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so good morning, everyone so welcome to the session. I'm Namita Guta. I'm the session organizer, and I'm the president of Tg. 0 3.

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So I welcome you all. I request all the presenters to. If you have Ppt, then I think we can sit there or otherwise, you're most welcome to be on the dais.

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so should we start with the first presentation. The first presentation is

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by Monsieur Condakov. If I'm pronouncing it rightly. It is on antique. I hate crime and the rise of authoritarianism. There are shankies.

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so you are your most.

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Thank you very much and very much under the show of innovation.

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and sure

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some of my thoughts with you. I  try to be in your brain. Give the wrong rolling.

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It's my first sign in this conference as we discussed. So

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 I'm not entirely sure what to expect, but

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any in in any case, I'm quite

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 I'm glad and appreciative of what what, what's happening here. I have a couple of presentations during the conference, and in in this one. I want to to share my research. That's partly actually published already in in A in a book format. It's

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It was published last year in September, and it's actually an open-axis book, so everybody can easily download it online.

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And some of some of the some of the research that I'm presenting is is there. But also, you know, as it usually is, it goes on and on and on in developing into a new argument, and the argument relates to authoritarianism is actually new. So it's not entirely presented there in the book. So in this presentation, we want to argue 2 things. One is.

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that's

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you know, research into gender and sexuality shows authoritarian tendencies of different governments early in how they develop.

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and it is important in this sense, and in Russia you can see it very, very, very well, because when in early.

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naughty, and in order to thousands, let's say we, we start to see regulation of sexuality there, we probably don't think of a full-scale war on Ukraine just yet. But

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 it's it's definitely an early sign of something big coming up.

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or it was a a, a, an early sign sign of that. So I I will. briefly present that argument on the one hand, and, on the other hand, I also demonstrate my methodology. That's I find quite interesting which registered the effects of a powerful speech act a powerful speech act that, literally kills, and that speech act.

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so so that's how

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discourse or speech acts more generally are connected to to politics and authoritarianism in in this presentation. Hence the connection. Right? So the Speech act I'm talking about is a Federal law.

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in in in Russia that was enacted in 2,013, and it's commonly referred to as a deep propaganda one. I don't know if you know much about it, but it's just this censorship legislation.

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It's a law that says that you cannot disseminate information related to your Lgbtq. Plus issues in

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any kind of way that is accessible to to minors, to to children right?

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And

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So the law is about information, and many people in in the Russian politics, in the government claim that it has no particular.

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no particular harm right? The information isn't there? But there is no no physical harm to people. So that was my research. Actually, I wanted to to check. Whether or not this is actually true. and If

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because I I also, you know, power power harms. Yeah, it. It produces many different effects, and one of the effects is actually physical injury.

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That that was the hypothesis of this research.

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but also and this is the first part of the presentation is, there is a claim that a limiting

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 access to information was never a purpose, never the objective of this law.

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that wasn't the reason. What was actually the reason behind the gay propaganda law is a sort of political manipulation, a to to get

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political legitimacy right in the process of discussing this law

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right at the moment when Russian dictators, Vladimir Putin's political legitimacy was at its lowest when he decided to return to to the Presidency in 2,012.

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In 2,012. There were protests all over the country in Small towns, big cities! Nobody wanted him back. And yet He did God the Presidency one once again, and instead of kind of confirming political legitimacy of

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that presidential term with the democratic means by winning in fair elections. Instead of that, his Government pressured the Parliament in introducing a series of

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legislative acts.

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That simply triggered people's emotions and kind of made them look away and and and another way manipulated their their

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feelings, and exchanged those feelings of hatred towards in this case, LGBT plus community for potent legitimacy, a political legitimacy. He did it once again last year. Actually the gay propaganda law was

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amended. It was a huge discussion in Russia, because again, at the moment in time when a political legitimacy of the Government was at its lowest because of the war, that they unleashed on Ukraine.

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and kind of a a a larger claim here is that it's not unique to Russia or autocracy. more generally, my central argument is that whenever you see governments paying too much attention to regulating sexuality through largely symbolic law.

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ere

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is the argument that authoritarianism is performative, so there is no, you know, clear cut division between democracy, authoritarian country, and such instead. What is more fruitful is to look at how in speech, act like the gay propaganda law or other kinds of

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act, legal documents, policies.

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a government, a government who form itself as a sorry authoritarian right? And that's why I'm I'm putting here an example from the State of Florida, which is part of a definitely democratic country.

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where, nevertheless.

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authoritarian tendencies are being performed in a legal act like nonsense, Gabriel. so authoritarian is, is performative. And this this idea, is something that I want to to work on further. Now, the rest of my presentation is about the the effects of of the gay propaganda law and the effects of these authoritarian tendencies at large.

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so The ethics of these speech acts which not only perform authoritarian, but also do real harm to people, and I will go quickly through it.

