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Thank you. Right. Okay, good afternoon everybody. My name is Marius and I am co-chair of this session on return migration with my 2 colleagues.

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And Francis Cyril and MELISSA BLAN, chart from the National Center for Scientific Research from France.

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Me myself, I am from Poland, Eastern Europe. And we are happy to have 6 papers, 6 presenters with us today.

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But let me begin with acknowledgement of the country. So the place we are in is called Naram and It is, it is the home of the cooling nation Warren Jerry, Warung people.

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So I would like to acknowledge this veryity and by our pay my respect to their elders and Ancestors.

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As you know all the presenters will have 15 min

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I would be happy if you manage your time. So that we have about half an hour for the discussion at the very end of this session.

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First 3 presentations as you can see. Be online and my colleagues, Francesca and Melissa would introduce the presenters and then we have 3 h which would be presented in person.

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So, Melissa, Francesca. I will leave a floor for you.

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So hello everybody. Nice to meet you. In a in a minute because I can I cannot see you now.

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The first speaker we are listening to is Heila Saban from Kinarate Academic College on the Sea of Galilee.

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In Israel.

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Thank you. Okay, so let me just quickly.

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Yes.

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Okay, so. Very happy to be here. Even though I was hoping to do this from Melbourne and not from my home in Israel.

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And I'm going to talk to you about, the appropriation of the ancestral homeland.

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Using the case study of privileged Jewish migration to ISIL. So some of you may know that the commonly used 10 to refer to Jewish migration to Israel is Aliya and Aliyah is an ideological term basically seeing Israel as more ideological, better place for Jews or higher

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place. For Jews to move to and to live in. And I'm going to. Not look at this turn for a second to sort of lay off it.

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And to try and look at another way of saying diaspora Jews. Or privileged diaspora is moving to Israel.

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And in terms of all of Jewish migration to Israel. It is seen as a certain homecoming or a return migration.

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And the Jewish diaspora is a very well known one, and the idea is that these are people who have, at being in exile for about 2 millennia.

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From the land of Israel and that their return to this land is a homecoming despite the very long expensive time that they were away.

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And I'm looking at a very particular part. Of Jewish migration to Israel. Not all of it, but the Western, Jewish migration children.

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So people coming from Western Europe, North America. Places like that. And what I'm going to try And, do here is, as I said, not to look at it as Malia for a second, to look at it as Malia for a second and to look at it as Malia for a second and to look at it and to offer looking at it

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as a form of lifestyle migration or privileged. Migration. So what is lifestyle migration and why do I want to use it?

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So basically as, Nicola Benson and Karen O'reilly told us already in 2,009.

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A lifestyle migration is the privilege or the spatial mobility of relatively privilege or the spatial mobility is the privilege or the spatial mobility of relatively privileged or affluent people and they move either part-time or full-time.

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To places that they see as meaningful for various reasons and that they can and these places in their mind can offer them a potential for a better quality of life.

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So not standard of living but a quality of life. And other scholars tell us that it's an analytical tool to basically look at those subjective meanings.

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That underpin the relocation of those relatively privileged migrants and that they are motivated by the search for a good life rather than work opportunities or political rights.

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So these are not people who are refugees who have to flee. And they are not looking for better work options, right?

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They move because they think that this will enable them a better quality. And what I'm thinking is that if we try to understand those.

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Yeah.

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Privileged Jewish migration and the privilege for various reasons whether it's the fact that the legal way of moving to Israel which I'll talk about in the next slide or yeah financially in terms of employability in terms of their citizenship.

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If we try to understand them as lifestyle migrants. We can see them as part of a global mobility trend.

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And not as something that is. Very unique to Israel and Jewish people moving to it. So in terms of the legal basis enabling Jewish migration to Israel.

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Israel, sees itself. As an ethnic migration country. It means that anyone with of Jewish descent can, migrate to Israel and to naturalize it.

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Very quickly. So following the law of return that's was are formed just as Israel was established.

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So this is from the L fifties and it has always been throughout Israel's history a state agenda to encourage Jewish immigration and to support its integration within Israel.

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So this is something that Israel sees. As very important in its mandate, it's not just a state of the people who reside in it.

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It's the state of the whole Jewish people and anyone of Jewish ancestry can move there. And that's a form of privilege, of course.

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So what I'm doing here today in this paper is I'm going to ambitiously try and.

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Combine findings from 3 different projects that I've performed over the past decade and a half. And all of these projects have looked at the spatial forms.

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Okay.

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Of privileged mobility. To, of Western Dias to Israel and I'm talking about mobility as, anywhere between full-time migration to tourism.

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So mobility is all those in between options. And, my focus in is on their motivations.

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To come to move and also on their integration groups. So the first project, was part of my PhD.

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And there it was an ethnography of a neighborhood in Jerusalem called Baka you can see it's high street here in the photo.

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And I looked at Jews from, the U.S.A, France and the UK who moved to, Baka from anywhere from the 19 sixties to the 2,010 so and they moved for very different reasons and it's also a very long sort of time timeline so some of those reasons were

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That's

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poor factors and so for people who moved in the sixties following the you know Zionism wave of after the 6 day war of 1967 and and some of them moved because of antisemitism.

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So these are push factors of economic crisis, etc. But, economic crisis is part of it, but not, it's not again, it's not.

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A forced migration. Of any kind. And I looked at that, participation in this neighborhoods gentrification process over the years gentrification process over the years.

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And I found that part of, the gentrification process over the years. And I found that part of, the years.

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And I found that part of, the gentrification that they did there is because of the way that the gentrification that they did there is because of the way that they integrated and these are people who chose to live within bubbles because of the way that they integrated.

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And these are people who chose to live within bubbles or ethnic enclaves of people from similar backgrounds.

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On the local community in terms of housing commerce etc And the second project that I did was on British Jews who purchased second homes in Israel.

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So here it's not a full time migration. It's a back and forth mobility of people.

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And what I saw was happening is, what we call transnational gentrification.

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So that is gentrification. That is, it's when the money and the people come from another country.

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And compete with locals on the real estate. And, here I saw that the motivations were not just for holiday.

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Oh

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So.

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It was Interestingly, the, extras that Israel can offer. So the personal connection that people have.

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These, most of those people have families or friends in Israel have spent a lot of time in Israel over the years.

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So they have a very personal sort of history with the country and they want a foothold in it and I call it the real estate foothold because the sort of idea of owning a little piece of Israel that is theirs.

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Okay.

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And what I also found is that they didn't go just about anywhere in Israel. It was to very particular places that formed a certain imagined geography of where one could see themselves as living and this is one of them.

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The places that the coastal city of Nanya in Israel. And I said, and most recent project that I did was looking at the residential choices of recent English-speaking migrants to Israel and this is from, people came in those 5 years from 2016 to 21.

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From the U.S.A. Canada and in the UK and interestingly here I saw different integration, route.

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So there weren't those ideal types of migrants who moved to those ethnic enclaves that I have earlier.

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Are located in those other 2 projects but there were also there's migrants who chose to actually move to places that are more Israeli, Israeli, without this many people from, similar backgrounds to this, English speakers, etc.

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And they saw themselves as the ideal migrants, those who fully want to integrate and to become Israeli. So in that was quite an interesting finding there and however I saw that their motivations to Israel were very similar to the motivations to Israel were very similar to the motivations to Israel were very similar to the other people that I interviewed over the

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years. Very similar to, the other people that I interviewed over the years. So, wanting to be part of, the other people that I interviewed over the years.

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So, wanting to be part of Jewish, the other people that I interviewed over the years.

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So, wanting to be part of Jewish, majority, to be, to feel a better sense of belonging to the weather and the lifestyle in Israel and the Jewish identity of the country etc.

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And. So what I what I saw very strongly in all of those 3 projects was a very strong sense of feeling at home when they come to Israel.

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So immediately feeling it even for people with very very limited early connections with Israel. Some of those interviews have never been in Israel before.

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And some of those interviews have never been in Israel before, although the majority of them have. And immediately feeling that this is their country, that they belong to it, that they feel at home in it.

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And Another, strong finding is that this didn't just happen out of nowhere. So there was, there's a very strong role for the, Jewish education system, in the diasporas or in, Jewish communities.

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The religious practice itself that is, very strongly associated with Israel with the land of Israel and also policies policies of, in the state of Israel policies and, Jewish communities, policies of, in the state of Israel policies and, Jewish communities elsewhere in shaping.

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Those sentiments towards Israel and enabling them. And what I want to argue is that it leads to a certain Jewish trajectory that it's part of a pathway, a trajectory of Jews to of at least those who are very connected to the Jewish community who see Israel as part of their Jewish identity and see

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the relocation now or even the investment there as part of that sort of thing to do a Jewish trajectory.

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And, the other thing that I found very strongly in all of these, studies that I've done is the role of a place in that home making.

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Yes.

