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 Okay, so it is. it's 7 30 now, and I want to welcome everybody to this. special session. the title of the session is charisma populism, or charismatic Populism.

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We have 4 very interesting papers lined up for a very interesting speakers who are appearing from around the world. and so it's quite a living up to the to the name of the International Sociological Association here. so we're going to be

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going in the order of the program and and about 15Â min per per presentation. And and then we'll have about 20Â min for discussion and questions so people on zoom feel free to to ask your question in the chat box, but you can also, ask with with your face and voice as well. So

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First up we have Lorenzo Viviani from the University of Pisa in Italy, and his paper is called toward a very barbarian theoretical framework on the difference between charismatic and Populist leadership. So welcome Lorenzo, the florist. Thank you very much. Thank you very much. I try to share my

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Lorenzo Viviani: sure.

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Lorenzo Viviani: it's okay, can you see?

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Lorenzo Viviani: Yes, okay. So

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Lorenzo Viviani: the aim of the thank you very much. Again. And the a of my presentation is to discuss into a Bavarian political sociological perspective the topic of the differences with the different paths of personalization. And this intermediation about the top one is publicitarian is, and the the charismatic by visitorism.

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Lorenzo Viviani: So

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Lorenzo Viviani: and we can state in the why number. So if you

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okay.

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Lorenzo Viviani: okay, my question are, which are the differences between the different paths of personalization. And we know that South. Such contracts as a personalization, charisma and populism cannot be considerate, are equ equals. They are not the same.

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Lorenzo Viviani: and each of these a design properties and the facts in political and social science that doesn't originate in properties. So the problem for me is not whether or not leadership is a key issue in advance, or liberal democracies or in public. But what a leadership we are talking about!

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Lorenzo Viviani: So in the first slide in the in this slide number 3. I try to suggest for sub-typologies of leadership within the general. So of personalized leadership in democracy.

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Lorenzo Viviani: First of all, we can have a non-personalized leadership, the proper typology of leadership in a party democracy characterize it by mass.

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Lorenzo Viviani: The second, is the personalized leadership. But during ordinary times the proper model of leadership in the frame of democraticityism and in the process of changes, multiple liberal democracy from party democracy. To all this democracy.

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Lorenzo Viviani: the third type of leadership is the Populist leadership, either in ordinary and the extraordinary times or in turbulent ordinary times, and the last is there is the perspective of a charismatic leadership. So

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Lorenzo Viviani: what are they? A political, sociological frame of of which one of these different, the typologies of leadership? first of all. Briefly, I want to. observe that the perspective of a transition from party democracy to leader democracy is a topic because of sociology is so social science.

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Lorenzo Viviani: since the number theory of publicitory democracy, and we know that privacy arrangement has been a sort of lexical taboo for a large part of the last century.

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Lorenzo Viviani: just as they use of the accounts. It has been interpreted as as too close to what to return in regimes.

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Lorenzo Viviani: so, anyway. we're bad. The barrier and publicitory democracy is more properly linked to the model of democracy with the leader or leader democracy as opposed to a se for this democracy enacted by political parties as Olympic power machines.

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Lorenzo Viviani: so it is opposed to mechanized certification resulting from the primacy of bureaucracy over politics and to the bureaucratic role assumed by Parliament and following

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Lorenzo Viviani: Weber. It's a a in pluralistic democratic competition that the relationship between the performance of the leader and the personal trust of the mass of the dances is realizing, and leaders in size, power within a system provide the road to members to such

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Lorenzo Viviani: as, like the political professionals in Parliament, the parties and top member, and and so on. In other words, I want to say that the of democracy refers to a political process that all of us top down perspective in which they

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Lorenzo Viviani: The natural rule of voting is fiduciary to the leader. Democracy consists of approving, selecting it, authorizing leaders to govern the relation between leaders and cities, and provides for a broad political delegation.

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Lorenzo Viviani: So now,

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Lorenzo Viviani: what are the main features of that the other process of personalization of leaders of leadership and in particular the perspective of a pulpitism. We know that the not all form of polynomials were historically historically expressed through the personalization of leadership.

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Lorenzo Viviani: But it is not true that one of the proper characteristic of Populist in advance of democracy is the politics of personality or the policy politics for ordinary people

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Lorenzo Viviani: driving on a Portuguese perspective that requires the most most extraordinary individuals to lead the most ordinary people.

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Lorenzo Viviani: So they very haim of of the Populist leader is to cross the boundary proper to the liberal model of democracy between the spur of the person and the swear of power.

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Lorenzo Viviani: and to reimb it, the body policy merging the head leader and the body. The people of the community in the name of the holistic homogeneity of the people. So Populist.

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Lorenzo Viviani: most to our new meaning of political representation. We can also find some main correct optimistic of Populist leader and the the set of Belize believe so. Populism, we know, antagonist toward the may seem actor or liberal democracy, politicization of fear that replace rational political judgment.

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Lorenzo Viviani: reliance on pervasive with the role of intermediate bodies, moralistic and checks conception of politics. And and so

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Lorenzo Viviani: but if we want to summarize, we can see that the the Populist leadership representative selves, Populist leader, represent himself as one of us.

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Lorenzo Viviani: He thinks, Moves speaks as the same piece as the single reaction as the common man.  and in particular they

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Lorenzo Viviani: they one of the most important argument about the particularly

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Lorenzo Viviani: of this kind of leadership is the similarity. He's a new kind of political representation based on a similarity, mirroring the people and sharing with the average man's stereotypes, idiosyncrasies, no politically correct communication, the bad manners in a venom with language, and and so

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Lorenzo Viviani: so

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Lorenzo Viviani: now, ry out to my key to what are the difference between this kind of personalization of leadership and the perspective of charisma in in the Bavarian perspective? we know that the strictly link between charismatic leaders and Populist mobilization.

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Lorenzo Viviani: It's been a key feature of most contemporary theories of

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Lorenzo Viviani: Otherwise, my proposed theoretical frame of the first from the mainstream of the

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Lorenzo Viviani: because I consider the essential differences between this guy and this kind of personalization by comparing the key issues all carries my apologies so they excel, or in this of Populist leaders would seem to be interpreted in a meeting close to the to death of Charisma.

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Lorenzo Viviani: That, according to Weber, is the extraordinary quality that belongs to an individual as a gift of grace and the merits during a crisis, and the is a revolutionary force in history.

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Lorenzo Viviani: so Kara's mind is the founding resource of the type of domination that originates from the extraordinary quality of an individual

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Lorenzo Viviani: is recognized by the followers, and that forms the cultural and value platform from the radical transformation of followers. So we know the term is which have a direct, intense, effective bond with the leader.

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Lorenzo Viviani: So following this statement, the basic assumption of Populism is refuted.

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Lorenzo Viviani: Since Karen is not, doesn't belong to the ordinary individual. it does not configure, or either a standing in the same level as their follower as but itself, stand as a solution, the prizes gaining recognition from those

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Lorenzo Viviani: for nowhere.

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Lorenzo Viviani: So let's try to see the K dimensions and related difference between this slide that is, try to summarize in this live

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Lorenzo Viviani:  point. The difference between crisis leadership, qualities, politicization, politician of emotions, leadership styles ideology, political representation and the political parties, and the role in the political parties of the India. First of all, the price is starting. The the very and charismatic process is presented as X. Extraordinary situation

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Lorenzo Viviani: that generates both anxiety and the enthusiasts, and characterize as a janitor of the radical failure of the system in which enemy this integration invest the political, social, and personal dimension.

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Lorenzo Viviani: So this is the politics of the extraordinary, of the personalization of charismatic leader.