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I. The idea of my research was to. Just look at

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how the Russian Gate propaganda law in 2,013 impacted on the Lgbtq. last community in Russia. And I thought, I will just look at hate, crime, and How many! hate crimes were committed! After the 2,013 law! And it turned out that actually, Russia had very nice, very well-developed hate, crime, legislation, and, moreover, the Greek people are protected through it through the notion of social group. And yet

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there were only 5 cases of prosecuted hate crimes of the entire history of the Russian Federation. I thought that was suspicious, and probably not really true, so I dug into one

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a date basis of court rulings court decisions in Russia. It's interesting that they are available to anyone online, which is not very common actually having, you know, all open access core documents just lying out there. But

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here we go, and I just searched all court rulings that mentioned something queer mentioned something gay with the key keywords, including a keyword non traditional, which is a very common phrase in Russian, and eventually I found 314 first instance court cases of antique where violence there

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and I use this very simple definition of how I define a hate crime for the purposes of this research. So it's got to be a a a violation of criminal law. there must be some kind of prejudice Manifested towards the victim's sexuality, and that sexuality must somehow manifest itself in the Criminal court ruling.

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I won't give you many details about how I search for all those things. But it's it. Those are texts. Those are discourses, and and people who compose them somehow. communicated the ideas about sexuality in those texts. And and here are some of the examples. And they were sometimes, you know, material evidence like in this case, for example, presented in in the courtroom.

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Like condoms and and and

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DVD disks

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Always they were some. The the prejudice was was manifested in 2 ways, either as a targeted selection of of victims. So victims were were selected specifically for being

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gay, or as a variety of different feelings, not only hate as in hate crime, but

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Really

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mit ctl, and shame inconvenience, fury, even fun. No, some positive feelings in any way. after doing all that search in in the in the databases and and selecting those 314 cases, I came up with this graph, and I mean 101.

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Of course, the the numbers are not huge because I was looking at court rulings. Right. So the cases that went through the entire criminal justice system in Russia to the very, very, very end. So those are the cases that the criminal justice system could not ignore. And yet And therefore they are brutal, like

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injuries, murders these kinds of cases.

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And yet these are numbers that that that show definite rise of anti clear violence after 2,013, when when the gay propaganda law was introduced in Russian. You can see that before 2,013 they were around 30 cases, whereas already, in 2,015, 2 years later, double that amount double that number

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which I guess proves the case.

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And with this I want to

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thank you for listening this presentation. Jesus, thanks

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more data.

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Yeah.

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thank you for a nice presentation. Do we have any question, anybody, any observation? Anybody want to add anything?

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So it should be more true.

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So

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so we'll move to next presentation. It is on aiding digital depression, Chinese communication aid and media freedom. It is by Wen Chin Wu Academia Seneca.

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Yeah, please.

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Okay.

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Hi! Good morning, Thanks for coming here, and thank you for having me in this panel, and my name is I'm from at the meal Senator in Taiwan. And today I'm going to bring the paper a call. So with 2 of my Phd. Students, and the title is 18 destroyed operation, Chinese Communication a and media freedom. So the purpose of this paper is just to show

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or to analyze how Chinese foreign aid will influence the recipient country's media freedom. And basically, we now we have a lot of literature, including in political science and sociology, showing that the

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Chinese A to have some negative impact on the recipient countries, and, for example, it will increase the corruption of the recipient countries. It will also endanger the horizontal. accountability, and also as a scout of Taiwan. We noticed that China China used foreign aid to steal the diplomatic airlines from Taiwan.

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and in this paper we are curious about whether China's foreign aid will also affect recipient countries and media freedom.

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And according to our data analysis, which we will discuss later, shows that it shows that a Chinese communication aid has a negative effect on receiving countries media freedom, especially in the digital media.

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And I think, yeah, I think the the the the thing of this conference is a resurgence of authoritarianism. So that's why it's a political scientist that we submit our paper here. Yeah. So this is a international sociology association meeting. But yeah, we we we we think that may be sociology. So other social scientists would like to know more about Chinese digital.

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And actually, back in the Massachusetts in Taiwan. I have some talks in the industrial sociology who are also working on this area. So that's why we are here. Yeah, we have a bunch of

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this course.

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especially in American. Think, Tank the policy circle. Argue that the China use digital Digital authoritarianism to sustain its authoritarian rule in China, and it also shows they also argue that China try to explore those digital authoritarian tool or technology to other countries to help other auto-core to consolidate their authoritarian rule. And

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before we introduce those diffusion of Chinese, the so Italian tool, we may need to define what is a digital sort of terminism. And here is a definition, the use of digital information technology by alsoitarian regions to surveill, replace and manipulate domestic and foreign populations. So the goal is to suppress

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opponents and civil society violate the protection of human rights or lenses, the precursor lab survival. And yeah. So according to Freedom House, the the global media freedom is threatening, threatened by the rise of digital authoritarianism. And actually, this is a figure to show that there is a

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decline of global media freedom on average. So I, we just calculate the average of all countries media freedom

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score. And then we show that the the global media freedom, our average is declined. And we also have another beta source, which is digital authoritarianism constructed based on V them

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project. So like, it shows that digital also on the right. So we can see that there are 2 competing force against media freedom in the world.

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yeah, we know that China is semester of digital solitarianism. And then you use a lot of propaganda censorship. This information, or Yakka in Taiwan we call it cognitive warfare. So they try to spread this information of misinformation in Taiwan to inference Taiwan politics. And

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there's also some evidence showing that China is spreading to choice or iter in in the world. Yeah. So like, and especially for those policy magazines or policy journals. And the freedom has also published a report.

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So yeah, so I mean.