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So

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And places where of high significance I saw 2 making people feeling at home to helping them integrate into into a new country.

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The neighborhood, the city, those were very, very strong. Aspects helping people people wanted a lot of them as I mentioned wanted to move into bubbles or ethnic enclaves where they could be surrounded with people from similar backgrounds who did who made the same move.

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Moving from an English or French speaking country to Israel to very particular places in Israel. And yet, That's imagine geography of, whether you're fully relocating or, immigrating or if you're a holiday maker.

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And sometimes a little different. So some of the places where similar, especially if you go to Tel Aviv or some of the places were similar, especially if you go to Tel Aviv or Jerusalem particular, especially if you go to Tel Aviv or Jerusalem particular neighborhoods.

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But, some of these places more the coastal destinations, for instance, people didn't want to.

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Move there if they're full time, sort of relocating. They, it's fine if you're a holiday maker.

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It's not fine if you want to build your life, they don't want, your neighbors to all be people who spend most year, elsewhere and to be a lonely.

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He less sorry 2 min.

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And Yes, I'm just about 10. And, so basically the importance of those different integration routes.

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In fostering a sense of the belonging. So whether you want to move to, and a bubble or outside of the bubble.

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These are different. Integration. So to my final slide, some of the conclusions that I want to come to.

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So.

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I think it's important to look at the potential impact that privileged my a lifestyle migration.

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Can have on places of settlements. And this, privileged lifestyle migration can be.

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A return migration as well or a home coming or alia or you name it and, there, impacts can be in moving into ethnic enclaves in gentrifying and pushing out.

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And this

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And displacing local populations, competing with them on cultural aspects, on physical aspects like real estate and finally I want to say that of course this is by any means unique to the Jewish diaspora in Israel and we see a lot of different diasporas.

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Are interested in investing or in moving as lifestyle migrants to the places where them they themselves or that.

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All their forefathers have come from if we're looking at Portuguese or Greek or Zimbabweans or, or Lebanese people who have moved away and now want to come back as a real estate investors or, have moved away and now want to come back as real estate investors or, holiday makers or properly to move back

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home. They have, impact on those places that they move back to. So thank you very much for your attention.

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Thank you.

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Thank you. Yes.

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So thank you, communication. Now we are supposed to have but I cannot see her online.

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So we can maybe move to the. Good next presentation and then go back to. To.

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No.

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Exactly. I didn't have any any message from Yeah, so probably we will continue with the next presentation.

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Yes, so if a next presentation is a presentation of, from from the Institute of Philosophy and Sociology, University of Latvia.

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The floor is yours.

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Yes.

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Yes.

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Okay, thank you. You see the presentation? Yes, very good. Okay, so I am Maya and I will speak about, yeah, tipplepologization of immigrants and analyses of return stories.

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Considering the small size of Lacious population, the significant drop in numbers driven by immigration over the last decades has posed a serious challenge.

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A latter, which barely has 2 million residents, is one of the typical sending countries in Europe and which is it was also one of the countries hit hardest by the crisis of 2,008.

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Resulting in unprecedented rates of immigration. However, as you can see in the chart. Yeah, since the restoration of nations independence in 1991.

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The loss of population due to migration has always been greater than immigration. And since 2,000 some 10% of the population has emigrated.

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In addition, recent trends show that families more often decide to emigrate with children and plan to stay abroad permanently.

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And also the almost half of all immigrants have left Latvia several times and many of those who have returned also plan to leave again.

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Maybe.

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The large scale integration is the main reason that continues to worsen the demographic indicators and is already causing problems for the further development of the national economy.

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Taking into account the aging of the Latvian society, the increase in demographic burden. The brain drain predictions about the labor shortage in the future.

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And the lack of openness of the society toward immigrants. Remigration support is one of the essential tasks to ensure the sustainability of the country's social system.

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And the competitiveness of the economy. In this context, several police policy documents have been developed, focusing on fostering return migration.

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Yeah.

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And

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On helping successful integration of returned migrants back into the Latvian society. And I'm threatening dice and developing cooperation with the dice program, including those who will not return.

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Yes.

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However, if you look at the actual data about the numbers of return migration, they clearly showed that the volume of emigration still significantly lags behind the volume of immigration.

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Okay.

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Analyzing information from our resources, it can be safely assumed that less than 40% of those who have left.

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Return within 10 years. A bit positive news is that in 2,000, 2 22 there were the 9 month tree thousands of immigrants in Latvia which is the largest number since 2,013.

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Of course, compared to the total number of immigration, in this last year. Yeah, last year's share for immigration.

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It is made to look real small by thousands of refugees who came from Ukraine. But when looking at immigration without these Ukrainian refugees, remigrants made up a 61% of immigrant immigrants in Latvia in 2,000 and last year.

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And probably it can be explained both by COVID pandemic and the situation in Ukraine.

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In addition, according to the data of the study of Latvian immigrants and I will tell about a little bit more about this.

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Studies after a few slides that but hardly any Latvian citizen living outside Latvia plans to return.

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Although if looking at further future plans there is a great potential because 41% currently Do not plan but could return if if circumstances change, which means that there is a large group.

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Of potential movers.

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Of course.

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To speak about the topology of return migrants we also need to briefly describe the existing And one of the early Tories that looks at the return fennel.

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Is the now classical economic therapy, which is based on the assumption that the main reasons for migration are the differences of the living standard of the host country and the country of our region.

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But the migrant is seen as a rational being who wants to increase his income. Therefore, immigration is viewed as a failure of the planned migration as the goal of earning more income has not been achieved.

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And this could be, defined as the first variant of theoretical model of return. So it is returned due to an unsuccessful migration experience.

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Another direction of economic theory, the new economics of labor migration, sees immigration as part of the migration process and believes that in many cases the return is foreseen and planned.

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This means that in the event of a successful migration experience, the individual acquired the planned financial or symbolic resources.

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And this can be called the second variant of the theoretical model of return. Which is a return as a successful success story because money has been earned experience or knowledge or board has been acquired.

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And therefore the migrant can return. However, both of the mentioned economic theories are widely criticized in literature of social sciences because they ignore various important factors.

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Please.

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And therefore we must also speak about such models that are based on structuralist approach. And in this context, How distinguish 4 different types of immigration, which is firstly return due to failure when the decision to return in is made because the migrant has failed to integrate into the society of the receiving country.

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The second is the conservative return when the plan goes in the host country have been achieved and the migrant returns.

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The third is the return of the retired persons who return to their country of region to spend their old age there.

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And the fourth is in a way to return when migrants who return are ready to use their accumulated funds and knowledge to start the new businesses or implement some other new ideas.

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Finally another theory which is closely linked with the immigration is time slash one transnationalism which anticipates that the return does not mean the end of the migration cycle.

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Because first of all, nowadays repeated immigration is very common and secondly also back and forth migration is increasingly occurring.

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So We're all going to be able to speak.

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When returning to the home does not mean that the professional activity is also transferred there, but on the contrary, regular and close contacts are maintained across national borders.

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Or analyzes there was both on quantitative data derived from several large-scale web-based surveys of Latin immigrants.

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And return migrants as well as quality.com life story interview was collected at the Latvia National Oral History Archive.

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In order to save time, I will only stress out the indeed during the last 10 years, several, several large-scale including longitudinal, studies of the let me know as well as immigrants have been conducted in Latvia.

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And they offer rich material for analyzers as the number of respondents of some of these surveys reached even 40,000.

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Of course, we can return to the slide if you will some, there will be some questions about that in the end.

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But now to the analyzers part. And so according to the data, the main motives for returning to the country of origin are usually non-economic.

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Yes.

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It should be emphasized that in general this corresponds to the results of many other studies which admit that there are very rare cases from the economy of the country or region has developed so much.

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That it could offer better living conditions. And that's the main reasons for returning are mostly emotional.

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On economic factors and the most important of them are Firstly, longing for relatives and friends who have remained in the homeland and the desire to strengthen ties with them.

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Secondly, it is the longing for the homeland for nature. For the sense of belonging which can only be felt in the country of a region.

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And third, it is desire to speak exactly and the desire for children to learn what the end and grow up to be Latvians.

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Important reasons for turning are also difficulties in integration into the cost society. As local residents do not always accept migrants.

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And also this desertification with living or working conditions, social environment, etc. Among the economic reasons for returning the possibility of finding a job in Latvia and earning money to survive has also increased in the last years with the parents of small economic growth.

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To reduce the full set of reasons for return migration, which you can see in the slide.

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And she can be.

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And in order to use this full set. To a smaller number of general reasons. Factor analyzes with the principal component method was employed in our study.

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I

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Using the characteristics of quartile rankings calculated on the basis of the factor scores. Allowed us to look at one of or another set of reasons and to find out which reasons for turning dominate in various groups of returned migrants.

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The correlation between factors and whether socio-demographic variables were also tested.

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Overall factor analyzes yielded the 5 factor solution. That means grouped reasons for return migration.