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Lorenzo Viviani: and it refers to the legitimations of prey 16 symbolic, political, institutionally cultural order. So on the country. The prices in which probably arise

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Lorenzo Viviani: can emerge at any stage of the relationship between modernization and democracy

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Lorenzo Viviani: because of change in the social basis of established parties or emerging emerging modes of democracy. They treat in the traditional political representation without the reaction of the overall democratic system of the overall institution. why, it is that, being empirical observer, that Populist feeds

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Lorenzo Viviani: all phrases of that economic and social prices, it can It can not as a service itself, it can either, even in it. It's crazy. Originate crisis, create a climate of remin it danger and politicize this trust towards established with politics.

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Lorenzo Viviani: also, a Populist crisis doesn't exclusively require an exertion of shock. but can be created from within. It could be manipulated and socially represented by the same Populist leader.

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Lorenzo Viviani: Considering leadership qualities, the extraordinary quality of charismatic leader plays such leader at an either level than their followers. On the contrary, Populist leader established a daily legitimacy on the similarity

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Lorenzo Viviani: on the Allo. In such, reader to appear as an every man rather a superman Populist leader is one of us. They, Populist need this donor, doesn't.

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Lorenzo Viviani: They don't. They're not create new history. And and in the sense, in the

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Lorenzo Viviani: the Populist, the the the representative of the citizen of the street. and elevate the people to a moral, virtual even before or despite politics.

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Lorenzo Viviani: So regarding the politics of emotions, Populist privacy is relies on the politicization

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Lorenzo Viviani: of a set of emotions such this enchantment, anger, resentment, as well, our store resorting to the propagation of conspiracy theories.

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Lorenzo Viviani: and announcing the sentiment of status in Congress, and the fear of relative deprivation.

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Lorenzo Viviani: On the contrary, unless we make the extraordinarity quality of which Cardin is composed, a mere factor of popularity, notoriety, or demagogic or authority scale.

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Lorenzo Viviani: we must assume that charismatic leaders do not politicize the dark side of political emotion. It is.

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Lorenzo Viviani: It's not distinguished by his oppositional character, but rather by the re enchantment feature this created by in which the politics of redemption, the politics of the hope activates a new belief in the legitimacy of leadership and politics

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Lorenzo Viviani: and regarding leadership, style.

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Lorenzo Viviani: Populist in Karika and Charisma represents antithetical principles, not only because they charismatically decide their political blue, then they populate the box properly and spoken.

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Lorenzo Viviani: but also because charismatic leaders shape it around their own people from the recognition of themselves as a political project.

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Lorenzo Viviani: whereas Populist leader address the resentment of the audience by adopting reporter. They people's voice is the the problem about the the presence of the lack of on a belt and sound in Populism. We know that they in a

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Lorenzo Viviani: carriages man the leader is the we were off a new built and sound a new represent a political social representation.

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Lorenzo Viviani: On the contrary, in in Poly is this this? there is only a resonance likeness with the people it imaginary community that restore some bag values of the past and so on.

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Lorenzo Viviani: So let's go to the brief conclusion first topic. personalize it to leadership in leader democracy and personalizes to leadership in the Populist refer to different concepts of power and political representation. It's not just a matter of processes of this intimidation.

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Lorenzo Viviani: Second topic, despite the fascination with the use of the concept, recognizing charismatic qualities to Populist leader, is a concerto stretching to it to an over extent see the interpretation of both concepts, since the extraordinary qualities of the charismatic type type

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Lorenzo Viviani: are mostly measured with the meagogic attitude and media popularity.

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Lorenzo Viviani: Charisma, even in advance of democracy, is not equal to Populism. Follow it, do main arguments. And I arrived to my conclusion. the first, because the main. I. The logical reference of popping in is the people and not the car, is not the leader.

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Lorenzo Viviani: secondly, because the charismatic leader.

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Lorenzo Viviani: not as the people, one of the people but

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Lorenzo Viviani: is end with with a quality that makes seems an individual above others, individual above the people.

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Lorenzo Viviani: So we can say that Populist for visitories is a project of politics of this intimidation, a politic of anti-politics, and is not only different

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Lorenzo Viviani: exactly the opposed to what apps, and in charisma on either way. If popular leader say, I am one of you, the charismatic either says, Follow me. I'm not one of you. I am the only one who can save you.

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Lorenzo Viviani: Thank you so much.

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Thank you, Lorenzo.

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and for the benefit of the the other speakers who are online and can't see the room. we do have an audience now. So thank you for for coming

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so very interesting. Distinction being put forward there. Next, we have Rudolph Metz from Corvinus University of Budapest in Hungary, and the title of his paper is Folk Devil or Folk. Hero Strategic use of Emotions in Victor Orban's Politics. So welcome, Rudolph, the floor is yours.

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Rudolf Metz: Thank you very much for inviting me in this panel to share my my current research. as you can see I change the the title, but not the topic. and I can connect to the the last presentation. and I can. I can resonate with Lorenzo. But I be sure that

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Rudolf Metz: Opal is, then kar is my is not a contradictory concept, but overlapping and reinforcing once, and that's

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Rudolf Metz: jump to the next slide.

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Rudolf Metz: What is the core question? you may heard the of the biggest scandal of the last year in Hungary the Hungary and Prime Minister. I use the term mixed race

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Rudolf Metz: to describe those countries that support migration, and we can. We cannot believe that these a choice of words in his privacy a speech was an accident neither a national Socialist race a series.

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Rudolf Metz:  but but a provocation of emotion, the whole story is a combination of different damage, and the antibiotic over the out group the the migrants and the anti, but it over the leader Orban for violating the norms of Liberal democracy and the positive engagement with the leader for telling the through.

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Rudolf Metz: So my central question is that how it is possible for one part of the society to identify with him, and theyify him as a folk hero. Why, others see him as a folk David, and demonize him. How do properly achieve all of this.

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Rudolf Metz: So I tried to. analyze this social construction of properties relationships. they relying on a new theoretical analytical framework. be it on the series of social labeling

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Rudolf Metz: and and the theory of heroic or charismatic leadership, and try to provide here a typology to to understand the different strategies of Populist illustrated by Victor Romans. politics.

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Rudolf Metz: So the whole pictures picture looks like this we have 3 different emotional, dynamic, and the first one the classic and more panic against and the

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Rudolf Metz: perceive the real enemies of the people, the second one less known, the more I for you to about the leader, the toward the Po Populist leader, and the the third one the the counter demonization generated by anti Populist but provoked by Populist leaders.

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Rudolf Metz: So let's look at these dynamics more closely. I will not talk about the the the theory of more panic panics you probably familiar with these series. but we can see that from the literature, and that the the series series

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Rudolf Metz: and don't pay much attention to the agency. The leader generates a mission of waves, and in society as opal. In contrast to the content, the demonization, all the subjects, and

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Rudolf Metz: the so-called folk at Davies Harbor there are, some remarkable concept the right thinking papers the engineered. More I panics the more entrepreneurship from from back here

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Rudolf Metz: and poser, and the chorus of the leadership can also provide a or a that can can be described as as moral agents who who describe and form The more a state of the society. there are many versions about it, so we can. We can rely on to understand these agency behind the more of pennies

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Rudolf Metz: it is us on that linking, linking more a panic to is also not new, even a series of acronyms. So sociology have a recognize this kind of the dynamic that seeing that Populist Directory can easily utilize a certain search of negative, sentimental, or certain groups of individuals perceive as Devin and and even Populism. We feature also

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Rudolf Metz: understand this labeling process, describing as a construction of fear, or performing a staging the wrong in society, pointing to the ex segregated more, a struggle between the good and evil in in a, in a vocalist at politics. And there are many antiques studies to to analyze these delivering process

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Rudolf Metz: the second

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Rudolf Metz: this, the second dynamic, is the theification of purpose leaders which received. I course, they're very less attention in the literature, but not unknown for deviance researchers. But Flynn that met you Flinders and Mac, you boots

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Rudolf Metz: Provide a critical framework and developing metal concepts of more alphoria fork hero and theification in in that theory.