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they are qualitative evidences or arguments. And in this project we try to show whether there is a systematic evidence that China is trying to inference other countries media freedom. So that's the purpose of this paper. So yeah, we, we we try to go beyond case study or some in a total evidence and use a systematic quantitative data to show that China actually is trying to inference other countries, media freedom.

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Yeah.

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So we find that also, we try to argue that China uses 48 to help the development of digital solitarian in the recipient countries, and for 2 reasons. So for 2 channels, one, it helps recipient countries to develop a capacity to suppress the media.

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Also the country receive more Chinese aid in communication. Sector has more capacity to suppress the digital media or media environment. As a result. Those countries receiving more Chinese foreign aid in communication sector will have lower media freedom. So that's the purpose we are going to show. And that's a hypothesis we are going to

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to test.

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And there are a bunch of literature on China as a new donor in the international

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donor world. So in in the past. We have many donors who are the Western countries, and then they follow the O. We CD a rule of giving foreign aid to. So that's why the States Oda. But for China, for Chinese aid usually China does not follow the traditional rule of Oda, so it will just give aid

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as you want, and then you, Jodi, follows the so-called long interference rule. So you will not intervene in the recipient countries. Domest politics, so you will not ask receiving countries to do any political or economic reform. So yeah, so the question is that, okay, the Chinese state is very flexible, but the the base. That is that, okay, receiving countries may use it for big things. So yeah, a lot of

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started showing that, okay, there are some negative effect of Chinese 48. Yeah.

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yeah. So in this favor, we wonder maybe Chinese 48 may have some negative impact on recipient countries. Media freedom. So we have 2 hypotheses. One is that countries we see even more Chinese from A from China or 24 and 8 have higher label to strong creation. And but yeah, that's only for Communication 8. And the other is that if they have more Chinese aid in communication, then they will have lower media freedom.

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Yeah. So we try to test those 2 hypotheses by collecting data from yeah, a bunch of countries. And basically our main analysis is based on the data of the a data project. So it collect Chinese volume A in different developing countries. So the time span is from 2,002 to 2,017. And

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yeah, so that's basically the key independent, variable. So they try to track

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all the passport public information on Chinese foreign aid.

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And we will show a little bit of the data set later. And yeah, the dependent variable is the digital operation. So this is the the indicator constructed by some political scientist in the United States. And also we also use the the Vms project on media freedom.

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And we control a bunch. We we control a bunch of variables that may be confounding with our different variable. Now we use a 2 way. Fix the frame models to show the reza, so I think I will skip this one. So this is how the the the the the Dominican scholars try to operationalize the concept of digital equation. So basically, the higher label of this indicator should indicate the

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higher level of digital operation or the television on media. The digital media.

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I think the the most important part is about Chinese foreign aid, because it's very difficult to trace Chinese foreign aid and the A data project. Try to fulfill this task by tracing all possible public

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information on Chinese foreign aid. And then, yeah, so they

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they they have. I would say they have a a bunch of great students, and then post-doc, who can understand Chinese. So they try to trace the news information on the English world or Chinese world to see whether they

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China give foreign a to other countries. So this is a bilateral diet. It has it. So it's a larger label. It indicates how, when, and how China give foreign aid to other country. Yeah. So the data, the data structure like this.

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So there's a. So China gave the the 48 to Berlin in 2,015. And then there's a content of the the the 8 project something like that. So and then it

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the pattern of this.

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They have said. They also record the estimate of the the, the value of this project. So that's how we estimate the Chinese, the the of Chinese for an Ach, yeah.

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So in total, yeah, we can see that, for example, this is something like Chinese community, and they also recall the the the sector of the type of Chinese foreign. As this is a communication aid

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type. Yeah, so yeah, they just show that they are trying to actually give a lot of communication a to different countries. Yeah, so this is a some part of them.

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and, as we can see, for Chinese aid for the Chinese communication age. Yeah. the Chinese aid.

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Most of them follows all F, which means that other official flow. So it does not follow the Oda rule. So the percentage is pretty low. And this is something that the a data project that cannot identify the type of those of the the foreign, A of China. So most of China's foreign aid.

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So it's other official from.

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And we can see

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this is also the the rise of the Chinese communication aid. So more and more with all come location. 8

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accounts for a large portion of Chinese foreign aid in total.

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So that's also so it's it's very important to start each and discrimination age in this context. And we can see that a lot of country? many countries receive Chinese foreign aid like Russia, India, Turkey, Blazil? Yeah.

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So most of African, or in developing countries or Latin American countries.

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Yeah, so you can see for those. for yeah.

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for those who receive Chinese foreign aid like Russia, India, their

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media freedom also decreases.

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And yeah, so the media freedom decreases with china as well. So yeah, we just show that there might be some correlation between those 2 variables. And then we try to do some recreation analysis. So, yeah, that is our research design.

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Then we have some findings actually, okay.

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for this is the result of

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got the the

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mother, the 4 mother, so the Chinese one a

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in general.

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But it will be a separate Chinese point 8, and Chinese communication a, which means that we see go out. And it's coming today by Chinese A,

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you can see that Chinese

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communication aid has a positive impact on Earth

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label of this total repression.

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Okay, but for other Chinese for a day, because you have some.

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So it means that if we think about Chinese computation, a then training communication, a will have possibly our increase of digital

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in the recipient country. So that's

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we can see. And in addition to tutorial operation as a dependent variable, we try to.