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The first group of factors which are non economic. Include such sentimental reasons for returning as longing.

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Missing Latvia, missing family and friends, family or language environment in Latvia, and vision the children live and study in Latvia.

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The second dimension of factors include such factors as dissatisfaction. Fiction with various aspects of life.

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Losing a job abroad, expired for contract permit or visa. And the third dimension includes such reasons for turning as completion of studies abroad and good job.

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Juror Buffers in Latvia, which corresponds to the model of innovative return.

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So it's migrants who return and are ready to use the acquired knowledge and possibility. Possibly also their saved funds to start a new business.

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Oh Okay.

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4 dimension of factors includes different type of family and non economical personal reasons, but the fifth dimension includes only one reason, expired work, contract permit or visa.

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Yeah.

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Which can correspond to both the first and second models it can be both successful result of the migration and also a failure of the migration and also a failure of the plan migration.

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In any case, as the further analyzers proves, this group is dominated by people who did not want to return and even regret their decision to return.

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And more often than others these people allow the possibility that they will live or work outside the flat after 5 years and therefore they are but potential Transnationals.

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And now, let's briefly outline the socio demographic portrait of these 5 topological groups or immigrants.

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And so the factor one is mostly or predominantly women, age, age group, 25 to 44 years.

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And before returning they have been working paid Ver work abroad. They have also They mostly have registered or unregistered partnership and children up to 18 years.

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Yes.

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Yeah.

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And they relatively easily cope with the material situation. Also, compared to other clusters, they are more satisfied with family life, relationship with other people and life in general.

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And in the slide you can also see one, expert from an interview. If you go further, then, there you can see the socio demographic port of also other groups.

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But maybe in order to save time I must only stress out that they all these portraits showed they are quite significant differences in the socio demographic groups.

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Especially in from the point of view of gender, age groups, also in the way holder attorney is everywhere their return meaning if they consider it right or wrong decision.

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Or do they regret it me even? And also if they are satisfied with their salary, their working conditions, their relationships and life in general.

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So these are yeah, factor 2 and factor 3 and here you can see. Factor 4 and 5.

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Okay.

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But I think that it's maybe time to go to the conclusions. Okay. Here are one slide about them.

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Okay.

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About the satisfaction with various aspects of life for attorneys and at the individual level the analyzes of changes in satisfaction over 5 years.

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Showed that the most sensitive areas of life affected by migration are family life. Relationships with people and perception of living standards.

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And longitudinal that to show that the return migrants have the lowest level of specification before return compared to the others.

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Yeah.

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My yeah, 2 min. The left.

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Yeah.

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Which matter? Okay. So the conclusion part.

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Yeah. The diversity of remnants experiences allows for the analyzers of very different reasons for a turn and the different dimensions of the return process.

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Yeah.

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The most important conclusion is that the main reason for turn are non-economic. If living is mostly based on economic considerations or the desire to get to know the world, to study abroad, etc.

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Then the return for a large part is related to longing for home, desire to be with family and friends who have remained in Latvia.

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Longing for Latvia and desire to speak Latvian. And rise children to be Latvians.

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Yeah.

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Rather than assimilating the host country. Also in the in the interviews or immigrants themselves admit that their turn is based on their bomb mentioned in tangible values.

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Yeah.

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Important reasons for turning are also the difficulty of integrating into the host country as the locals local population does not accept their emigrants as their own and the lack of friends as well as the fact that it is economically and socially impossible to reach the level of income and social status that the native And the last, mentioned the

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reason we can partially be considered an economic one. If a confront or dot with the 5 return models, identified and theoretical literature, we must conclude the theoretical models are confirmed.

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Less common is the model of now classical economic approach where return of course due to an successful migration experience.

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So.

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However, the fact that, immigrants themselves may not want to characterize their migration experiences a failure.

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And therefore find supporting arguments should also be taken into account. But still the data showed that the most of the time their turn is directly related to a set of non economic factors.

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Okay.

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And the experience for migration has often brought remigrants to the realisation that higher income in undercountry It does not necessarily mean a higher quality of life.

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And there is a regulation of values also happening. And such immigrants after evaluating all benefits and losses. Both material and non-material understand returning to Latvia is a better choice than staying.

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And looking at the labor migration, the context of the new economic approach and the types of emigrants identified by It should be noted that the identified factors indicate both conservative and innovative return.

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And the innovative return takes the form of developing their own business ideas in Latvia and investing their savings.

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Yeah.

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Oh

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In a separate cluster, context of factors identified in the structure with the approach appears as important aspect of return.

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And it is returned to court because the individual is unable to integrate in the coast country. And, therefore among theoretical models of return identified in the later research, the structuralist model returning because it was not possible to integrate is definitely relevant and Also the dominance of of retired persons in cluster 5 shows that the second structuralist approach

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model which is returning when you get told. Is also relevant. And also the life model of the representatives of the cluster.

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As well as the younger and middle age group of cluster tree can be described as transnational.

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Because the professional activity of these people is international or is carried out in several countries.

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Yeah.

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And in this group, the proportion of respondents has increased in years, which with a high probability allows the possibility that they could live outside the flat area in the next 5 years.

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For this meeting.

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And among the youngest and middle age groups in Latvia, they's the organization of a transnational way of life can be observed, which is significantly promoted by the development of various forms of electronic communications.

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Cheap and accessible air communications and the formation of transnational social networks.

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And the that also shows that only 44% of immigrants believe that they have returned permanently. And this result echoes the literature on the changing nature of modern migration.

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As Angry, Snell has described the emigration of the new European member states using the term liquid migration.

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Okay.

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And this liquid migration can be considered a form of new migration which can be observed in Europe and also elsewhere today.

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This is

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And which is more where I'd and fluid in nature than old migration. Many do not even want to take root in a specific place and keep strong symbolic ties with the country of the region as well as the new home country.

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In this sense, the mobile citizens of the new your union member states are more flexible and better prepared to adapt on increasingly less regulated, increasingly international post-modern labor market.

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And, some researchers describe their their situation as lasting them. Temporariness or settling within mobility.

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And the surveys we used, the data we used also confirms mentioned modern migration trends in Latvia.

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Yeah.

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Thank you. That would be all. Yeah, well.

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Thank you.

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Thank you, Maya. For this very rich data paper. So are you the floor is yours because Fera didn't connect.

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Thank you. That's what I wanted to ask. So, Fira is not with us online.

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Not at the moment.

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So, maybe we will, still. Keep track on what's going on online maybe she will comes up But now I would like to invite 2 presenters up the Kazimi Poor and Omit A Says from the University of Calgary, Canada.

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The floor is yours.

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Their presentation.

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Good afternoon and thank you Marius for organizing this session. the paper that you'll be talking about today is myself and my co-presidenter Omidasaishu will be taking care of the second half of the presentation.

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Is a part of a larger project that we have done recently. And there are 2 key concepts in that project.

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And, and there are a couple of sort of key questions there. I will very briefly introduce those concepts and those questions to the extent that it is necessary for discussion today.

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But we have a full presentation tomorrow at 8 30 on on that other aspects of that project. If you were interested, I think the title.

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For that paper is Homo and Migratories. So it is 8 30, tomorrow.

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Basically, the idea or the key questions that we had was that migration normally happens as an individual process.

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Somebody decides to migrate, they start thinking about it, they make a decision, they plan for it, and then it happens.

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And if for what ever reason it didn't work out for them, they come back again and they have of course some tensions, internal tensions to resolve as a result of this sort of failure that they might have experienced.

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But most of these things, the process for going and the process for back and its consequences, they remain inside that individual.

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They remain in individual problems. It is it is about the way that these people are relating to their environment.

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But there is a situation sometimes in society that there is a high desire for migration and then you have something like that then that process is no longer an individual process it doesn't remain it cannot remain an individual process.

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So people migrate. Sometimes because of this pressure, the social pressure that is there because everybody is desiring to leave.

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Everybody's thinking about migration, everybody's talking about migration and therefore they cannot decide on their own based on their individual preferences.

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How to go about migration and and come back. So these are this is a very very sort of broad and and brief image of that project.

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When we have when we deal with this kind of situation, these kind of social environments. Both to migrate migrants and non-migrants.

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Operate differently. Because they have to take into account this huge social component that is there. So in some cases, you have that concept of imagine migrants.

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In some cases when someone is trying to migrate and they cannot and they stay in that situation for a long period of time because of the social pressures.

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Then they somehow start changing their views about their lives, about their societies, about the place that they are living in or the place that they would like to live in.

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In many cases they just migrate subjectively. Because I've called them imagine migrants. And when you migrate this way, then you are different from those migrants that have gone through that individualized So we have a different, we will get a different type of migrants in this kind of environments.

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And that if you are a person that doesn't want to migrate in this kind of environment, You have to come up with a good reason.

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You have to justify yourself all the time. And that's why we have the second, this third category that you have called deliberately non-migrants.