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Rudolf Metz: for heroes, and by the aspiration of more values. But that's the person by everything. People consider good.

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Rudolf Metz: in a moment. of moral L. Fouria. They are ascribed to certain qualities that are deemed to remarkable on exceptional, that they immediately assume. And I am as a superhuman or God, God like status. They didn't mention charisma, which is very interesting, because vapor described a very similar wave corresponding leadership.

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Rudolf Metz: So what I I think to say here about Populist politicians that first they try to They are not empty. Signify that fires. That's that's what we should accept, but overflowing one, as as also Guy and Mo fit the suggested.

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Rudolf Metz: and because they offers something to the society, they personality their their personality their actions, their behaviors, and their rhetoric skiers. Political skis. they send us some signals that they have some kind of special ability to deal with the problems of the of the people.

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Rudolf Metz: not so much. They. They might just represent the people and but also become and the champions of the people as a a social identity series such as that. the chorus, not tradition is usually a supported by the shared group identity. So There is no contradiction between attribution of charisma but and and the and representing the people

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Rudolf Metz: in in that security framework, and that we have a a recent published that show that

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Rudolf Metz: that identity shared identity can can support the customer provision.

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Rudolf Metz: In contrast to Populist attitude

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Rudolf Metz: the third dynamic, the counter dynamics of of Populist leaders.

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Rudolf Metz: we know the the literature from the future. The leadership always generate negative and positive emotions in society. they are never Lead us to to be with that with any reaction. the negative emotions usually described as a negative or contact cover is now

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Rudolf Metz: and and as I I argue, probably try to utilize this process, but run transgressing the more a boundaries of liberal democracy in order to show their relevance and and the contrast

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Rudolf Metz: between and the the leader, the the real leader of the people and the and the corrupt. all right, they want to consciously and deliberately generate these an anti public sentiments. We we can know from this literature as bad manners floating the log, and so on.

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Rudolf Metz: so we can describe them as professional polarizer or polarization entrepreneurs, which is a kind of a moral entrepreneurship

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Rudolf Metz: to to the to form and frame the more more of a boundaries and in the state of the society they seek to be the like many communities as right and political front as and and they want to push the accounts into more positions.

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Rudolf Metz: But what is really interesting in this picture, that the the calls at once the consequences of these provocations, because antibiotics became similar to Populist in terms of using more emotions. this is what stop and and and his colleagues described as a counter demonization reading, and the the anti Populist camp.

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Rudolf Metz: So

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Rudolf Metz: So there are different strategies to use a more emotionally, some more ipendic in them for yeah. And I I I would like to. I I I wanted to understand.

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Rudolf Metz: these dynamics. so I try to provide a a typology based on 2 di measures. The nature of the leadership which can be pro corrective and directive. And the the second, the dimension is the aim of the strategy demonization. And demonization. So

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Rudolf Metz: we have a 4 4 strategies

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Rudolf Metz: you. Probably familiar with the the first 2 which hunting is is a classical example of a demonization. I detect this this this kind of strategy in Hungary and anti Lgbtq, politics and policies and barricade building is also, can be a a classic a strategy and described by by the literature.

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Rudolf Metz: This this is the difference between the 2. That which one thing is a is a proactive search for for a deviant element in the society. but in contrast to work at build them, because barricad building is more about defend the society, the peers to say that the pure people from the outside more as threats. So

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Rudolf Metz: so the next 2 slides I would like to ding dig deeper the the victimization and current is in current organization which it which try to add something to the literature some extra extra perspective.

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Rudolf Metz: So

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Rudolf Metz: let's see the the on the first, the provoked counter demonization I described as a victimization.

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Rudolf Metz: and the purpose of victimization is not, is not primary to create a or or construct, and the forward that we have within the society, but force the the, the depressive enemy

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Rudolf Metz: to attack the the the pure morally, PE your leader, and this seems to be a a reserved which found poppy politicians right to create a more a position. in a society in which attacks on them can be described as undeserved and undignified.

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Rudolf Metz: So the primary dynamic of the organization is directly that the Populist leaders, and through giving decisions and policies are often mer provocation.

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Rudolf Metz: we can see this strategy. for in Hungary, from 2,010 when or once the regime

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Rudolf Metz: it started it started

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Rudolf Metz: at the the the the the be a Russian building. it it be as a built upon a series of reforms aiming to concentrate. he's he's the Several weeks of anti-publish fear of Democratic the consolidation. However, these sentiments, these antibiotics sentiments

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Rudolf Metz: or or this strategy was, politically ineffective in terms of mobilization. And even if you look at the the surveys, the recent surveys, and that shows that Hungary people are still satisfied with the democracy, and they see and the democracy is in any better shape after orban to the power.

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Rudolf Metz: there is a one that there was one issue in in the last years. The the first organization act which can be demonstrate this this described as a Coronavirus cap.

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Rudolf Metz: to get such negative emission dynamic and this act empower the government to go govern by decree in relation to and the control of control and adverse effects of of of the pandemic. So this is. This was a mayor provocation of a contract immunization in which, or by once again proved himself to be able to protect and and forward every while

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Rudolf Metz: orbans set a communication trapped for the posit opposition in which they ever seen as a irresponsible constant only with on power and idle, that goes rather than

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Rudolf Metz: and the the bath, and and has so the people during the the Coronavirus on the Me.

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Rudolf Metz: Defecation, but also also so relevant here over and presented to himself as a hero, emphasizing his ability, calmness, serenity, the termination to act alone with without the he of the opposition.

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Rudolf Metz: and they and the the approval index also supported this theification process, or dynamic

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Rudolf Metz: in the last a case, and on the last side of the slide of mine. It's about the unintended. Moreover, consequences which I described this current organization. we know that

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Rudolf Metz: that.

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Rudolf Metz: the Populist forces off. I hit some kind of more of barricades which act as a current team is letting them from the parties from at the governments and and public offices. It is also possible, for a established partition politician to be guaranteed because of their radiance and statements.

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Rudolf Metz: and that this means for them as a kind of excommunication from the the origin community. But open is usually frame this situation as a more a struggle in which they try to try to defend the the more appealeness of the people.

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Rudolf Metz: And then

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Rudolf Metz: in this The the the conflict between the the Hungary Government and the EU could be interpreted in this frame, because the European they use our vague and a ambiguous, according to a recent study. Which try to argue that this ambiguous

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Rudolf Metz: generate a more a struggle between the EU and Hungary to define what is but it means to be a good European

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Rudolf Metz: so, and the hungry I'm Russian building has provoked a reverse. more, a panic in the you which interprets the changes as valuation of core principles of the community by the hunger gamble, and interpretation was, was a was building the in European nation states and so on.

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Rudolf Metz: so in discounted immunization, the engine was in the European Parliament, with numerous political, in ineffective reports and biggest consequences was the excommunication of feed us from the European People's party

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Rudolf Metz: speech interpreted by Orban as a as a more straggling they try to defend the core Conservati Nationalists and Christian values against the the the corrupt fake cons of the fair Christian Democrats in in the in the European Union.

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Rudolf Metz:  so that was my, my, my research. I hope you get my points.

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Rudolf Metz: and I'm I'm

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Rudolf Metz: really encourage you to to share your south and and comments. And and then, yeah.

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Rudolf Metz: and thank you very much for your attention.

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Thank you, Rudolph.

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Rudolf Metz: People are applauding in the room.