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but it also shows that Chinese, following a implementation, will, it will increase the.

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But for some reason the Vm has different coding systems or media buyers and media censorship has the same selection with media freedom. But actually they indicate the same thing. But on the other way. Yeah. So Chinese only had bet to based into your media

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environment. So yeah, we address the intentionality issue by finding an instrumental variable, and then it should be, the result is, still hold. Otherwise we will not present them there. Right? So yeah, it it. We have an instrument available. We I will. I may be happy to discuss the instrument later. But anyway, so to summarize our findings, so country receive more Chinese foreign aid in communication sector, have a mortgage store equation and no media freedom

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erez agmoni. And yeah, so we can conclude that the effect of Chinese. But we also touch the region type. So unfortunately, we are not able to find whether the the the aid, the effect of Chinese 48 in communication. We have heterogeneous effect on 101

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different regions, but we are not able to find this kind of finding. So that's how that's why we are working on now. So I know there are a couple of limitations we're happy to discuss that. But basically, we our project just show that the country received more Chinese from A, it will have lower media feeding. So thank you very much.

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Can I ask you.

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So you are directly connected with how Chinese aid is leading to the media of freedom in some other countries. Maybe you give the example of India.

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But there are maybe some other reasons or so factors also

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lesser media in the countries where maybe Chinese A is getting provided. For example, in India we have to develop a change in

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through which there may be some.

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That's the idea of freedom. So have you tried to engage with other sectors. Also.

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it was just Chinese.

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thank you, though, that's a very good question. Because, yeah, I think our focus is about Chinese aid, or especially China, China's aid in communication. So yeah, we we.

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we are fully aware that there are other factors that will influence recipient countries media freedom. But we are investigating the the role of Chinese foreign aid. So in that sense, yeah, we also need to look at other countries for an age. So maybe it's 48 that we will inference

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the recipient countries with their freedom. And in our paper, yeah, we I I forgot to mention that due to time constraint. But yeah, this is other Dac members foreign aid.

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So actually, you can see that their foreign age has the opposite effect of Chinese foreign aid. It means that for those Dac countries which are Oecd countries, the Fourier will help improve

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media freedom in the recipient country. So that's although another evidence, we try to show that or China is China's foreign aid in communication

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is to impact things. Yeah, so that that's how we yeah, we have

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here. Yeah, we also have the result here. Yeah.

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basically, yeah.

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But yeah, of course, I agree that there are. there may be other things. So I think that the the main challenge of this paper is that it's possible that for those domestic reasons, especially for the demand of the domestic politicians, they try to become more authoritarian. So they try to purchase

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some digital technology from China to suppress the civil society. But if that's a case, then that might be challenging our argument because our argument emphasized more on China's intention to influence the recipient country.

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But

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if that's a case, I mean that there's a demand side, then, yeah, we need to reconcile those 2 stories, and we don't have a a good strategy to identify those 2 different effect.

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But that's also yeah. That's we? You present this paper for several times, and every time we have a question on this.

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any other questions.

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remember that to me.

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So I guess directly from the that received

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phase for this, that purposes are but all the countries of the world. So it is already a selection of some countries

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who are interested in receiving that at least that reason

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that may also affect

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the results of any calculations if they sample is special in this industry or not.

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yeah, that's how I mentioned it. It's about. It's not only about in that United, it's about selection issue. And and at least this. This is a challenge for all the scholars doing chat analysis on Chinese foreign aid. And I don't have a particular good strategy to deal with that. And yeah, there might be some sanction issue there that we but Yup, I think so far, the the

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response we can get is that okay, they are different, in fact, of

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Chinese aid in communication and other foreign countries for an aid in

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communication. So they have different results.

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Yeah, so that's something we can use to define, although I know it's not for defense. But yeah, that that's so. We would just show that there are some results. So it's we are that if country we see more in front of Western country. They try to increase their media freedom, but, on the other hand, they they. They use the technology from China to decrease their media freedom. So that's something we need to reconcile.

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And yeah, I did not talk about industriality, but we for Chinese aid, there is a couple of instrumental, variable, that can be used to. do the analysis, and we follow other scholars. Strategy of using the the, the surplus of Chinese deal.

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So they uses the instrument of Chinese 48. That the intuition is that when China has more surplus in steel they will try to sale, but no one will buy because it's the past. So it's trying to just say, Okay, I will just give it to you for free or something like that. So it can be an indicator of Chinese 48.

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But one challenge to this instrument is that that's a a that's an instrument for Chinese. 48. It's not. It's not China's. It's not an instrument for China's

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communication aid, so it's a subset. So at this moment we don't have an instrument for China's communication. A but you can come up a good one, and we will happy to learn. But this is what scholars are use for the general Chinese for a day. So that's why we did not emphasize too much on this

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so far.

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Yeah. But selection issue is actually a serious one. Yeah. And yeah, because if we think this issue deeply.

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it's about a data structure, because for those countries who are on the data set who already receive Chinese one day. So there are a lot of countries with 0

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if we try to analyze them because they don't receive any challenge for aid. And then I I always have this kind of debate with my colleague or political science Catholic, whether we should include those countries who do not receive Chinese foreign aid.