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And in many cases, the deliberately non-migrants have to come up with some sort of narrative to justify their decision why they are not going with the flow.

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Because the default has changed in that in that environment. And return migrants have an even more difficult time.

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Because not only they have migrated, they have carried out those plans, but now they have decided to come back.

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So basically they come back from migration to this environment. Which everyone is trying to leave. And they have to have a very, very strong reason for why they have come back and they have managed to go through all these difficulties and and come back.

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So we are focusing on that slice of that bigger project today, but as I mentioned, the bigger aspects of that, the other aspects of the project will discuss them.

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Of migrations. Migration is a set of ideas, practices, cultural artifacts that reinforce and celebrate migration.

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Margins. So this is no longer a leveled playing field. It is a field with very sharp slope.

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When you have that cultural migration, migration is perceived. And is understood as a success. And staying at home and not migrating.

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As a failure. So anyone who is just staying there, it doesn't matter whether migration is under agenda or not.

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They are looked at as a failure. And if you are a return migrants, you become a bigger failure.

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In this kind of environment. So basically this is the the outlines of the project that we are studying.

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We will be talking about the return migrants here, but we will discuss all those other aspects tomorrow. In this project we have use the 3 sources of data.

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We have done a whole bunch of interviews with people in different stages and different. Parts of the process of migration.

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Before migration, thinking about migration, not considering migration. Having migrated so all these different stages.

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Some interviews with them and then they have also tried to get a better understanding of all these different groups by going to the social media and analyzing the social media data and also we have done a pilot project of a survey nationwide survey in Iran because We are just testing this yearly in the case of Iran.

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But the, the full scale survey is going to. Happen later. So today we will be basically reporting some of the findings from the interviews.

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And only those parts that are relevant to return migrants. For all the rest of the information if you were interested I will invite you to come to that session tomorrow.

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So this is the easy part of the presentation that I did. I will leave the hard part of it.

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Take care. Thank you.

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So thank you very much. Just in this slide just to have an overview of what is happening in Iran I begin with so many statistics as to see how this situation is.

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Today we are facing heavy pressure to migrate from Iran as 34% of adults 49% of use and 67% of university student graduates desire to live abroad.

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And to even quoting some Poeting some return migrants may help us to understand the situation better.

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Here is the quote from a female participant who has lived in the US and Canada for almost 10 years and have recently has recently returned to Iran.

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People don't positively about to Iran. It looks like they want to say that you've lost your mind when you're, they realize you come back.

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Say when you can't recognize what the best for your life is, how we can content you. So, you've, you've come back to a place where you left it, which is much, much effort.

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So your Senate is in a bit question

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Very few people understand my decision. So. And this is another, also quote from the one return migrants.

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That he was a religious woman from a small city in Iran who has returned from the US after 6 years of living there.

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When we come back I can say that 99% of relatives even those who are close to us reproachfully told us why we come back.

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If you were able to stay, why did you come back? If you were able to stay, why did you come back?

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Or people, even religious ones, which we wish very much to visit there as the country's problem get divorced.

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Display increases even though we have been back for several years they ask again why did you come back So this is the definition.

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This is the environment that they have to face after coming back to Iran. In this in this environment.

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In this environment they have to come up with some justification which we called as an anti-migration narrative.

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In this picture you can see 5 different main temps that they are come with and each of these teams has It's own soft categories.

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For the sake of time I'm not going to just talk about each of these sub categories but just briefly I will quote one or 2, a quote for each of these main teams to introduce them.

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First of all, what is coming among many return migrants is the belief that immigrants are not those mostly known as elites but many of them are purposeless or goalless.

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This is the narratives of Auntie migration. You know people who are deliberately want do not want to market or return So who are looking for an opportunity?

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The migrants are. People who are looking for an opportunity to escape, not to achieve a higher education or better life.

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A bit better job. For instance, this is the quote from a May participant who once left Iran.

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To live in Armenia. And.

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Pretend soon after. What is interesting about him is that he was saying that he still cannot stop thinking about the migration and spent hours per day imagining himself living abroad.

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He says this is How the situation is. This is the pressure of the social pressure of migration. But the court has people act emotionally and just want to leave.

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And they don't think about anything else. The immigrants, they don't go for education or what they just want to be anywhere by

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In this, and the second central team and team is the return migrant. Usually questioned usefulness of migration itself.

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This is precisely in contradiction with the cultural belief which represent migration as a way of achieving prosperity.

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The first quart is from a gay participant. Who lived in Europe for 20 years before returning to Iran.

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There is no one I can hold their hand for a few seconds. Tell them about my pains or share my emotions with people just pass by and at most they may give you as my sometimes they don't even a smile.

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And this is this is another quote from another participant. Who was a taxi driver and failed to attempt an asylum in Europe.

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When I come back to Iran and travel to some other cities in Iran. I realized that Here we have everything you may find elsewhere.

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We unions exaggerate a bit about there and underestimate what we have here in our own country.

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For the third theme that it's a If the DSM addressing some changes in priorities and attitudes of people Better in terms of religious beliefs or philosophical outlooks.

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For instance, here is a quote from a PhD holder woman who has returned from the US. You know, decision to return to Iran or religious Okay, thank you.

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Or religious values and beliefs particularly those related to raising or children were very important to my husband and me. We were sure that we couldn't find the right environment to rise or to rent the US.

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And so at the end She added that but if someone is only after financial gains or scientific progress, she would definitely regret returning to Iran.

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They say this is just an example about the religion but it is not it is not only about the region even some people come up with some concept about the as to a system.

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And So I should just. Rush a bit but. Regarding the 4 system that many return migrants believe they did.

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Is to serve their country which is expected to see that and so for instance this court is from another female participant.

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It becomes easier to convince yourself to return to the country when you acknowledge that despite all pressure you are going to beg to serve the country.

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Those who are here are either those who cannot leave because of some various financial or otherwise or they are those who want to stay and do something to build the country despite all the sanctions and everything.

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And finally, regarding the final theme is many, many people address their social ties and family relation. And it is interesting, it's still, it is kind of.

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You know, these are all kind of everyday kind of discourses coming between all those, all those deliberating non-migrants.

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That for instance this code is the biggest thing that makes me not want to leave Iran is my family.

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They rely on me a lot. It is important because Some some even some people who wants to stay Iran just look at just address immigrants as emotionless people, you know, people who are who do not care about their family or their relatives.

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So in conclusion, it is important to consider the necessity. First of all, is studying standing environment. Oh, so noticing the anti migration narrative and where pro-migration social pressure.

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And elaborating on the concept of deliberating non-migration And finally examining the socio-cultural dimension of the return migration.

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And some of these findings are included in this in our recent publication in Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies.

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This is the code you can scan it and get access to the paper. Thank you.

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Thank you very much for your inspiring presentation and we move to another region to a Republic of Callia and our next presenter is Philip Chah.

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The floor is your

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Yes.

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You can just click enter and go to the next slide. Usually that work.

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So.

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Hello, I'm Flee Cha and the presentation I prepare is the betrayer of motherland, emerging the homelands of the Koreans in Japan.

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You can just leave it underline and highlight the part. This study explores the identity transformation happening to first-generation Koreans in Japan.

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Which called Jainchi when they come to South Korea their ancestors homeland Do you see research find that the different 2 representations of the image in the homeland are more influential than culture, capture and social exclusion in identity transformation in the homeland.

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Therefore, this study argues that identity studies of assume return migration should pay more attention to representations of their imagined homeland.

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There is a simple background of the

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2 separate groups of Koreans in Japan. The history of the Koreans in Japan came from Zhou Zhong people's first and voluntary migration during the and after the Japanese occupation.

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After the colonial period they were divided in the Chong Yang group which served the Soviet Union which occupied the upper part of Korean Peninsula at that time and the Minnan group.

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Which for the United States which occupied the south

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Today there are 4 or 5 generations of Koreans in Japan with each generation their homogeneized national consciousness has gradually weakened and disappeared and has gradually weakened and disappeared and they have become increasingly assimilated into Japanese society.

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In other words, they are virtually, physically, linguistically distanced from the Korean Peninsula.

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For them, the homeland exists as an image in the homeland.

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Over the generations most Korean in Japan have abandoned the only ideas of returning to their homeland and the living symbiotic lives in Japanese society.

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They now identify core dancers as Jainichi, which means living in Japan.

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In South Korea, the number of questions moving to their homeland has increased since the 19 nineties. Here is a later table of the literature labor of Koreans in Japan.

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SNO Retong migrant But I want to share I want to stress 2 limitation of previous research the first one is curvature capture theory.

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The current projector perspective explains the main components of Returns identity and the leading cause of their hardship in Korea regarding a specific culture character.

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However, this approach to risk reducing the process of identity negotiation and transformation to having or not having cultural capture.

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In this case, if fairs to explain the active identity negotiation process of subject and the resulting process of items change.