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So very nice. yeah, you. Somebody is saying you are charismatic. and we have Paul Jones from

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sorry, not the car is nothing. I'm just taking it. It's it's in the eye of the beholder, you don't get to decide. So next we have Paul Jones from the Research School of Social Social Sciences, College of Arts and social sciences at the Australian National University. right here in Australia. But Paul is in Canberra at at the moment.

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and his paper is called the utility of modern democracy for the charisma populism analytic. So welcome, Paul, the floor is yours.

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paul k jones ANU: Thanks, Paul.

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paul k jones ANU: Okay, I've got a a a red paper to self-discipline a bit, but, as I admit itly run out of time, I'll add a little bit to some of these slides. I should say straight up. I'm not a Iberian I did this book a few years ago on critical theory and demagogic populism. So My glid answer to the question posed in the

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paul k jones ANU: title for the session is none of the above I've been pushing the idea of demagogic Populism building on the work of the first generation front of school, and in particular the studies in Prejudice project

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paul k jones ANU: of 9 44 to 50 I'll

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paul k jones ANU: and the relevance of that to contemporary debates on Populism, so it's their conception of modern demagogue largely theorized by a donor. that informs the title of my paper, and I say, prefer demagogue populism as a Monica, even over Stuart Hall's authoritarian Populism, which is now quite re ubiquitous, and probably worth mentioning, that it was a revision of Stan Cohen's moral panic theory that led to that formulation.

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paul k jones ANU: but I do want to take some 10 of these steps towards articulating this work with the concept of charisma in the vibrant sense, so slightly different angle from the other papers you've heard so far.

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and I'll I'll move through those topics as we

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paul k jones ANU: as I go on. So this is ridiculously crowded image is just to give you a sense of the scope of the studies and Prejudice project and also the The influence on some of the New York intellectuals want to talk about, as well as a bit of intellectual history to this case. So it's size and prejudice was ostensibly focused on anti Semitism.

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paul k jones ANU: but also specifically configured to address the recent prominence of radio demagogues in the U.S.A. That was the accepted term.

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and it.

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paul k jones ANU: The significance of that is that it's important to stress. It refused to to sort of misunderstanding at the front, but schools project as one to interpret American developments with the grid of a European fascism. At the time there was a domestic phenomenon that we were investigating.

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paul k jones ANU: Okay?

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paul k jones ANU: because, unlike other democracies, the U.S.A. Had permitted the presence of these kinds of figures in the broadcasting wing of the culture industry without the usual mediation of journalistic gatekeepers.

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paul k jones ANU: these figures. So going to access simply by payment for their time. And the leading one

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paul k jones ANU: was father, Charles Coleman, who's become quite famous again in recent years the radio priest.

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paul k jones ANU: not only the most popular radio demagogue, but for a time the most popular figure on a Us. Radio to say he's weekly sermons. Selectively we articulated demands from the progressive Populist movement of the 1890 S. And became increasingly anti Semitic. The usual account, then, is that he shifted

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paul k jones ANU: across from a Pops Populist position, possibly even left Populist, but certainly by the end of the his tour. He was, decidedly

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paul k jones ANU: because using Malcolm man's criteria he advocated the formation of paramilitary groups that led to the intervention of the FBI Christian parad paramilitary groups. He stressed.

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paul k jones ANU: no. What happened with the studies and Prejudice Project was

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paul k jones ANU: they focused on people like cog one and conducted demography studies. I'll keep it at a living, and I should be reading sorry. So it stays in. Prejudice, included research on the production and reception of this very prominent mediated anti Semitism. The production studies looked at the demagogues themselves and their output, including their repertoire, so I should say, in in terms of what our previous speakers were talking about

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paul k jones ANU: the reception research sought to identify those most likely to be open to persuasion by demagogue propaganda. That reception research published as the authoritarian personality, of course, became far more famous.

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paul k jones ANU: However, even it's recent replication and renewed higher profile have not restored the authoritarian personality to its intended role as an exercise in prospective media reception, in conditions of demagogic dominance of the public sphere.

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paul k jones ANU: which perhaps we've yeah returned to recently, there is a related problem for today's discussion. Now, I went out of this way to challenge the epistemological and ontological standing by this conception of charisma in the 1960 S.

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paul k jones ANU: Even inserting such a critique into a long 1,964 is on the composer, Richard Strauss. not the most likely place you would think to do that.

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paul k jones ANU: Although respectful of the Liberian project, as early as 1,937, he had queried some of the vibrant strands in the Franklin Institute's earlier studies and Authority project. It was the culture industry for Donna that was emerging as a serious rival to the family and the state as a basis of authority and legitimation, and it was from here that the modern demagogue, as he defined it, was increasingly likely to emerge

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paul k jones ANU: instead of charisma. The demography, studies within studies and prejudice

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paul k jones ANU: relied on a psychoanalytic dynamic in telling narcissistic identification with the demagogue. False projection which is the psychic mechanism that produces a scapegoating and demonization

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paul k jones ANU: and paranoia quite crucially a process collectively, a donor called a kind of psycho techniques. And I'm in writing this pet, we've become increasingly convinced to psychotechnics is, adorno substitute for charisma. He also defines it in vibration in terms as The rationalization of irrationality.

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paul k jones ANU: Thus, even though the dawn has chosen radio demagogue. Martin Luther Thomas presents himself as a prophet and employs the language of evangelism to unsettle his Presbyterian listeners adorno interprets this entirely psychoanalytically, as legitimation of total. This inhibition as part of Thomas's preparation of his audience for his anti Semitic tropes.

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paul k jones ANU: Most members of the Frontford Institute returned to Germany in 1,950, just as the major outputs of studies in prejudice were published, and as Joseph Mc. Joseph Mccarthy moved to political center stage in the U.S.A. It fell to others to challenge. Mccarthy isn't in similar terms, including Edward Chills and Daniel Bell, both of whom had worked with the front good school researchers.

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paul k jones ANU: They and Richard Hofstadter, who drew explicitly on the demagogue studies, place Mccarthy in a long tradition of the twentieth century Us. Demagogues who drew on tropes from the Progressive at in ninety's Populist movement.

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paul k jones ANU: He's the young Daniel Bill

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paul k jones ANU: talking about the probably 9 44 bill to dance the argument somewhat predictively in 44 that these terrible simplifiers

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practiced a grotesque transformation

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paul k jones ANU: of an originally progressive idea, based in the grievances, with the result that the Populist tradition has shrunk and become twisted into a reaction reform with decidedly fascist potential. He even predicts that a Mid West inner would emerge, and Mccarthy was the

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paul k jones ANU: the junior Senator from Wisconsin. Okay. she's the 1,956 London 56 work. The torment of secrecy might a similar case more succinctly. Writing a decade before his own very famous essays on Charisma.

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paul k jones ANU: he states Populism, the claims, the demagogue who, breaking through the formalistic barriers directed by lawyers Ped, and some bureaucrats renew the righteousness of government and society.

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paul k jones ANU: You hear the Fiberian echoes very clearly there. so I'll call the shared terrain of concern, the demagogic risk argument. Populism can emerge in response to legitimate grievances. But it's form is highly vulnerable to what I'd call demagogue capture.

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So by the 1950 s. The articulation of charisma

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paul k jones ANU: populism, and the modern demagogue.

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paul k jones ANU: Demagogic risk in this sense was an emergent, active research program. Since then an astonishing amount of intellectual labor has been expended in diminishing this work, and, of course, that of the front good school, and

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paul k jones ANU: we have to the cultural marks this conspiracism at the end of that process. So I knew none of this when I first started reading the literature on Populism about 15 years ago.

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paul k jones ANU: but I was struck by the exceptionalist presentation of the Us. Case

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in the orthodox synthesizing literature.