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and it seems that they? They don't care about that. So they will just they will just use a selecting sample to analyze. Yeah, so that, but that basically, that's how they are doing at this moment. Yeah.

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I think if you do this study post for it also, I think there may be some some radiation if you extend your.

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yes. And yeah, I I I know X, also, I will try to push them to update the data. But yeah, it it. It took them a lot of time and resources to construct this data set. And I think they have the ongoing project. I'm doing that. So they just publish a book

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in temperature university price on this entire project. So I think they are going to update the data in a way. So I think that that's another direction to go.

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But yeah, personally, I cannot do that, because it will require a lot of students to read all the possible information on Chinese foreign. A.

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Yeah, thank you.

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can you help me?

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You know that

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he had 3 participants online? Yeah, that's me

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and the this. And then, okay.

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so do we have another party spent thus.

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So here?

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No.

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so we have Brenda and it

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if

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figuri player, so we have F. Garillas with us, she is. Her topic is dealing with the past, a critical gender perspective on current transitional justice and human rights policies in post conflict context in Latin America.

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pending challenges and questions welcome.

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But it is interesting. How do I?

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I know kind of

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that's good. You tell me when it's like 2 min left. So if I forget the dial, you have lots of time.

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I don't want to.

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Okay.

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Well, first of all, thank you very much for the invitation. I'm very happy to be here and to share some of the

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discussions on debates on transitional justice and gender in Latin America. And I could like to say that actually, this is a joint presentation with Professor Nara Enriquez from University of Catholic Al Peru. But she wanted to connect online that she wasn't feeling that. Well, so I am going to do it, but just to make it clear that it's a collective work. Okay?

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so

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just a bit what we are going to discuss now, what we wanted to do with this presentation, and also with the work that we were doing together in the last years.

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is to have a general overview of how

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transitional justice and human rights policies in Latin America have deal with gender-based violence. So that means to analyze how what has been the development in the last 4 decades. So it's not like, I am going to go in detail in each case

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and to see what kind of challenges, limitations, and also achievements the incorporation of a gender perspective and in transitional justice

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and measures.

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and have been in the last years. That also means I don't know if everyone knows what transitional justice is. But I am going to describe it later, because we are talking about measures especially designed and implemented to deal with crimes and human rights violations

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committed in the midst of armed conflicts, or during authoritarian or regimes, or dictatorships.

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So.

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first of all. I I would like to say something about gender-based violence in this context, in Latin America. For those of you who are not familiar with this.

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and I'm going to which are some examples. So you can understand how systematic and widespread and violence against women especially have been and still is.

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so, as you can see. For example, in Guatemala, during the armed conflict. At least 30,000 women were raped and victims of sexual violence

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in many cases, before being killed in massacres, or enforces A. P. Of victims of orphans and for disappearances. So in Peru, for example, also, we have a many cases of sexualized violence, but also, for example, more than 2,000 200,000 women were victims of force, sterilization during the government of Fujimori.

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also in in the sound corn. Well, I am from Argentina. And so during the dictatorship there, and many women and men were kidnapped and detained in secretive legal centers, where they were also systematic, not only victims of church, but also of rape and sexualized violence.

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Similar was the case in Chile during the pinochet dictatorship in the seventys and Eightys.

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and even where you can see so pregnant. Women were also kidnapped and military, for example, in Argentina, waited for them to and gave birth, and after that they took their children away.

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They give the children to other families, and these women were killed

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and disappear so. And this is just some examples of all the different modalities of violence that There has been, so just to say, some general characteristic of gender-ized violence in the region 150.

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We could say that women in this context were experiencing simultaneously and combined forms of different forms of violence. Right? So they were not only suffering or experiencing sexualized violence, but also and for disappearances, other kinds of human rights violations also they were victims of, or they. They are also a social and economic andequalities. So structural violence

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mit Ctl, and and and that means also a lot of perpetrators at the same time. So what I want to say with this is because when we are talking about gender-based violence

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in armed conflicts and dictatorship. Usually we are focusing on one kind of perpetrators that are.

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and the State security forces are non-state actors. So public actors right. But we don't have to forget that while this kind of violence is taking place and political authoritarian is taking place, many women are also dealing with parallel to other kind of violences. For example, at home in their communities, and also their kind of perpetrators who are not so public right. The problem is that when we have

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erez agmoni like this increase of a widespread public or official violence, let's say, or institutional violence, the other kinds of violence remain hidden. But it doesn't mean that these women are not needing with many violence and perpetrators at the same time 250.

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So violence was also intersectional right? So

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on eighties.

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it means that not all women were affected in the same way, of course, at women who were living in a rural communities, indigenous population they didn't have or and were belonging to marginalized groups who are more affected and more attacked, that women that perhaps belong to a high class in a capital city, for example, in Peru.

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Yeah. And so all these factors imply also different differential impacts on women and in population. And it's important to have this an account. It's not that everyone is affected in the same way.

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Also, I would like to say that violence has been systematic and widespread is not, or it wasn't exceptional. And it's important to know that because when we understand that it was systematic, then it's a contrast

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to see that even though there were some advantage advances in dealing with this kind of violence, there are so much to do right, because the dealing with this has been I don't want to say exceptional, because it growed or it developed a lot, but there are so much still to do.