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And the second one is exclusive. If close to your However, emphasizing social structure alone does not explain why various individuals undergo different processes of identity negotiation and change.

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And there are so romantic sizes of approachi and I don't do typology but I will skip this.

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Here's my research object. The purpose of this study is to examine the life curse of first generations of Koreans in Japan.

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This study aims to understand the process of a items change through their experience in South Korean society. I will collect the research participant by snowboard simply and unless it with ground theory.

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I interview with semi-structured interview.

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Here is the table of the information of the research participants.

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First of all, the first first is life in Japan and farming on ethnic identity case of a Mindang group.

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In case of the Mindang group, they were all born and raised in Japan and went to a Japanese education.

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Despite their own family origin with Korean language and culture, they taught and lived as Koreans. And for them, South Korea was the place of their loose and their unchanged homeland.

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The Korean War in Japan, especially K-pop, has made them an object of automation.

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A admiration for their Japanese friends. So they have been proud to other that their Korea without hiring it.

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However, the fact that they don't speak Korean and don't know enough about Korean courage has motivated them to learn more about their loose and background.

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Most mean done groups participate in various ethnic activities such as domestic education course for overseas Koreans organized by Minda or South Korean government where they interacted with other Korean diaspora Korean in Japan for the first time in London experienced Korean culture.

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This kind of ethnic activity events, her participants recognize and promote their Korean identity and strengthen. They are positive thought and interest in Korea.

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The next party is LIFE in Japan and forming an Esme, Entente, Keso, Chong, Yang, G.

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Unlike Me and them group, it is typical for the Chong Young group to attend Joseph's school.

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For them, it was not just an educational institution, but a place where they learn Korean language and history and shape their ethnic identity.

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They have experienced relatively more discrimination and excluded in Japan society. DAN MIN-DAN-GROUGH, because of their association with North Korea.

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Ferdinand, this has created a foster create and fostered a sense of create and foster the sense of essaying identity, solidarity and anti-Japanese sentiment.

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And also in the case of Chong Yang group, few participants identified themselves as South Korea or South Korean in Japan or participant define themselves as jewels on people in Japan even though they are had Korea South Korean citizenship.

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The Tom, doesn't mean doesn't refer to North Korea or South Korea. But it's a it is an umbrella town for Johnson, a country that has already disappeared.

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Or Korean Peninsula before the Dibija and the United Unified Korea of the future.

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Unlike the Minda group, they imagine their homeland as South Korea which belongs homeland, Jose, not as South Korea is Jessica Homeland

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Here is a difference of imaging the homeland of Minda and Chongya.

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The left one is Minda, the white one is Chunya.

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So next part is the motivations for visiting Korea. Most parties primarily motivation for based in South Korea were finding loose and studying abroad.

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In addition to Mendon group many of the Chunyan group was also motivated by finding L.

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01:05:48.000 --> 01:05:59.000
You. In addition to motivation or finding laws, many of participants choose to study in Korea as an alternate to Japanese university.

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Here is a lively in South Korea Both Mindan and Chong Yang Grove face a 2 significant challenge in South Korean society.

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First, the language problem and the second one is the ignorance of South Korean society about Koreans in Japan.

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For them, the inability to speak Korean even though they are Koreans with the Korean name and have a South Korean nationality is a significant offset to living in Korea.

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This was also a case for the Chong-UN group who have spoken the Jozon language in school for as long as 12 years.

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But there Korean, the Joseph language Korean is very different in grammar and this expression from that of South Korea.

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And the next obstacle is the ignorance of South Korean society about Koreans in Japan. Many of the research participants Her participants thought their modelland would understand and embrace them.

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01:06:59.000 --> 01:07:17.000
But this was not the case. Over the generations Koreans in Japan have lived in Japan but they didn't naturalize as Japanese or may and maintained their Korean or Jordan identity nationality.

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However, in the Madeleine, which they visit to find their loose, They were treated as Japanese.

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The existence of a Japanese poem, Japanese educated, non Korean speaking Korean in Japan wasn't incomprehensible contradiction in culture and political binary logic of South Korea.

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Dan Logic didn't recognize his Koreans other than those who born and raised in Korea.

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Here is the types of identity change after visiting Korea. As you can see, there is a significant difference.

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Between Chunya Returni and Minda Returni.

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First is the I don't change or with Minda returning. The Korean experience made the mean done group realize that they were not Korean.

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Later on, rather than defining themselves as Korean, they strengthen their new ethnic identity The first 2 was the first item to change its double loan identity.

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The mean done group web underwent 2 types of identity change. Doble loan identity can be defined as drifting SN identity or with diaspora who realized they could not be Japanese in Japan and also Korean in Korea.

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However, realizing they are not Korean and will never be entirely recolonized as Korean doesn't that necessarily reserved in double Identity.

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Some mean done groups met other overseas Koreans and other returned Korean in Japan at NGO events.

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This interaction in late to the realization that many people have a diverse background and they are one of them Today in Tongue, a denationalized self identification in which their life passes and experiences constitute their identity rather than seeking a sense of national ethnic belonging.

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And the next part is the I don't change of Chunya Bhutanis. Most Chong Young groups continue to maintain and strength their identity as Jozon people which is Korean with captive K after living in South Korea.

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On like Mindang group. Which fundamentally questioned the Korean in their ethnic identity after leaving Korea.

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They still represent the unified Korea and Korean financial itself as their motherland and does continue to define themselves as Koreans as these things from the just South Korean after living in Korea.

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Here is a provisional conclusion. First I can, check the partial lift station of a curiosity revealed in previous studies and I can read confirmation of the dichotomous structure of a Korean society.

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How I nevertheless It only applies to Mindan group. It doesn't explain why Minda and Chong-UN groups differ in identity transformation despite having the same experience in Korean society and even within from young groups.

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A key reason for the differences in identity transformation was the different representation of the homeland that individuals in each group had imagined and Harvard in Japan.

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For a case of the Mindang group In the Mindang groups case, they ultimately relied on South Korea for their Korean identity.

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For them, homeland is equal to South Korea. Therefore, if they experience exclusion marginalization or ignorance in South Korea society they no longer have a place to look place to locate their identity.

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01:11:22.000 --> 01:11:34.000
Therefore, they are identity resulting and in between Korean. I, In the case of Chunya

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The Tongian group on the other hand didn't entirely rely on South Korea for their ethnic identity, but instead represented their homeland more broadly mainly in terms of what pre-division Jason future unified Korea and the Korean Peninsula.

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For them, although South Korea was the country of day loose, the home of their ancestors and place where coalescing Koreans lived them together.

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I like them to live. It was never a place that represents all of the Korea as their emerging homeland.

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Therefore, despite expired, is fair therefore despite experiencely ispuriencing, exclusion, modulation and Japanese treatment in Korean society as the main done group did they didn't give up their identity of Jo Son or form in between identity.

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Our end, my presentation with 1, one cottage. Caught from my research participant ability

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I told you that I told someone keep some people about the Jozone square at first So they are resisted.

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And she also had a virgin tree at first. But she kept listening to me so we kept arguing.

439
01:13:02.000 --> 01:13:11.000
Why don't you understand? Is this what Koreans in Japan are like? No, why, they, why is there a nurse Korean story in there?

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We kept our talking about it. But in the end, I realized that it's our story. I have only used the word we for Koreans in Japan and he's only used it for South Koreans.

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Really? So.

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01:13:26.000 --> 01:13:46.000
Though we suddenly became bigger because after is the story of our nation. And thanks for listening our nation's story.

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Thank you, Philip. And our next presenter is Kaki Matsudai. From a national institute for Japanese language and linguistics.

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You are welcome.

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Maybe you can help us a little bit.

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Okay, so my name is, I, I'm a giving a presentation on Japanese-americans on Japanese-americans with our home and the wall.

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So today I will discuss the personal experiences of Japanese-american migrants during the Second World War. I will focus on the second generation of Japanese Americans.

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Those born to Japanese parents in the U. Since they are US citizens. Their experiences are examined in the context of American history.

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A key event in your history was the incarceration of more than 120,000 Japanese-americans in the mainland US.

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During the Second World War. After the war, The incarceration was interpreted as a knock of racial discrimination by the US government.

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Another keyboard made by Japanese Americans was their participation in the US Army. They are an estimated 30,000 stopped with heroism and the sacrifice.

452
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Suffering great casualties in Europe. These soldiers are regarded as a true lawyer Americans. After the war, Japanese Americans appeared stigmatized by their Japanese culture.

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So they tried to abandon their ties to Japan and assimilate into the mainstream on grow American culture.

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However, some of the second generation Japanese-americans moved back and the horse between America and Japan before during and after the war.

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Since they were more integrated with Japan, The experiences are marginalized in the history of Japanese Americans and the Habenat being investigated the thoroughly through.