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paul k jones ANU: This tendency is evident, at least as early as Margaret can advance. 91 book on Populism, and continues right up to the electoral success of Donald Trump.

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paul k jones ANU: On this account the 1890 S. Us. Populist movement was a heroically sacred

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paul k jones ANU: one whose demands laid the ground for the achievement of the new deal. It's very defeat seem to render it a paradigmatically virtuous social movement that escape the more solid legacy of the labor and Social Democratic parties that arose simultaneously elsewhere.

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paul k jones ANU: Michael Caison and a historian of us Populism. He's also Daniel Bills, nephew, I think, and and long time editor of Descent Magazine, argued over many years that it was the Populist tradition that it helped the U.S.A. Avoid European forms of extremism, as he calls it.

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paul k jones ANU: Even Trump's 2,016 demagogic candidacy demonstrated the case. And what's in front of you? Americans have found no more powerful way to demand that their political elites live up to the ideals of equal opportunity and democratic rule to which they pay left service during campaign seasons. Populism can be dangerous, but it may also be necessary.

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paul k jones ANU: So Populism studies as an international field, to rise from the early. If it's, as we, as we all know here to consolidate comparative research chiefly on movements within the emergent post. Colonial states with the Post World War Ii period.

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So the U.S.A.'s Populist exceptionalism, played a background role.

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paul k jones ANU: Likewise the rise of the dominantly right being European populism from the 19 nineties could appear as a problem for Europe rather than the global North. Notwithstanding the simultaneous eruptions of Populism, for instance, in Australia at this time the apparent reassertion of Europe's fascist legacy suggested a more localized phenomenon on that analysis.

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paul k jones ANU: It's not here. Ribbonati was the first to point out. This framing relied on the assumption of the normalcy of the U.S.A.'s populism.

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paul k jones ANU: The normalizing Us. Case could even become present in its absence as late as 2,012. This anthology, addressing Populism in Europe and the Americas as threat or corrective, did not include a chapter on the U.S.A.

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paul k jones ANU: So the purging of the demagogic risk argument was pivotal to this normalization.

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paul k jones ANU: Margaret Canavan, for example, characterize bills, and she'll work as these attempts to tar the Populists of the 89. He's with the Mccarthy at Brush, which is the opposite of what they were saying. that great advocate of positivism in Populism studies customer has advocated a pathological norm will see in the same fine

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paul k jones ANU: Keyson, of course. continues he, accusing such thinking as being the product of anxious Liberals.

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paul k jones ANU: and he also challenges the viability of demagogue itself. Chantel move sees the raising of these questions as a failure of the moralist response to writing Populism.

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paul k jones ANU: So

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paul k jones ANU: Jason's challenging at the province of demagogue

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paul k jones ANU: takes the form of accusing it to being near journalism. And here here it's. It's particularly odd, because

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paul k jones ANU: Us. High journalism has a long tradition of challenging demagogues and calling them out of the heroic figure of Edward Mccarthy as sorry Edward Morrow. Slang the Dragon, and Mccarthy is, is one example of this. Another would be

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paul k jones ANU: This fairly early New York Times. The tutorial calling out the false. So it's this is a long tradition, and it was high journalism.

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paul k jones ANU: No such uses are more than polemic. Indeed, she's regarded this kind of journalism as a key component of the civil spheres, defenses against demagogic power.

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paul k jones ANU: And I call this strategy liberal exposure, I don't know. Calls it tris propaganda. So, as again, you're probably aware, there's a long history of talking about the statesman Democrat distinction. where

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paul k jones ANU: The majority of of

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paul k jones ANU: the demagogue, as one who appeals, appeals to popular prejudices is some configured. The bar invokes this. Sorry to voice if I exist when he talks about the wise leader versus demagogue option facing the Black Baptist ministers.

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and as you'd be aware of viable pushes against this pejorative legacy, for modern demagogue with the invokes Pericles is a a positive classical intersection.

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paul k jones ANU: Now, what I? What struck me when I went looking into the Bible, was

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paul k jones ANU: Apart from the obvious places, to look like politics, is a vocation.

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paul k jones ANU:  in the essay on Suffrage in Germany he also introduces the idea of chance demagogues and definitely employees that pejoratively so, while politics is a vocation, is apparently the only time he connects charisma to the demagogue. In his political writings. He also employs the notion of

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paul k jones ANU: the chance demagogue. So what I did at the end here, very, very roughly, we sketch out 2 different strands. I think the the more orthodox understanding of charismatic rule. I can't see my own diagram here because of the sharing who we are. All right now I can see

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paul k jones ANU: the orthodox association of charismatic rule with grand demagogue. And of course, the profit But what I've noticed was this, a tendency for Vibr to assume competent chamber oratory as part of the trust building exercise of appealing to the wider electorate in the the Gladstone case. Particularly, I don't know if psycho techniques works quite differently. he

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paul k jones ANU: provides a means of talking about what we might think of as the incoherent demagogue, the one who appears to jumble their words together, and is incompetent in terms of rules of classical and contemporary orthodox rhetoric.

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paul k jones ANU: And it's the the disinhibited associative stream of consciousness, or actually that I don't know focuses on I did find that there was a kind of empirical overlap between the kind of figures that adorn. I was focusing on the modern demagogue, and the kind of figures that Bible was referring to as chance demagogue in in the and the other. Si I refer to. So the argument

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paul k jones ANU: from a donna is to put this very soon simply around the dissociative associative. And this inhibited speech that you find from

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paul k jones ANU: figures like Pauline Hanson, Donald Trump, and Mccarthy. From what I've been to see if vision, if you can talk very similarly, is to argue that such undisciplined and disinhibited free association is itself a mode of communication recognized by the potential follower.

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paul k jones ANU: for and for the same reason, Liberal exposure to this propaganda is an ins insufficient response. So don't know. Warns that

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paul k jones ANU: the Protocols document, for instance, has been had been exposed for a long time as a fake, but people continue to believe. so I'll I'll leave you with that thought that that, there is a potential topology here. This is very sketchy of the competent orata, who appears to be the descendant of Gladstone, and the other kind of figure that adorn. I was focusing on, who practices this much more seemingly incoherent but actually highly communicative mode of demagogue.

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paul k jones ANU: Thanks.

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thank you very much, Paul. Very fascinating presentation. okay. And next And finally, we have Valentine Sube's from the University of Paris, and Valentine. Do you want to do? Read your title? I mean, it's probably be better right.

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Valentin Soubise: It's it's a charismatic embodiment and strategy of properties for a foundation within.

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Valentin Soubise: Thank you. The floor is yours.

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Valentin Soubise: Thank you.

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Valentin Soubise: Thank you very much for accepting my communication proposal.

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Valentin Soubise: so my Phd tastes in political science, which is currently being written. focuses on the emergence in the French political field.

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Valentin Soubise: during the period 2,012, 2,022 of Zionik Minosh as a disruptive and charismatic leader.

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Valentin Soubise:  This leader is for me a keystone of the left-wing Populist movement in France.

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Valentin Soubise: Indeed, the rise of this Populism is not based in France on a powerful mass, social movements.

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Valentin Soubise: as it was probably the case, for example, in Spain.

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Valentin Soubise: with the In. In that preceded the emergence of podemos.

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Valentin Soubise: The French Square movement read a book.

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Valentin Soubise: played a leader role that was much weaker and incomparable with the in the

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Valentin Soubise: the the of

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Valentin Soubise: this hopefully zoom

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Valentin Soubise: last week in Populism in France.

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Valentin Soubise: mainly crystallized in the succession of 3 Presidential

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Valentin Soubise: campaigns, during which the outsiders became, firstly, the candidate of the Radical, left in 2,012, and then of the major part of the left in 17 and 22.