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And Finally, I would like to say that violence is also a political and has political functions. And just to mention, I don't know. Probably many of you know, some of these kind of functionalities of a gender-based violence in armed conflicts. So the violence work as a means of communication. So

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it means that not only the the effect of violence it directed to the targeted direct victim. But it is also a message for other members in society, right when it is used, especially in this context. Probably many of you know the theory of sexual violence as a weapon of war, and that means

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this is also a very critical theory, because it's you. It means that sexual violence is, or women are also used as a mean to destroy the enemy, so the women itself shouldn't be like the object or the target of the act, but the other the enemy, the community of the enemy, the other soldiers.

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I think that in many cases, of course, it's applied, and especially it means that it wasn't a worst strategy. So it's not that soldiers just decide at the moment. But even though it's not perhaps explicit.

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it's a strategy that is implemented from above. It's not punished, it's not a

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and it's not prevented. So it's not. And but the problem is also that I don't think that women are only an object or a means to attack others. So in many cases, for example, if we see in the Southern cone, in the military dictatorships. Women were also active and militants right in and, for example, in guerrilla groups, in critical movements, and they were also attacked because of that not only as I mean to attack men or other communities. And I want to.

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and stress that because if notice like, we forget the agency of women and the political character of women. In all this context women are not only victims. Women are not only used to attack men right, so they have to be also disappointed in this context. So the message is for them through violence, right when they are raped, when they are attacked, and and also for other women who could do the same. It's like a potential message.

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Of course, violence is also used as a message to their own mate. So for other soldiers, especially in cases where We see gank rape where in Peru, in many contexts and It's not like it's a it's a sign of power for men, for the building of masculinity. So it has. This message is also not only for the other, for the enemies, but also for the own group.

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And what I would like to say also is that violence is not because we put the focus on violence in armed conflicts and and dictatorship as if there was no gender-based violence before or afterwards right? So violence goes on and precedes conflict. Does. Is it concept of a continuum of violence in different forms, and perhaps with different perpetrators that and be

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makes this kind of violence more invisible. Right?

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Great. Okay. So after this landscape, very, very brief.

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I would like to describe what transitional justice is for those of you who perhaps are not so familiar with the concept. When we are talking about transitional justice, we are talking about a set of measures, and that could be judicial or not judicial measures implemented by states, but also by social. so so

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mit ctl, and so civil society organizations, community-based organizations, in order to deal, to address a legacy of human rights, violations, or political violence committed in a specific period of time right so committed in during an unarmed conflict or during a dictatorship. So it has a temporary character. These mechanisms, 150.

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We have a like a really an array of them. Like judicial processes. They could be civil, criminal procedures through commissions. Reparation policies for victims, public apologize for at the wrong doings. In those periods we have the buildings of Memorial. And and and so there are a lot of measures that, and sometimes we have even more

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Mit, Ctl, and and the access to archives in some context. So, depending on the context, they apply at one of these measures. And in some case it's just one, for example, and it depends on the political context that we have. So 250

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transitional justice is not the justice we want. So the justice. We can have right depending the power relations in that context.

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And I think that's also important to say that a transitional justice measures and also of pills using so are

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the result of the incapacity of State institutions to give answer to this legacy of violence, because, if not. we wouldn't need like additional institutions, additional measures to deal with this.

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also, there has been an expansion in transitional justice. In the 80 s. For example, we have, like or it started to be applied or implemented after authoritarian regimes. Right? But then the concept was expanding, and the paradigm was expanding, and we said, already, in the 90 s. That they start to be this measure supplied after conflict, and after that this expansion led, that

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they are now even implemented in known transitional context, like during armed conflict, like within the case of Columbia, or even where there is no transition like, for example, in cases where we see that through commissions are implemented.

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like in Mexico, right? Without no change but just to research, or to have an inquiry commission in specific cases.

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And also it depends what kind of change? Because

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at the end of the day we are talking about implementing changes? Right? So what kind of change we want depends on it also what kind of instrument we are going to use?

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And just to give you an idea

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how expanded transitional justice is in Latin America. So we can see, that is, from the ages until now, and we can see also what kind of measures have been more implemented like being amnesty right?

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The most applied instrument.

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So apparently every perpetrator that in America has has had the right one. I'm listed, and then a 2 commissions.

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and that it applies also no punishment for perpetrators. It's not more to do with the restorative approach of justice and meeting with the true under conservation, preparation, policies, and trials.

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So, and we can see that has been in general a more restorative approach to justice, not a retributive or criminal justice, for example, and these are just 4 of all the measures that transitional justice can have.

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So when we talk about well, how has and the what kind of gender perspective there has been in these decades. I'm also along all these instruments right? And we can see like there has been also a development that is also, and at some point

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a reflection of how gender relations are in society. At that point. So transitional justice reflects political and social dynamics, and also.

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and

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it reflects the way in which also social movements. Feminists, collectives, and women movement fight to have their perspective in these instrumentals. In this instrument.

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So in the 80 s. For example, there was, like a after the Argentine dictatorship. There was a first

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Through Commission. It wasn't a name like that, but it was the Connor, and there was also trials.

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even though in those context there were many survivors of the dictatorship describing the kind of tortures they experienced even at some point describing sexual violence.

