
01:40:58.000 --> 01:41:07.340
It is no less true that at this is the American level which had a development of its own that

621
01:41:07.700 --> 01:41:14.080
I am the has. It's most pre-plexed in

622
01:41:14.650 --> 01:41:18.489
the more energy in the continuing.

623
01:41:19.330 --> 01:41:24.760
I have been working on the idea of an ecstatic genesis

624
01:41:25.120 --> 01:41:35.260
that that seeks to find elements to compose the more general picture of how disciplinary sociology

625
01:41:35.340 --> 01:41:43.479
learned from previous forms of knowledge, especially the very steady tradition

626
01:41:43.640 --> 01:41:47.899
within the scope of theoretical philosophy.

627
01:41:48.870 --> 01:42:03.110
Modern statements was originally a problem of theoretical philosophy or metaphysics, so far as it was freely reading the scope of physical reflection

628
01:42:03.360 --> 01:42:15.010
from the cards to which concern, among others the problems of intelligibility and modes of the the of the rule. Each follows that

629
01:42:15.050 --> 01:42:32.999
to the next topic of relations between aesthetics and social-fueling statics. In sociological theory one was aired. Both the historical and and an equal respect is a brother historical, philosophical.

630
01:42:33.250 --> 01:42:34.170
3,

631
01:42:34.830 --> 01:42:38.929
consisting of modern metaphysical tradition

632
01:42:39.650 --> 01:42:43.430
and strengthen its expressions

633
01:42:43.690 --> 01:42:47.719
in a video, in our first moment, in the

634
01:42:47.870 --> 01:42:56.220
the fundamental elements of a possible unit ledge just files the denomination of tradition.

635
01:43:01.460 --> 01:43:06.829
In this framework a static operators are inserting.

636
01:43:07.040 --> 01:43:09.340
such as imagination.

637
01:43:09.810 --> 01:43:23.959
analogy, or metaphor, an historical systemic approach in the terms previously described, you should be the general framework of the search of this nature.

638
01:43:26.410 --> 01:43:27.130
Yeah.

639
01:43:32.610 --> 01:43:33.590
okay.

640
01:43:34.380 --> 01:43:42.639
all right. So we don't have a lot of time. I'm gonna try and PIN you up. But if anyone has any questions I would just ask that

641
01:43:43.060 --> 01:43:43.980
this.

642
01:43:49.270 --> 01:43:55.110
ask them to so that the people online can hear the questions I'm just going to PIN

643
01:43:59.820 --> 01:44:05.379
you can't. You can't just PIN all of you. Okay, we'll leave you like this as a screen.

644
01:44:05.550 --> 01:44:09.489
And does anyone in the room have a question or anyone online

645
01:44:12.470 --> 01:44:14.050
head on, do you have a question?

646
01:44:19.510 --> 01:44:21.610
Yeah. Heather, do you want to go ahead?

647
01:44:21.860 --> 01:44:28.880
Hedvig Ekerwald: Yeah. I I just wanted to know if

648
01:44:29.000 --> 01:44:31.269
Hedvig Ekerwald: as manish is not here.

649
01:44:31.660 --> 01:44:34.070
Oh, okay. Sorry apologies.

650
01:44:34.340 --> 01:44:39.430
Okay, So we've got one more presentation. let's

651
01:44:39.590 --> 01:44:44.660
Frederico Ágoas: go. Do you have any slides to share? Yes, I do.

652
01:44:47.010 --> 01:44:48.190
Frederico Ágoas: Thank you, Anna.

653
01:44:54.180 --> 01:44:56.410
Frederico Ágoas: so am I sharing already.

654
01:44:56.630 --> 01:45:20.089
Frederico Ágoas: Yes, you are. Thank you. Okay, thank you so much. Thank you so much for having me. My name is Fredrick Wagos. I'm calling you from Lisbon, Portugal. the about to present this results from an ongoing project called Crafting Context an integrated historical sociology of Portuguese Colonial. And it's probably the metropolitan social research

655
01:45:20.090 --> 01:45:47.249
Frederico Ágoas: and it builds some research focused on social research at the Lisbon School of agriculture in the first half of the twentieth century, and on the introduction of a social sciences that Elizabeth Colonial School in the mid 19 50 s. following this, I have also that will be much of social research and portion of the musician from the nineteenth century to the twentieth century, which I will briefly discussing the first part of this presentation.

656
01:45:47.250 --> 01:46:05.140
Frederico Ágoas: and I have now been dealing with the development of the first systematic industrial social research in the 1940 s. With an Institute of Social service in Lisbon, and also with the development of the first systematic colonial research, also in the 1,900 fortys with the Portuguese guinea research centering visa.

657
01:46:05.280 --> 01:46:30.100
Frederico Ágoas: and I will briefly address both when you choose. In the second part of this presentation, which I will present a a a brief synopsis of the peril, but yet converging paths of colonial and metropolitan social research. And of course we'll try to give story, sociological meaning with set of scattered social scientific activities and institutions. well.