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Valentin Soubise: The Presidential elections which are institutionalized as extraordinary moments of French political life, taking the form of a theatreical fight between the champions of different political camps.

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Valentin Soubise: has favored the deployment of a charismatic logic of representation

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Valentin Soubise: of optimized individuals.

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Valentin Soubise: This majestic personalization ledgeonic me also ensure the electoral representation of the left. Despite the

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Valentin Soubise: the great weakness of his local presence and of his institutional resources, and despite the hatred that he inspires among the left-wing leaders

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Valentin Soubise: as a Populist, one

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Valentin Soubise: since 2,017. The French political life is highly presidentialized.

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Valentin Soubise: In the election of 22

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Valentin Soubise: the electorate was polarized between 3 strong personalities. Emmanuel Macron, the current president, who was a related outsider who created his own party ex needle for the 2,017 campaign

270
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Valentin Soubise: marine le Pen, the extreme right.

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Valentin Soubise: while the traditional

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Valentin Soubise: top political parties that were not personalized were marginalized in this election. It was the case of the Socialist party, the Communist Party and the Conservative party.

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Valentin Soubise: For me menosion is this be must be defined, firstly, by the succession of 3 Presidential campaigns.

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Valentin Soubise: 3 electoral breaks for which have structured the genesis of the political current

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Valentin Soubise: facing its institutional conquest as well as its activist waves of recruitment.

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Valentin Soubise: Okay.

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Valentin Soubise: defining melancholy by these 3 extraordinary campaigns. Let us approach the charismatic essence of that movement.

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Valentin Soubise: These campaigns were structured around mass meetings

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Valentin Soubise: which were spectacularized, for example, by using the technology of holograms. multiplying the leader image. and more from the Montali.

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Valentin Soubise: because the period as an exceptional speaker who dramatized his pitches as an inspired, then charismatic tribune of the plants, etc.

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Valentin Soubise: In the media he was built as a rock star of these mass meetings, despite another tendency to demonize him.

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Valentin Soubise: Milosianism essentially appears to me as a community of people listening to a man who speaks.

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Valentin Soubise: who speaks in Presidential meetings on television debates, but also to the community of followers of his Youtube Channel, which is the first political Youtube channel in France.

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Valentin Soubise: This channel has about 800,000 subscribers and 200 million views, which is 10 times more subscribers and 20 times more of views than Lakhons and swimmers channel the organization channel.

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Valentin Soubise: We can see here the sign of the extreme personalization of the organization and of the way

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Valentin Soubise: activists and citizens inform themselves about the

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Valentin Soubise: this political current of ideas. The charismatic leader

288
01:01:18.320 --> 01:01:23.540
Valentin Soubise: was also able to impose his personal sovereignty on the movement.

289
01:01:23.560 --> 01:01:32.369
Valentin Soubise: He, the raises, and he decides about strategy, and also about the organizational model of

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Valentin Soubise: he called it gas movement or gaze with movement. I don't know exactly how I can translate it.

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Valentin Soubise: which is actually a dictatorship of the leader, but with a great freedom of action at the base of the movement. He also imposes his personal views, and even his personal freaks in the electoral program

292
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Valentin Soubise: just like the space exploration and the the exploration of Planet Mouse.

293
01:01:59.250 --> 01:02:06.490
Valentin Soubise: Even if these measures were not popular at all among activists, mainly for ecological reasons.

294
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Valentin Soubise: From, has been the leader of 5 parties or movements between 2,005 and 2,022. Each time he personally decides when to abandon one tool and to create another

295
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Valentin Soubise: the most. This is the fact for me is that each political party abandoned by Jonathan was condemned to this effective political and electoral world death.

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Valentin Soubise: which is the clear proof of the charismatic nature of the legitimization of these parties.

297
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Valentin Soubise: who often can survive their leader.

298
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Valentin Soubise: One example, the Communist party. It is a common idea among researchers who want to testify Charisma, and actually to delay Charisma

299
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Valentin Soubise: to consider that Zonic Minosha emerged as a Populist leader.

300
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Valentin Soubise: thanks to the support of the Communist party and its institutional resources.

301
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Valentin Soubise: Of course it is partly the case.

302
01:03:09.650 --> 01:03:14.410
Valentin Soubise: but personally, I'm also interested in a reverse causation.

303
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Valentin Soubise: Actually, the Communist party was electorally dying until John it me also made it

304
01:03:20.580 --> 01:03:24.539
Valentin Soubise: Presidential campaign with this party in 2,012.

305
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Valentin Soubise: It was his first campaign as a Presidential candidate. He was an outsider. but the internal dynamic of his charismatic campaign, of his interviews, mass meetings, etc. Brought the left front

306
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Valentin Soubise: to obtaining 11% of the votes, which was a really which was really a lot of votes for the Communist party and his recent history.

307
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Valentin Soubise: 5 years later, later, in the 17 Zonic Min also decided to abandon the Communist party and the left front.

308
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Valentin Soubise: he announced his candidacy alone on television without any organizational support, and thus he obtained almost 20% of the votes. Meanwhile the Communist party was not even able to present an autonomous candidate against him, and finally supported him. Despite that humiliation.

309
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Valentin Soubise: In 22 the Communist party presented his own candidate again, and obtained 2 of the votes.

310
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Valentin Soubise: My conclusion is that the short electoral reverse of the Communist party in 2,012 was a kind of charismatic. My recall.

311
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Valentin Soubise: which is proven by. It's second death. When Jonathan left this party.

312
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Valentin Soubise: because charisma is at the very source of the dynamics and political momentum of melancholy.

313
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Valentin Soubise: The personal action of sonic meal from has been able to play a deter mining role in the morphology of manoeuvring its ideology, and even on the Itos of its militants.

314
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Valentin Soubise: I consider that the Populist orientation is fully embodied in the leaders's figure. Less Populism is a matter of compassion to all the people and to all the poor.

315
01:05:19.150 --> 01:05:30.279
Valentin Soubise: presents himself as a compassionate leader. He is described by activists as extremely sensitive to poverty as particularly human.

316
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Valentin Soubise: He has the reputation of not knowing how to control his nerves in the face of injustice, etc.

317
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Valentin Soubise: And an important aspect of my empirical work consisted in showing that local militancy was largely inspired by the style by the person, and by this compassionate Itos of the leader.

318
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Valentin Soubise: I could observe in the popular city of Marseille, in source of France.

319
01:05:59.630 --> 01:06:09.670
Valentin Soubise: that this incarnation of the Populist fight constituted a militant prescription and resulted in a recruitment of a specific kind of activists.

320
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Valentin Soubise: especially women's social workers

321
01:06:12.260 --> 01:06:21.599
Valentin Soubise: who had the key role in some militant activities, in poor immigrant neighborhoods inspired by Solaradinsky Meta community organizing

322
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Valentin Soubise: the the the personality of man of represents the kind of validation of a certain kind of skills and itos, and gave prestige to these militants.

323
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Valentin Soubise: A listing populism in France

324
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Valentin Soubise: is electorally based on the perception of a charismatic figure may also have great popularity in pro immigrant neighborhoods, where he will more than 50 or even 60 of the votes in 22

325
01:06:54.390 --> 01:06:56.659
Valentin Soubise: activities. We're often

326
01:06:56.770 --> 01:07:08.409
Valentin Soubise: warm warmly welcomed in this immigrant suburbs. but only as Zhanik me, not from activists and because of his personal popularity.

327
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Valentin Soubise: People there often didn't even know the name of the political party to which the militants belong.

328
01:07:16.110 --> 01:07:23.570
Valentin Soubise: As a compassionate and Populist leader. Me on phone is perceived there as a non racist character.