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Today I will particularly focus on the second generation of Japanese Americans who spent about second world war in Japan. In 1,942 on the estimated 1,000 to 35 a thousand Japanese Americans lived in Japan During this presentation, I will refer to personal collections, autobiographies and published interviews to explore Japanese-americans with on my version

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and Understand their appreciation of their home.

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Previous meet a hard shed light on Japanese Americans in between us. Here I will briefly review a part of the historian Monika Chem's dissertation on the Korean War.

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Kim conducted interviews with the second generation Japanese American Sam Miyamoto. Kim described Miyamoto's experience as a stateless.

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Which is related to the sense of homelessness. Miyamoto was born in a karate and was incarcerated in Boston, Arizona in 1,942 when he was 14 years old.

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Within a year he was taken Park judge upon by his family. This was the first time he went to Japan.

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Quotation. His parents had not registered his birth in Japan. He was therefore not recognized as a job in Japan unable to attend Japanese schools and struggling to survive in a war devastated Japan.

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Miyamoto left his family to try to make his own way.

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Nyamuto Wazanamarika Shizandrigari but was a essentially a stateless person on enemy area to 2 different empires.

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This was a written by Kim. So after the war, he returned to America and was drafted into the US Army to serve in the Korean War as a Japanese interrogator.

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Describe the Myamoto as a stateness. Which meant that he didn't belong to either nation.

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Since he was incarcerated in America and alienated the water in Japan.

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I would like to Hey, a little more attention to Japanese American citizenship.

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Since Niomuto was not registered as a Japanese student. And was too young, he wasn't drafted into the Japanese military.

470
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However, many other Japanese-americans were Jewish students. Which need them to be drafted into both countries and

471
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In a worst case scenario, Summer Japanese Americans who served in or corroborated with the Japanese media were charged with treason by America after the war.

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Oh myoaka had stopped in the Japanese army and was charged with some mistreatment of allied B.

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Coaxa was about George Chizam. His church was programmatic and questionable because treason is about it only for Shazam.

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But American students use their citizenship when they serving an enemy countries midnight. The charge of treason is unusual because other Japanese Americans who had stopped in the Japanese military during the Second World War.

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Could restore the US citizenship and go back to America after the war. Some were drafted into the US.

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Metally for the postwar occupation of Japan or the Korean War. This Japanese-american stopped in 2 meters.

477
01:20:46.000 --> 01:20:53.000
The Lisaja E. Carrie Bocks don't explode the experiences of Japanese-american women.

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Mario Tanaka spent the war years in Japan. She felt so happy to hear the Emperor's announcement or surrender on the radio.

479
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A few months later she was delighted to spend time with his American GI friends.

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In this case, Kamaka mentioned that the place where she felt at home was Hawaii. How about space?

481
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Any other Japanese-americans would have a felt the same way. They tried to reap the woo-double state at Japan and move back to America or the first bases.

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This is another part done over with without migration.

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Next I will take a closer look at Japanese Americans in Japan, especially up their expressions. And the feelings over Bryon King.

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A local newspaper in Hawaii, Tahrir, and published a series of articles of amaze divided by the war.

485
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The series was L and written by the journalist Tomi Kaizawanevra. And was later published in the 1,991 book our house divided One of the in one of her interviews, Albert Miasato, was very thoughtful.

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He was a percentage upon by his parents to be educated by a Buddhist priest. He was going to come back to Hawaii, but this was prevented by the outbreak of war.

487
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Or he didn't serve in the Japanese media, he explained his thoughts on Japanese metaism very clearly.

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I would like to examine the story by Consequence of the context of the interview having the perspective of oral history.

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The interview was conducted in 1,966 in California. When Miaoyi was a 41, he admitted and the that he used to be a Japanese nationalist and as as a traitor to the American people.

490
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His assumption makes readers understand that now he feels apologetic and is not a Japanese nationalist or trader anymore.

491
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Interview was published in the Hawaiian newspaper. More than 20 years later since the war ended. In 1966 he reflected on the war years and regarded himself as a brainwashed He since became a US student which made his way corrections somewhat apologetic.

492
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As he had to portray himself as a good American Chisholm. However, he didn't try to hide his opinions and was quite honest about his attitude.

493
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During the war years.

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His experience of Veta Migration to Japan and to America changed his life and career. Hey, became a teacher and a received a PhD in education from the University of Southern California in 1,966.

495
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In Miaoyi's story. He continued to reconstruct his identities through his life with repeated migration from Hawaii to Japan and from Japan back to America.

496
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And try to create his sense of hope.

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The next case I would like to examine is Jim Yoshida's autobiography. Published in 1,972 He was born in 1,921 in Seattle.

498
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His father passed away in 1,939 he and his mother went to Japan, to Buri, his father's ashes in Japan.

499
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Where he then happened to get involved in the war. Due to his head, to our studentship, Yoshida was drafted into the Japanese army.

500
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In his book he wrote extensively about his relationship with a senior soldier, Yoshida wrote about the kiddo who was too American since he couldn't speak Japanese fluently.

501
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And therefore be beach him immediately. Yoshilah survived the war only because he wanted to take revenge on Kido after the war.

502
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When Yashida did Korika work on the battle here he came across a document with witchcraft information on KIDDO.

503
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Yoshida had a thought. Yes, Brutus Canyon Soja was the Japanese.

504
01:25:29.000 --> 01:25:38.000
However, Yoshida found that the kido was a Hawaii born Japanese American. How can we understand the kiddo's brutality against Yoshida?

505
01:25:38.000 --> 01:25:51.000
The historian Pokashi Fujitany used the term Uber compensation and a hyper disidentification when he discussed the Japanese-american assimilation into the mainstream Anglo-american culture.

506
01:25:51.000 --> 01:26:04.000
Overcompensation refers to the deep stigma. Against Japanese American culture from Japan. Hence then try to distance themselves from their Japanese identity.

507
01:26:04.000 --> 01:26:16.000
Hi, hyper identification means that Japanese Americans try to identify themselves as honorary whites. Japanese Americans were thus ridiculed by Caucasians as bananas.

508
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As their skin was yellow but they acted white on the inside. His ideas can be upright or to Japanese Americans in Japan.

509
01:26:27.000 --> 01:26:36.000
She don't mind how we tried to hyper-identify himself as a Japanese soldier and disidentify himself as an American student.

510
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By beating the junior soldier Yoshida from Siro, Kido might have tried to overcompensate for his American identity.

511
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I would finally like to explore Yoshida's experience serving in the metres over his 2 countries.

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Who was a draft that?

513
01:26:58.000 --> 01:27:08.000
Into the Japanese army during the Second World War. When the Korean War began, He talks to the allied occupation who's in Japan and asked to join.

514
01:27:08.000 --> 01:27:18.000
And joined the US Army to serve in the Korean War as an American soldier this time.

515
01:27:18.000 --> 01:27:20.000
2 min left.

516
01:27:20.000 --> 01:27:50.000
Okay, thank you. As an American, he thought that he was guilty of having been a Japanese soldier and that His guilt might be paid by serving in the US media.

517
01:27:52.000 --> 01:28:01.000
So in this presentation I have a design in the 2 cases Mia Soto and Yoshida all over then including Gukido returned to America after the war.

518
01:28:01.000 --> 01:28:14.000
Therefore we could say that the place they held at home was US. However, exploring their experience as a has shown us that these individuals continuously tried to create their home.

519
01:28:14.000 --> 01:28:26.000
Why do they move backhand, of course, between the US and Japan? Niasato became a Japanese nationalist during the war which can be perceived as a hyper identification as a Japanese subject.

520
01:28:26.000 --> 01:28:32.000
After returning to the US, he confessed abujitkari that he was a traitor to Americans.

521
01:28:32.000 --> 01:28:48.000
Which can be understood as overcompensation. Yoshida's sense of good at having been a Japanese Imperial soldier and his attempt to atone for this by volunteering for the US Army can also be seen as overcompensation.

522
01:28:48.000 --> 01:28:58.000
SUSTEY showed flexibility in creating a home. Place where they Felt they belonged.

523
01:28:58.000 --> 01:29:09.000
I would like to mention another possibility for product examination. Today I have an Okay, I have presented only English written materials but I also have some Japanese writings.

524
01:29:09.000 --> 01:29:16.000
For example, I have a Japanese newspaper article which is an interview with Okinawa-american.

525
01:29:16.000 --> 01:29:32.000
That's the most stressed the interviews belonging to. Okinawa. Although he served as a US soldier for a long time in In the Okino newspaper, he made accusations against US bases in Okinawa as well as the Japanese government.

526
01:29:32.000 --> 01:29:44.000
The article show starts the place where they feel he felt a sense of belonging was not a nation state but the local sitting of

527
01:29:44.000 --> 01:30:02.000
Thank you very much for listening.

528
01:30:02.000 --> 01:30:17.000
And he thanks Kaki for your presentation. And one more question to my online colleagues. And is Fill Akmail with us online or she didn't comes up

529
01:30:17.000 --> 01:30:18.000
She's not there. No.