658
01:46:30.720 --> 01:47:00.209
Frederico Ágoas: this is the main goal of this project. The one who, like the other one is to explore what I believe to be the paradigmatic reach of the Portuguese case. Taking explicitly into account Portugal's relative position on the world seem startly, of of course, as an imperial symmetry for power, for most of the twentieth century, and the country's contemporary transition over the twentieth century from the backward constitutional monarchy to a progressive republic, fascist, dictatorship to, and modern liberal democracy.

659
01:47:00.210 --> 01:47:07.450
Frederico Ágoas: This is not to say obviously, that we have a typical case at hands.

660
01:47:07.450 --> 01:47:30.829
Frederico Ágoas: but that the butch his case allows to explore at once several political, economic, and social contexts, but also the whole specter of environment. Subject to this kind of study, social research, rural, industrial, and colonial, and also the whole set of actors involved academic, private state actors, and also local, colonial, and My my project in this presentation

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Frederico Ágoas: I was, shall also hopefully contribute to overcome what I reckon to be the double divide between disciplinary and governmental history is of social research and sociology and center and peripheral histories of social research decides to somehow a a subsidiary divide between colonial and mental polynomials, social, a a research.

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Frederico Ágoas: Well, in Portugal, social and colonial service happened to emerge at about the same time. and relatively late. The quiz students shall not be overlooked. But it's an important to stress at once. That's in. In Portugal, as elsewhere, most trends are carried out by different actors have different epistemic natures, and do have different genealogies. metropolitan social service are conducted by engineers from the mystery of life

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Frederico Ágoas: and focus on the living condition of urban workers. and in the Portuguese case the most immediate precedents are industrial service, where information about housing and food appears next to date about working conditions themselves. Those are inspired by

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Frederico Ágoas: most recent to social science of the time, particularly French, and by other initiatives from other governments. This is the case, in fact, of the first surveys on the conditions of the economic life of the Portuguese working class, from 1,916 to 1,920 which are applied by them issue of labor as stated, and they might determine the relationship between the workers, real wages, their subsistence, and their

665
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Frederico Ágoas: productivity.

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Frederico Ágoas: Before this and 1,909 in pre, into a situation of industrial workers, is conducted by the mystery of public words, commerce, and industry. and there the scrutiny of living conditions, 1,000 food, that is, is still subordinated to the animation of working conditions and the general performance of the various indices.

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Frederico Ágoas: Obviously, obviously, for the objective information on living conditions may be glean from other sources, such as housing conditions housing our housing condition surveys

668
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Frederico Ágoas: or other service, such as agriculture and fisheries studies

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Frederico Ágoas: As for colonial surveys, they are conducted by colonial officials in their respective territories, and focus on the ied by versus of the regions under consideration. In the Portuguese case their foreigners are natural to be service that deal marginally the Union occupation and reports from provincial governance on the users and customs of indigenous people. They are inspired by a missionary service and by similar initiative in other countries that take it by other colonial governments.

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Frederico Ágoas: The first major Portuguese ethnographic surface from 1,918 indigenous population of Angola and it to cooperate.

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Frederico Ágoas: an early regional survey by the Bishop of Hong Kong, and this intended to serve as a basis for drafting ethnic specific legislation

672
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Frederico Ágoas: Around the same data. Similar initiatives are extended to Mozambique and Guinea Well, they are seldom completed at the time, but they add up to the burst of social, scientific undertaking in metropolitan colonial government during the 1910 s. And specific after 1915. well, how to explain the fact, and the residents.

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Frederico Ágoas: Well, first of all, as the intermediate culmination of a process of centification of government which in Portugal dates back to the mid nineteenth century, the creation of the first century central statistical of

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Frederico Ágoas: office. The novelty applies mainly to the metropolitan dynamics, dynamics, and economic service which you eventually give rise to social services, and the same, the the same can be said of Portugal's industrial capitalism. which will have its first outbreak in the late nineteenth century, and we'll induce the first great concentrations of industrial workers in and about the 2 largest cities Liz War

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Frederico Ágoas: and Portal, more important, perhaps, For the emergence of these 2 lineages of metropolitan colonial social research was the abolition of the monarchy and the advent of the First Republican in 1,910, and the outbreak of World War one in 1,914.

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yes.

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Frederico Ágoas: the first does explain the creation of the Ministry of Labor in 1,916 and it's also explain it to the new attention to overseas territories in the cost context of the so called scramble for Africa as the the war. As to as to the war, it is exclusively associated with the 1962, 16 7, and at the very direct impact on the Portuguese call me

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Frederico Ágoas: Indeed, with the end of the conflict with world. One metropolitan social surveys in portion would come to a still and colonial ethnographic service will remain for a long time where they left off with the publication of indigenous populations in enrollment.

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Frederico Ágoas: well, with the rise of the fascist regime in 1,933, new up to to social we research would arise, but both strengths would continue in parallel in somewhat surprising ways, although at the A. A a rather different reasons.