329
01:07:23.600 --> 01:07:29.540
Valentin Soubise: as a loving figure, as a man who loves everyone, including the pros and the immigrants.

330
01:07:29.880 --> 01:07:35.809
Valentin Soubise: I think that we cannot ignore the political role of the human person because it is

331
01:07:35.970 --> 01:07:43.079
Valentin Soubise: a human person, and not an idea that is received as incarnating the possible

332
01:07:43.220 --> 01:07:48.480
Valentin Soubise: path that would stop the racial divisions. In this, in the society

333
01:07:49.000 --> 01:07:57.680
Valentin Soubise: I plead for a full meaning of the concept of incarnation. actually not so far from the Christian meaning. When the Christ said, I am the way.

334
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Valentin Soubise: I I think that every charismatic leader not only shows away, but

335
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Valentin Soubise: these are kind of like

336
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Valentin Soubise: I would like to finish

337
01:08:10.570 --> 01:08:13.779
Valentin Soubise: we the a few chemical elements.

338
01:08:14.430 --> 01:08:25.460
Valentin Soubise: My test is is that milestone is fully Populist and fully charismatic. Charisma was efficient because French left was in a Populist momentum

339
01:08:25.590 --> 01:08:31.029
Valentin Soubise: that me not only in a singular charismatic leaders. Action.

340
01:08:31.510 --> 01:08:37.589
Valentin Soubise: Populism is melancholy for tuna and charisma. Is, it is his V. To

341
01:08:38.460 --> 01:08:46.979
Valentin Soubise: to understand Populism we must understand the general dialectic between the Institute and the Institute

342
01:08:47.200 --> 01:08:56.340
Valentin Soubise: for your Ms. To La. There is a political institution of the social world, and Populism aims to incarnate this political eruption

343
01:08:59.480 --> 01:09:10.619
Valentin Soubise: does not aim to bring the organizations together. It aims to replace these organizations by a new people built around the place.

344
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Valentin Soubise: The personal path of the Populist leader appears desirable in proportion of the devaluation of the routinized institutional offer.

345
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Valentin Soubise: According to Macabilly, when the people fails to resist the rich to resist a ground d. The people assigns this task to an individual and makes him a prince.

346
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Valentin Soubise: For me. We are here the very heart of the delegating logic and of the personalization of left-wing populism.

347
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Valentin Soubise: The collapse of institutional left parties made left individuals available for oil

348
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Valentin Soubise: for the mobilization behind the charismatic leader

349
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Valentin Soubise: in its Populist dynamic. The French left of the 2,010 is close to the ideal type of a stateless nation.

350
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Valentin Soubise: The constellation of individuals whose spontaneous tendency has been to turn to

351
01:10:06.770 --> 01:10:15.680
Valentin Soubise: to a refunding leader. That's why my case is for queues on what I propose to call her. Here he worried configuration

352
01:10:16.200 --> 01:10:20.209
Valentin Soubise: in the French left of the 2,012 and 2,022,

353
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Valentin Soubise: that's to say.

354
01:10:21.620 --> 01:10:35.559
Valentin Soubise: an individual claiming the role of refunding hero of the people of the Left. But the charismatic community supporting him, and the traditional authorities of the left, relatively inc capable of containing his dynamic.

355
01:10:37.330 --> 01:10:40.959
Valentin Soubise: Deprived of the State, the Populist left nation

356
01:10:41.190 --> 01:10:47.609
Valentin Soubise: existed by crystallizing in the symbol of the media

357
01:10:47.970 --> 01:10:48.690
Valentin Soubise: and

358
01:10:50.020 --> 01:10:57.909
Valentin Soubise: the stateless nation is also subject to entropy, divisions, qualities, my values, and follow a new leader

359
01:10:58.210 --> 01:11:09.449
Valentin Soubise: is a way to go from the multiple to the one, from the individual to the command, because the leader imposes his personal arbitrariness as a new collective direction.

360
01:11:10.150 --> 01:11:13.599
Valentin Soubise: As Roberto Mikkel showed it masterfully.

361
01:11:13.680 --> 01:11:25.920
Valentin Soubise: The mass are deprived of any principle of reorganization, unless by you rallying the particular person who does becomes a leader and a historical

362
01:11:27.510 --> 01:11:28.610
Valentin Soubise: that you mentioned

363
01:11:29.090 --> 01:11:33.469
Valentin Soubise: the French. The French social psychologist

364
01:11:34.010 --> 01:11:36.769
Valentin Soubise: explains another very important thing.

365
01:11:37.260 --> 01:11:55.060
Valentin Soubise: The social group in crisis is a nomi and become a target of social influence, while the nomic individual is a source of social influence, can become a leader, and finally, the rest, in point of a political refundation of the social.

366
01:11:56.180 --> 01:12:08.279
Valentin Soubise: Following an idea of Kal Schmidt, I think that you know situation of exception. The sovereign decision come first and takes precedence over the collective.

367
01:12:08.580 --> 01:12:13.970
Valentin Soubise: The leader institutes the political unity of the group in a logic of plebiscitari

368
01:12:14.340 --> 01:12:16.130
Valentin Soubise: democracy.

369
01:12:16.290 --> 01:12:28.580
Valentin Soubise: In the electoral campaigns the Populist left was spoken by Jeanette Mansf. according to his particular point of view, which is absolutely not representative and couldn't be.

370
01:12:30.140 --> 01:12:33.170
Valentin Soubise: I'm done here. Thank you very much for listening.

371
01:12:36.310 --> 01:12:38.780
Thank you very much.

372
01:12:38.980 --> 01:13:02.159
So we have 7 or 8Â min for for questions. We have some people in the room here, and we have 16 people online. So if you're online, and you want to ask a question, please. do that. Now. you can turn on your camera and speak, I think, or you can type in the chat box?

373
01:13:02.160 --> 01:13:11.980
Or do we have any questions for the floor? What I'm going to suggest? Would you be comfortable coming up here? Because then the people can see you. So we have a question

374
01:13:12.070 --> 01:13:13.630
on its way.

375
01:13:19.190 --> 01:13:21.360
Thank you. I really enjoyed

376
01:13:21.590 --> 01:13:25.419
the the papers, and I appreciate

377
01:13:25.840 --> 01:13:28.689
Paul Jones. Notion of competence.

378
01:13:28.880 --> 01:13:41.429
 in the end, as as part of an ideal typical arrangement, a little personal background. My wife is French, and we've spent hours

379
01:13:41.530 --> 01:13:48.669
upon hours watching me on the show on Youtube. And it's been very fascinating for us.

380
01:13:48.940 --> 01:13:59.279
I think these concepts are really important. And through Paul's. I want to kind of introduce a parallel notion.

381
01:13:59.420 --> 01:14:06.030
To populism, charisma! Authoritarianism, I think. By the way.

382
01:14:06.170 --> 01:14:10.709
if one looks back to go. and certainly Macron

383
01:14:11.030 --> 01:14:16.989
are never accused of being authoritarian or being

384
01:14:17.380 --> 01:14:32.289
in some ways arbitrary, as is melancholy, so sometimes these concepts can be used to give the back of one's hand politically. Especially to melancholy. I'm thinking of one incident and

385
01:14:32.480 --> 01:14:34.130
with me also.

386
01:14:34.350 --> 01:14:37.800
 In which

387
01:14:38.150 --> 01:14:40.350
the State, unfairly

388
01:14:40.410 --> 01:14:51.270
barged in and was were going to? take all kinds of files and papers, and he was wearing this. It was in his office he was wearing the set, the sash

389
01:14:51.280 --> 01:14:53.470
of of government.