530
01:30:18.000 --> 01:30:24.000
No, she's not. I wrote her and she didn't answer so we can consider that she's not here.

531
01:30:24.000 --> 01:30:37.000
Okay, so, ladies and gentlemen, now we have time for questions, so I would be Happy if all our participants were in person could sit in front of a publican.

532
01:30:37.000 --> 01:30:54.000
Our online participants as well. And maybe I will. Take the microphone in the front of audience so anybody would like to ask the question please come close and ask a question and then if we have online questions as well.

533
01:30:54.000 --> 01:31:10.000
So I would like to ask my friends to let me know simply, OK? So, No.

534
01:31:10.000 --> 01:31:13.000
There is a question. Gentlemen open up. So yeah.

535
01:31:13.000 --> 01:31:28.000
And you can switch on your camera. No, so we can see you.

536
01:31:28.000 --> 01:31:36.000
Okay, thank you. I have a question. It's a very interesting presentation. Based on in my experience teaching in Japanese.

537
01:31:36.000 --> 01:31:46.000
Students who have a role and those like in it's about the,

538
01:31:46.000 --> 01:31:52.000
P to identity. Have you been? I'm wondering if we have encountered among the research participants.

539
01:31:52.000 --> 01:32:08.000
Think that for instance I have very conflicts for the area or so I should say hybrid I should say hybrid identity or they are saying that's a fully titanium Iensorized by the foundation.

540
01:32:08.000 --> 01:32:15.000
It people that went among their research participant.

541
01:32:15.000 --> 01:32:17.000
I'm wondering.

542
01:32:17.000 --> 01:32:19.000
Where are you? We cannot hear. We can.

543
01:32:19.000 --> 01:32:38.000
Sorry. Yeah, my question is that's a weather that's such a encountered some research participant who are saying that we have this summer for it or a matpu or a hybrid identity rather than the start issue rights by international identity.

544
01:32:38.000 --> 01:32:47.000
That's my question.

545
01:32:47.000 --> 01:33:16.000
Thank you for your question. Actually, the the Confusion or the FOIA identity was only this I can only discover in the mainland group because they represent their homeland exclusively in the South Korea when they are betrayed metaphorical meta.

546
01:33:16.000 --> 01:33:23.000
When they are betrayed in South Korea's society, they must be, I didn't, I didn't.

547
01:33:23.000 --> 01:33:32.000
Usually they must be there. I didn't usually do I didn't. Usually there I didn't ethnic identity researching in-between identity, I didn't ethnic identity resulting in between identity and I will classify the in-between identity resulting in between identity and are we classified in between identity in the 2 kind

548
01:33:32.000 --> 01:33:45.000
of form. The first one is the What was the name of it? The positive in-between identity was the D nationalized self-identified.

549
01:33:45.000 --> 01:34:10.000
It is a very much similar with what you said about the fluid identity or some kind of a cosmopolitan or transnational identity, it is to construct a one's identity based on one's life free experience and roots regardless of national affiliation but the second one is negative in between identity it is I call the

550
01:34:10.000 --> 01:34:21.000
doubling identity it is a drifting identity which is formed by realizing that one cannot be Japanese in Japan and even cannot be Korean in Japan.

551
01:34:21.000 --> 01:34:34.000
But actually, I'm not sure the poison being between identity which is the nationalize the self-identity Identity, can I?

552
01:34:34.000 --> 01:35:03.000
Refer to it. It as a real genuine cosmopolitan or transnational identity because they made their what identity by their experience and their life skills but they I feel like they are still stuck in the between country Korea and Japan so I need more research for about that.

553
01:35:03.000 --> 01:35:10.000
Thank you very much. Thank you a lot. Any other questions? Yes, please.

554
01:35:10.000 --> 01:35:16.000
Close to the monsters. I think, my name is Hideki from Japan.

555
01:35:16.000 --> 01:35:27.000
Thank you very much for your lovely talks. To all participants. I think that in this session probably one of the main question is why?

556
01:35:27.000 --> 01:35:46.000
You some migrants return. Do their own countries, right? And think about this. Question probably You should and I should address to another Other other strategies of migrants.

557
01:35:46.000 --> 01:35:56.000
First ones of course returning. And the second one is staying as a foreigner. Right? And the by the natural naturalization.

558
01:35:56.000 --> 01:36:17.000
They might might become naturalized to the host countries, right? To think about the hard white return. Is connected to the why they are staying as profit of other foreigner and some of them are mattress.

559
01:36:17.000 --> 01:36:29.000
Used to address them. If you have any idea, please tell me. This is first one. And second one was very specific questions to go to Philip, right?

560
01:36:29.000 --> 01:36:43.000
I'm a bit wondering So many Koreans Right in Japan. Take the third strategy.

561
01:36:43.000 --> 01:36:52.000
Yeah. Over 5,000 Koreans are natural. To Japanese society, Japan's country. Yes?

562
01:36:52.000 --> 01:36:59.000
Per year. Right? How can you? Think about that.

563
01:36:59.000 --> 01:37:11.000
So you look at some very small portion of Korean's I feel right And also You are our framework is a mean down in the sole end, there's a solaren, yes? No growing story.

564
01:37:11.000 --> 01:37:30.000
Yeah, in Japan, sorry, Interpolation. But as long as I know These 2 groups over South Korea and the North Koreans

565
01:37:30.000 --> 01:37:40.000
Weakening very quickly weakening to integrate Korean people. Very in particular in Tooton for a century.

566
01:37:40.000 --> 01:37:51.000
After 2,000 what do you think your category your framework is Barried or not? I'm very curious about that.

567
01:37:51.000 --> 01:37:57.000
Thank you.

568
01:37:57.000 --> 01:38:12.000
Yeah, maybe, you will address the question or Anybody of you? Have a comment on it? Yeah.

569
01:38:12.000 --> 01:38:18.000
The question of why people return.

570
01:38:18.000 --> 01:38:28.000
I don't have a good answer for that. Secondary presentation. Was talking about that in

571
01:38:28.000 --> 01:38:41.000
Details are very interesting details but I want to point to a different aspect of this question. There was a time if you were looking at migration international migration maybe 50, 60 years ago.

572
01:38:41.000 --> 01:38:52.000
There was a time that migration was as a one way Sure. So people had to make a big decision whether they want it to be.

573
01:38:52.000 --> 01:39:03.000
And then carry out that decision. And then. There was sort of a wave of migration from one place to another and then it would stop.

574
01:39:03.000 --> 01:39:11.000
And there will be a sort of a disconnect, this continuation after my vision. A return migration in that kind of environment.

575
01:39:11.000 --> 01:39:21.000
Has a totally different meeting. It's a much bigger and more significant decision. But today we have we are in a totally different migration ecosystem.

576
01:39:21.000 --> 01:39:35.000
Translationalism is much more paramount. And when people migrate And also we are living in a award in a time that a lot of people are by location also a lot of people have.

577
01:39:35.000 --> 01:39:42.000
Those sort of residences in different places. So in this environment, return migration doesn't require a big thinking.

578
01:39:42.000 --> 01:39:48.000
It doesn't require a big decision. And a lot of people are at the same time in different places.

579
01:39:48.000 --> 01:40:02.000
And therefore, they never considered themselves as a return market. So I just wanted to. To point to this aspect that Maybe while we are searching for reasons for return migration.

580
01:40:02.000 --> 01:40:15.000
We should also take into account that In a lot of these cases, people do not see themselves necessarily as return markers and therefore they might not be able to articulate the reason for.

581
01:40:15.000 --> 01:40:23.000
Thank you, Abdi. And I was just wondering if we have any questions online. Melissa.

582
01:40:23.000 --> 01:40:26.000
Yes, yes we have.

583
01:40:26.000 --> 01:40:30.000
We have, okay, how many questions?

584
01:40:30.000 --> 01:40:31.000
Okay.

585
01:40:31.000 --> 01:40:33.000
I think you can go on because they are actually your questions.

586
01:40:33.000 --> 01:40:41.000
No, yes, I send questions, but I don't know if the other participant online they have questions.

587
01:40:41.000 --> 01:40:42.000
I have.

588
01:40:42.000 --> 01:40:43.000
So it is known, it is on our chart, is it?

589
01:40:43.000 --> 01:40:50.000
So. Okay, yes, we are we we put the questions on the chat. I put my questions, but I don't know if they are there are others.

590
01:40:50.000 --> 01:41:00.000
So, just, because we have only 10 min I'm trying to manage. So maybe we will end up with questions.

591
01:41:00.000 --> 01:41:11.000
From our other audience and then we will go to the questions from our chat, right? So anybody else who would like to comment?

592
01:41:11.000 --> 01:41:40.000
You haven't replied, Philip. Yeah, right. Okay, go on. We for answer to check the question I just literally beginning Japanese Naka Sonokhashi Aneska

593
01:41:40.000 --> 01:41:41.000
Thank you.