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Frederico Ágoas: they will to converge again in the 1960 s. As part of social interaction projects on workplace relations and community development. And there's a backdrop to the fight for this situation of of sociology with little or no academic expression. Until then. in the Metropolitan ran at the the the fascist. New State does not resume a budget service next to urban industrial workforce.

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Frederico Ágoas: But we will indirectly promote the pursuit of the very same methods in 2 different contexts. The Lisbon school of agriculture and the Lisbon Social Work School, in the Lisbon of School of Agriculture, a hundreds of service the pick. The poor living conditions of rural Dallas throughout the country, from the 1930 s. To the 1950 s. These are the proactive products at the time of the collaboration between

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Frederico Ágoas: schools, faculty and students in state technicians responsible for radical land. We found that never came to be the creation of the chair of sociology, at least in school of agriculture in 1,949 marks. The combination of this process, process, which the fascist with regime would eventually try to put an end to

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Frederico Ágoas: somewhat paradoxically, the same research methods would subsist at the least one social work school which was privately instituted in 1950 35, but more palatable Catholic intellectuals. there, in articulation with the State social services, several 100 would place in monogamous or in the industrial localities would be produced in a period of more than 2 decades

684
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decades in the form of social work, practical assignments and graduation that thesis

685
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Frederico Ágoas: they would now seek to evaluate physical, immoral effects of industrial modernization and monitor, the consequential increasing conflict between capital and labor. these would be the topics from they are non-covered by a a a new industrial gene, and about the Ministry of for Corporations, and that semi autonomous Research center from the 1960 onwards, which would lead to a way to fully set

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relation of the strategy in Portugal, but only with the coming of a democracy.

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Frederico Ágoas:  I'm finishing 3 more minutes as to colonial research after night, 19 tenth and 19 twenties, it would be rock reactivated after a long time at the least probable place, for she is a guinea eventually being transported from there from the calling, is to the metropolis.

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Frederico Ágoas: there, at any. After 2, failed attempts to repeat the ethnographic survey of 1,917. The initiative is in 1,946, so as to keep up with French and British initiatives in that same region. Political concerns about local migration. A little bit, short shortages, and the new referendum sc governor helped to explain the achievement.

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Frederico Ágoas: and in 1,947 indigenous housing serving at Guinea also plays the classic ethnographic research program giving way to sociological cities of the People's of of guinea covering ways of life, population, movements, and relation.

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Frederico Ágoas: Just a moment I have. I've been taking care of my nephew. He he's just waking up here in Portugal this Just let me ask you to to. So sorry for this 2 months.

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Frederico Ágoas: So sorry for this.

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Frederico Ágoas:  so

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Frederico Ágoas: I was just saying how Ethnographic and social research in colonial settings in Portugal was reactivated from the 40 S. Onwards in G, and then transported to the metropolit well, that was it?

694
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Frederico Ágoas: in Lisbon. after all this center for political studies. And so I think there's a bubble so sorry it's created next to the the the colonial From then on social, scientific, social, scientific, we'll be allowed to all go to the Territories and so quality chairs we'll be also created that the Lisbon Colonial School, which will be upgraded with the of social sciences in 1,962,

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10 s.

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Frederico Ágoas: Oh, sorry for this. Well, this. you achievements in colonial social science comes

697
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Frederico Ágoas: in the wake of Guinea's initiative as I was trying to make to the arguments, but also from instructions. Direct instructions of a 1,955 inter African Conference of social sciences held by a commission for technical corporation in Africa, south of Sara, which was a smokes screen organization created by the Uk. France, Belgian, Portuguese in South Africa.

698
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Frederico Ágoas: And then, to to end the conclusions, I would just say that billions of applied social research in Portugal somehow bring us to more than social science, and it explains some of their present feats. This relation between science, fashion and Columbus did not reserve

699
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Frederico Ágoas: in the absence of social knowledge, but in particularly instrumental and social. Cisco's Cisco side forms of social research, and despite industrial lists, genealogy here as elsewhere, 20 century colonial but also rural social research is relevant to early industrialization of sociology as a riot in con of the region. Maybe argument, but also Josh, time has been doing it.

700
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Frederico Ágoas: A parent that is also the apparent economic and state status metrics of all these efforts, as he's the long term as he's a parent. The long term historical framing of the social under governmental concerns, namely, some of rent and biopolitical. And once again, so sorry this is waking time here in Lisbon. I'll have to take you to school in a few moments, but I was just trying to

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Frederico Ágoas: to get get it. Then I thank you all for for the

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okay. Thank you everyone for some wonderful presentations. We are officially

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10 min over. So we're going to have to stop in case there's some more coming through. We don't have time for questions, unfortunately, but thank you, everyone for your contributions, and it was very fascinating to listen to.

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Hedvig Ekerwald: Yeah, please write to me if you want more discussion. Please try to me then. Yeah, bye, bye, and thank you, everybody.

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How do you?