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But it wasn't described like that, right? So the figure of rape and sexual violence was hidden under the figure of torture. Sexual violence didn't get that much attention in many cases. Many women said years after that at that point the priority especially because the dictatorship

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mit Ctl and specialize in and for disappearance, let's say, or was the crime more committed. So the the priority at that moment was to know what happened with disappear people right to try to snow where they were, their bodies who were the perpetrators and where they were, and so many women also decided that what happened to them wasn't that important right? Especially those survivors? So talking about rape when people were dead, 150

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was

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mit Ctl. And not so important at that point, right? There were also a lot of prejudice, a lot of stigmatization, and that happens always with survivors, especially if they are women right? The question, why did you survive? Whereas other people didn't.

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and in those cases, even in in which women survived, they were, say, and if they were reporting rape.

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so in many cases as well, I don't know. Perhaps it wasn't rape because you survived

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right? So this suspicious, it's always on survivors. And it's a problem and a huge and makes a huge taboo to talk about, but in the ninetys. So that means that in the, for example, in the report of the through commissions and in triumph.

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there was no much talk about sexual sexualized violence.

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This started to change in the 90 s. Especially with the report of the through Commission of Guatemala, where we see for the first time that the Through Commission included in its final report a chapter on violence again, Mayans and Women. Right so. But talking about how they were sexually slaves, how they were a used sexually also, as, and also in the case of Peru, not only sexual abuse, but also They were

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kidnapped to the military houses, and they were forced to do all these

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carry, and a task right that a terrible, theoretically, according to gender they were doing at home. So washing, cooking for the military is right like a lot of this house

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asked.

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and that's the first time that the gender-based violence has a chapter.

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and there it started to be in many other through Commission's report, for example, in the case of a Peru interesting was, anyway, that even though in these chapters, in these final reports. There were a chapter on gender-based violence

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which was at that time a synonymous of sexualized violence, right as there was no other really waste or forms.

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Then

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there. There was no gender-based perspective in the recommendations of commissions.

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That means, even if we acknowledge that that happened, we are not planning to do any change, right? So that started to change in the 2 thousands were 2

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also because of the struggle of human rights movements and women and women organizations, and through commissions started to include a gender chapter talking about Different forms of violence, a discrimination, and also to include these in the recommendations for the future right. So what States were supposed to do in order to guarantee that these crimes don't happen again. So the difficult never again, and the guarantees of the repetition.

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Now we have another problem. That is the implementation of recommendations. But that's a whole issue.

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And then, at the 2,010, all the commissions, the 3 commissions that started, and

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and at that point, and all of them, it was not possible not to talk about gender right? So it became a mandatory topic in all gender through commissions, and also including other kind of actors, who were also victimized as community Lgbti, and also other kinds of forms of violence like discrimination. For example, in the report of the Brazilian through Commission, there is a one chapter to Lgbtqi, and how they were systematically discriminated

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mit Ctl. And and during the Brazilian dictatorship they also had interesting recommendations, including the change of legislation, to avoid discrimination. So it was a wider perspective one.

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and I think that was also. Now, for example, in the last report of the Colombian Through Commission, which was published last year, we have, we can see how all these

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developments are reflected there in the way that they not only introduce the different forms of violence that women experienced during the armed conflict, but also they stress the role of women as activists, not only as victims their struggles in this armed conflict, their roles as peace builders, and also included the topic ofology with the answer. It's really like a more

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comprehensive approach, and I think it's one of the more advanced regarding this, as we can see now, it is still, and to see how this recommendation there is a whole volume of gender-based violence in this commission, and

304
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well, to see what happened. Right? So that's always the the question with through commissions, what kind of change

305
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they can and produce. So it's knowing enough. Well, that's the question, right?

306
00:59:55.530 --> 01:00:23.690
Just to show you like the names, what it's in the Spanish. What's the name of the different through commissions, you know, and what, of course, when I arose incorporation, a and gender perspective is not always the same. I consider that it's only at least referring to what kind of violence women suffer! But of course it's not the same, and extend in all the reports like it was improving with the time. Right? But just for you to Jo, to see

307
01:00:24.510 --> 01:00:29.540
regarding criminal justice is like. really.

308
01:00:29.620 --> 01:00:45.800
who are what we can see, and I think that criminal justice in this case it is one of the most difficult to get in general criminal justice about human rights violations in conflict a dictatorship is already very difficult, is one of the more demanded, but

309
01:00:46.150 --> 01:00:51.819
really still a struggle today. So, as we can see in the whole Latin America.

310
01:00:52.180 --> 01:01:00.949
Only 9 countries implemented trials to deal with this kind of violence, right with the violence in armed conflict and reparatorships.

311
01:01:00.980 --> 01:01:16.910
That doesn't mean that they did it in the same scope. Right? So in some countries we have 2 trials, in others. As Argentina and Julia, we have more than 400 cases, right? So the difference also. And for those 9 countries only 4

312
01:01:17.200 --> 01:01:30.110
cases of and human rights violations with a gender perspective. It means including sexualize and gender-based violence. And now I'm going to show you, because

313
01:01:30.110 --> 01:01:47.819
mit Ctl, and it's really a challenge. And if we remember what I said, that Gender-based violence was systematically and widespread. It was an exceptional. It really calls attention that we have so few cases right, and of course, the cases we have are only about women. 250

314
01:01:48.500 --> 01:02:02.790
men not report that much is still a taboo and sexual but sexual violence against men repains as a silence, and that has many reasons that we can expand here. But it is still a

315
01:02:03.080 --> 01:02:08.129
much to do, and just to show you. For example, this is 4 countries where we have

316
01:02:08.200 --> 01:02:14.089
at least one case with a gender-based violence perspective, are Argentina chile

317
01:02:14.210 --> 01:02:21.269
per one Guatemala right? But even in these cases I show you now, for example, it's

318
01:02:21.940 --> 01:02:25.229
still like very, very few cases

319
01:02:25.280 --> 01:02:26.560
in Argentina.