594
01:41:41.000 --> 01:41:53.000
Hi. Yep. Yeah, there is a lot of people who the to Japan. Yeah, excuse me, but I have to interrupt you.

595
01:41:53.000 --> 01:41:59.000
Would be nice if you speak English if you want to speak Japanese it's okay but outside our session all right.

596
01:41:59.000 --> 01:42:03.000
Yes.

597
01:42:03.000 --> 01:42:15.000
Yeah, is it fine? So any questions from the audience here? We have questions on the chart. Let me see.

598
01:42:15.000 --> 01:42:24.000
A

599
01:42:24.000 --> 01:42:25.000
Okay

600
01:42:25.000 --> 01:42:32.000
I put my email because I don't know if we have enough enough time but you can't you can answer by emailing.

601
01:42:32.000 --> 01:42:44.000
Yeah, so it says that we have a set of questions in this survey of return migrants which measure of return migrants which measure for time spent in the host country and the time spent in MATLAB, which measure for time spent in the host country and the time spent in Latvia.

602
01:42:44.000 --> 01:42:50.000
So this is me as Mia's answer. They actually There is a question for all the presenters.

603
01:42:50.000 --> 01:43:03.000
How does social age count in the decision of coming back? This is the question about as far as I can understand the life cycle.

604
01:43:03.000 --> 01:43:04.000
Yes. Yes.

605
01:43:04.000 --> 01:43:20.000
Is it what you mean, Melissa? Yeah, so the role of lifecycle in the decision of coming back I mean As far as I can understand it is a little bit different story when you are Young, 20.

606
01:43:20.000 --> 01:43:31.000
And single and once you are 45 with married familiar with free and with free children and so on. So this is quite significant questions.

607
01:43:31.000 --> 01:43:42.000
We'd be happy to hear your comments and answers. Would you like to address the question? Anybody?

608
01:43:42.000 --> 01:43:45.000
Even online.

609
01:43:45.000 --> 01:43:46.000
Or maybe online, yeah, Hila.

610
01:43:46.000 --> 01:43:47.000
Kira.

611
01:43:47.000 --> 01:43:53.000
Yeah, happy to, respond to. And Melissa's question and also to Francesca.

612
01:43:53.000 --> 01:44:07.000
So, in terms of age. My interview is where of all ages so we see various kinds of people coming, moving to Israeli from, Western countries.

613
01:44:07.000 --> 01:44:15.000
They can be young and start their lives in Israel. Usually they tend to go to university before they arrive.

614
01:44:15.000 --> 01:44:20.000
They can be with families normally with younger children that are still moveable. Or they can be retired.

615
01:44:20.000 --> 01:44:22.000
Okay.

616
01:44:22.000 --> 01:44:35.000
And some of them can purchase homes. First and come sort of divide their times and then later on as they retire they can move more permanently.

617
01:44:35.000 --> 01:44:42.000
So there are those people as well. And I was also asked if. Economic aspects are relevant.

618
01:44:42.000 --> 01:44:49.000
To lifestyle migrants. So I'll give my answer to those in moving to Israel and more generally.

619
01:44:49.000 --> 01:44:59.000
So those moving to Israel, usually the economic bits are not relevant because Israel is probably one of the most expensive countries that are at the moment.

620
01:44:59.000 --> 01:45:20.000
So Some of them at some point when they, you know, the euros or dollars or pounds were worth more than the shackles and they could easily compete with Israelis on real estate but life itself in Israel is very very expensive and the real estate is just going up the roof.

621
01:45:20.000 --> 01:45:42.000
So nobody's moving to Israel to become more comfortable in economic terms. But in lifestyle migration theory and experience of other people around the world, certainly the economic part is very meaningful and my colleague Matthew Hayes calls it GEO Arbitraz.

622
01:45:42.000 --> 01:45:51.000
So the geographic, sort of arbitrage when you move countries and you can live more, sort of arbitrage when you move countries and you can live more, sort of arbitrage when you move countries and you can live more, sort of comfortable economically.

623
01:45:51.000 --> 01:45:54.000
It's not what we see in Israel.

624
01:45:54.000 --> 01:45:55.000
Thank you for the questions.

625
01:45:55.000 --> 01:46:02.000
Okay, thank you. Feel free to answer the questions which are online. We just have only a few minutes left.

626
01:46:02.000 --> 01:46:14.000
Is anybody else? Here in the room who would like to ask me a question. Or maybe present themselves.

627
01:46:14.000 --> 01:46:21.000
If you don't mind I just don't want to add to to ask something about this.

628
01:46:21.000 --> 01:46:32.000
To a question first of all it is, It's interesting to ask that why people return but it is not simple to answer.

629
01:46:32.000 --> 01:46:46.000
There is no one answer to it. It depends on the situation. For instance when we talk about the life where life is time markets it just We are talking about something.

630
01:46:46.000 --> 01:46:57.000
Kind of a different phenomenon that's when when we talked about my migration for remittance or migration for any, other different kind of issue.

631
01:46:57.000 --> 01:47:23.000
And so it is for us as in the case of Iran, what what can I what I can say that first of all life cycle is not something relevant because most of these return migration happens just they they happen in the age of maybe thirties or fourties.

632
01:47:23.000 --> 01:47:36.000
Because of that culture of migration some some Yeah, and this contract of migration pushes people to, just to go outside and so I've been sometimes with very kind of weird expectation and they cannot set it.

633
01:47:36.000 --> 01:47:49.000
They cannot be satisfied. Although many people do not return because of that kind of pressure, but some When did you decide to return?

634
01:47:49.000 --> 01:48:01.000
And, so this is, this could be just one answer. Among many other that so it is not There's no simple answer to that why people return.

635
01:48:01.000 --> 01:48:12.000
And so in some other situation even economic factors could be important but The most, for instance, returning from the bus north to south.

636
01:48:12.000 --> 01:48:20.000
Is not the economic issue. And so that's it. Okay, let me ask the last question.

637
01:48:20.000 --> 01:48:43.000
I would like to ask Kai about today's how to say it's public debate on american japanese identity i mean this is a historical issue you provide Nice examples of biographical record.

638
01:48:43.000 --> 01:48:53.000
And this trajectory seems really Dramatic to me and traumatic probably but how does it work today?

639
01:48:53.000 --> 01:49:02.000
So if there is a let's say public debate on television or maybe in newspapers. Is it discussed if it is?

640
01:49:02.000 --> 01:49:11.000
What do people say, politicians, celebrities and so on?

641
01:49:11.000 --> 01:49:12.000
Yeah.

642
01:49:12.000 --> 01:49:17.000
Marie, Sorry, there is another question online by Loretta Baldassar.

643
01:49:17.000 --> 01:49:19.000
Can you read it? Please.

644
01:49:19.000 --> 01:49:27.000
Okay. One more question is I'm interested in the relationship between return migration and return visits.

645
01:49:27.000 --> 01:49:33.000
But I will follow up with the presenters by email as we are almost out of time. Yeah. Yeah.

646
01:49:33.000 --> 01:49:37.000
If the answer I'll

647
01:49:37.000 --> 01:49:48.000
So what I think what we can do simply because time is time and we have probably more questions in our head and there are some online.

648
01:49:48.000 --> 01:50:01.000
We can, all the session is recorded of course so we will come back to it and if, if it's okay for you, everybody would be happy if you could answer it.

649
01:50:01.000 --> 01:50:09.000
By email or maybe in any other in any other way.

650
01:50:09.000 --> 01:50:30.000
Just quick answer, like 1 min. So it's a very important question. And so today, Japanese-american society, they are strongly identified themselves as Americans.

651
01:50:30.000 --> 01:50:38.000
They don't pay much attention about the Japanese side but

652
01:50:38.000 --> 01:50:54.000
So there was a trial and a suit. In Nenton 80 s and a president of us officially I apologize.

653
01:50:54.000 --> 01:51:05.000
Meg to the Japanese American about incarceration. Jaywad, 2. So after that They tried They could.

654
01:51:05.000 --> 01:51:17.000
Express their much complicated. Dureer identity. So, recently so they can just kind of talk.

655
01:51:17.000 --> 01:51:29.000
History but yeah I'm sure. Sixties or seventies they couldn't talk about anything about that.

656
01:51:29.000 --> 01:51:38.000
Experiences in Japan. So which is related to DRK power and the ELP.

657
01:51:38.000 --> 01:51:49.000
Thank you very much. Ladies and gentlemen, we have to end up our session. I would like to thank my co-chairs, Francesca and Melissa.

658
01:51:49.000 --> 01:51:58.000
I would like to thank all of you who would like to attend this session online or in person. And big thanks to our presenters.

659
01:51:58.000 --> 01:52:01.000
Thank you.

660
01:52:01.000 --> 01:52:02.000
Thank you. Bye.