390
01:14:53.510 --> 01:15:03.469
and he said. just we like that. I am the State. But he meant that in the sense that you're violating, you know I'm a I'm a

391
01:15:03.700 --> 01:15:22.859
a representative, and you're violating the space the right wing picked that up, I mean, if you take that out of context. they said. Oh, he said that, and again, so he's a he's a an authoritarian. He's just a Populist. So in listening to to his talks

392
01:15:22.900 --> 01:15:25.840
rather than

393
01:15:25.930 --> 01:15:53.449
my wife and I frankly, has all kinds of disturbing mannerisms, one say, But rather than seeing him as as charismatic. What was fascinating. And here's the element of competence that, I think is was left out of some of the analyses. If you listen to him substantively, he's making some very interesting points, and he he is a kind of a historian of of revolution.

394
01:15:53.450 --> 01:16:20.659
putting together 1,789, 1,848 18, the the Paris commune other and other figures, and linking them up in in a really interesting discourse. So I'm saying that the my point is, there's something substantive about Meloshol which might be lost in just saying that. Oh, this is rhetoric. He's Populist. He's

395
01:16:20.660 --> 01:16:33.920
he thinks he's charismatic. So I I would like us to turn towards the the substance and then evaluate it critically. Critically, let's just say thank you.

396
01:16:34.290 --> 01:16:47.910
Thank you. Interesting point. I think we can take that as a as a compliment, but as a comment. And we have another question here. So would you like to do the same? Anyone online?

397
01:16:49.110 --> 01:16:51.620
okay. So

398
01:16:55.690 --> 01:17:01.829
givapal from France. Also I have a question for Paul Sobiz, but I also for Italy.

399
01:17:01.840 --> 01:17:15.170
The criteria you have for populace with melancholy, which is a personification lost your face of media large audience. Political description

400
01:17:15.820 --> 01:17:25.130
could be applied to Macron and to marine le Pen, and also qualified as populace because she contests the alder elite

401
01:17:25.970 --> 01:17:43.179
Democratic, and so on. And to say, if you want another solution, change that it's come back to Nationalist Macron, contest the exhaustion of the Salis Party. Too much bureaucratic. Let's go to technology of Internet. And all this is a quick solution for the strong problem.

402
01:17:43.220 --> 01:17:44.360
So

403
01:17:44.670 --> 01:17:49.899
there are free populism. So from this I make 2 remark, considering Paul Jones.

404
01:17:50.700 --> 01:17:57.450
the particular technique change, I will not say melancholy, and Mac was the most narcissistic, like trump.

405
01:17:57.640 --> 01:18:00.100
The subsequent technique of a

406
01:18:01.230 --> 01:18:07.060
his course qualified by podemos to promote numeric identity.

407
01:18:07.130 --> 01:18:15.970
to force the unity of message, the personification and the media access is to descript inside the media system. It's the end of the basic technique.

408
01:18:16.440 --> 01:18:22.189
And so concentration for funds, the competition between different populace

409
01:18:23.070 --> 01:18:26.189
with a big race to avoid my lieutenant. So

410
01:18:26.660 --> 01:18:39.949
I could go on that I don't know the time about. No, we don't have too much time, so I like to keep the questions. It's a question for the Italian cares. We have also the competition people police, the Mayo and the M. C. 5,

411
01:18:40.240 --> 01:18:50.009
and so on. There are free-party populations in Italy, too, but your rezoning was much more in terms of parity how to make Circular King the elite

412
01:18:51.120 --> 01:18:56.050
abstractly, and so on. Do you agree on that? And can you develop more

413
01:18:56.950 --> 01:18:57.840
on the call.

414
01:18:58.260 --> 01:19:00.839
Thank you. So.

415
01:19:01.020 --> 01:19:11.400
yeah, we have. We have a minute. So we have time for another question, or we can open up to responses to either of the 2 people who just asked a question.

416
01:19:16.250 --> 01:19:21.250
Lauren, did you have a question? Yeah, open anyone talk?

417
01:19:37.290 --> 01:19:58.220
Okay? Well, I I mean, I I I I have a little observation. and sort of a question for Lorenzo. I I was compelled by your the distinction you were making, but then I was also trying to think of examples. And I I'm just wondering. I I I know you had a slide later on that had some pictures on it. So perhaps you were getting there.

418
01:19:58.300 --> 01:20:26.980
you know, when you you make this distinction between the Populist leader being every man and the charismatic leader being the superman. And so but then I think, okay, well, what about Gandhi? This is somebody who had all the presentational style of somebody who was a a very lowly in the same way that Jesus is the carpenter, son, very kind of every every man kind of representational style, but nevertheless was exalted as some sort of remarkable, extraordinary figure.

419
01:20:26.980 --> 01:20:50.000
and then on the flip side for the Populist leaders. Yes, the Populist leaders claim to be ever men, but is what? What Populist leader would you point to? Where there wasn't this adoration that was also coming along at the same time. So I'm just sort of asking for some definition empirically for your your distinction there.

420
01:20:52.740 --> 01:21:06.870
but that that can be taken just as a com comment as well. We are at 8 51. I don't know if the computer is going to automatically shut off. But I'm happy to stand here and have a discussion as long as we're we're allowed.

421
01:21:21.020 --> 01:21:24.650
Lorenzo Viviani: I can only one only one sport on.

422
01:21:24.930 --> 01:21:47.760
Lorenzo Viviani: you know about your question. yes, there are also some slide with examples in my Powerpoint and Gandhi and the others leaders. I I remark that that there is possible to charismatic leadership not only the goal, but also Nelson Mandela, the goal Pop Andre, who in the old

423
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Lorenzo Viviani:  a. A. And also Gandhi, those to Washington they found in father of a political system. I think that there is a

424
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Lorenzo Viviani: cleavage between Populist leader and the charismatic leader, especially route to the in the ability to realize the premise of a great reform in culture, in religion, in politics, and so on. So if we look in Italy, for example, and the other question was about the Populism in Italy. we have so many

425
01:22:28.670 --> 01:22:53.710
Lorenzo Viviani: and Populist leader, and the first is as being Berlusconi. But also Bill was going that in this star at the of a political political journey in the nineties. he promised it to resolve the problem, the crisis, to realize the Greeks reform, and that's a 30 years.

426
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Lorenzo Viviani: There is no change, real change in politics in this institution, and so on. So the different the main difference between a Populist leader and a a charismatic leader as the first shake the society quality politics and the second the people the goal, but not also the goal, other leaders or contemporary leaders that that make the great reform.

427
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Lorenzo Viviani: And after the the leader there is a an institutionalization re. They are organization of charisma, in the political system, in the religion, and from Starting from Christ, there is, the religion, the Catholic religion, the Christ in the region after the gold. This is the fact that the fifth a

428
01:23:49.890 --> 01:23:59.589
Lorenzo Viviani: the the new constitution, a new political system, and so on. After Populist leader, the shake this society, and it is

429
01:23:59.620 --> 01:24:09.460
Lorenzo Viviani: there is no, there is no difference between the Italian political, institutional regime in 1994. And now

430
01:24:10.550 --> 01:24:11.350
Lorenzo Viviani: it's okay.

431
01:24:13.060 --> 01:24:14.020
thank you.

432
01:24:15.150 --> 01:24:24.149
So class is dismissed. But you can stay extra time, it seems, if if you'd like to. Did any of the presenters have questions for each other.

433
01:24:24.320 --> 01:24:25.300
perhaps.

434
01:24:31.090 --> 01:25:00.000
Okay. Well, then, I think, it's my responsibility to thank everybody for participating in this. Thanks you. Thank you for coming. Thanks for those who came online. at this hour. And wherever you may be in the world, we really appreciate it. And and so lots of interesting discussion, and it's certainly not over. I'm sure that we'll be following up with each other on this important topic. And but we'll say goodbye for now. So thank you all.