320
01:02:26.780 --> 01:02:44.240
We can see that there were like more than 250 now, because that is until 2,020 sentences on ruling on a human rights violations during the dictatorship the trial goes on, go on right? And for that, okay, even though it's a huge advance

321
01:02:44.400 --> 01:02:48.519
because it's 28 cases or 28 rulings.

322
01:02:48.930 --> 01:02:52.820
the comparison, right? If we think that it was systematic.

323
01:02:53.620 --> 01:03:05.469
It's a lot, and there's a there many cases with are still, for example, considered as only a sturture and not a sexual violence. So it's not. It doesn't have the relevance it should have.

324
01:03:05.550 --> 01:03:09.690
But of course, in comparison, for example, to Chile.

325
01:03:10.280 --> 01:03:16.559
where we see that there are like more than 400 cases, but just one

326
01:03:16.710 --> 01:03:30.310
regarding to sexual violence in a for political prisoners within the financial peace day. And this sentence was in 2,021 when the trials started like 20 years ago.

327
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So we can see how difficult it is to get these cases to court and to obtain justice.

328
01:03:38.960 --> 01:03:49.549
So just to finish, I mean, I think it's important to see or to make a violence regarding that there has been important achievements, because now it's a topic. It's part of the agenda, and I think that

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it's also the results of all the troubles of women, movements of victims, organizations, and and that. But provisional justice also means a process of recognition, right of recognition of this kind of crimes, and and also it enabled a process of empowerment in many cases, and so many women and many victims.

330
01:04:14.440 --> 01:04:18.319
and now they have a a growing or a

331
01:04:18.610 --> 01:04:40.719
more awareness of their rights! Even if we talk to people from marginalized population that they didn't know, perhaps at the beginning that they have the right to denounce. They have the right to justice, to through to be Not too weak here not to be tortured. So now is there like a language, language, or the development of a language of rights that was also owned by victims. Nowadays.

332
01:04:40.840 --> 01:04:59.990
and also there have been a growing participation and increasing participation of women, and and also allegiance to I in a transitional justice processes. And, for example, if we see the Colombian peace processes, how women movements and organizations were participating from the beginning in the negotiations

333
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mit Ctl. And right. That's very important also, and how they were part of the Through Commission participating actively, not only as victims giving a a testimony, but also trying to shape. There was a Gender Commission, for example, inside the Commission, 150,

334
01:05:16.360 --> 01:05:36.840
and I think that that should be one of the most important things, but it doesn't always happen, as I said, traditional justice in most of the cases, not in all of them, but in most refers to temporary instruments right? If we have it through commission, it has a mandate that could go from 6 months to 3 years. What happened then?

335
01:05:36.900 --> 01:05:43.370
Also with some criminal trials or procedures. So the idea is that something of that has to

336
01:05:43.830 --> 01:05:47.710
remain, and state institutions to make a change in the long term.

337
01:05:47.740 --> 01:06:07.999
But it shouldn't be something that is only temporary, and I think that in many cases this connection between transitional justice institutions and, for example, the judiciary in Argentina, for example, is very clear. So there was for exemplary change of judges a change of new lawyers, a new vocabulary, a new and

338
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ownership also of this international human rights law of a gender perspective. But still there is a lot to do.

339
01:06:17.850 --> 01:06:23.419
There are a lot of I just mentioned, some of them, but there is a lot of challenges

340
01:06:23.450 --> 01:06:35.790
still. well, the first of them is also still these stereotypes, even though we have advance of always looking women as victims, men as perpetrators and trying to see a bit more complex relationships in that.

341
01:06:35.790 --> 01:06:54.189
and also that women can have other roles. Women could also be perpetrators. In many cases men could be victims. Of course, it's not in the same dimensions, but and also as politicians, as activists. that's something that not always is represented in transitional justice measures

342
01:06:54.270 --> 01:06:57.879
also in the leaving

343
01:06:57.930 --> 01:07:21.349
erez agmoni, or in the building and formulation of transitional objective mechanisms. We don't always have women or electricity. Qi, for example, participating in leadership positions right? So actively having, I think, that we can see a lot of that in the Colombian process. And that's why, I think it's one of the most advanced. But still there is a lot to do 150

344
01:07:22.060 --> 01:07:28.649
and the other question, perhaps. But that's general about transitional justice

345
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is to what extent can transitional justice measures really contribute to a long-term change? challenging an equal and gender relations that actually underlies gender-based violence. So if we talk to people so, what really change in your life

346
01:07:48.220 --> 01:08:04.530
after that, even in cases of reparation policies where women, and not only women, but women who who are victims of gender-based violence receive some kind of compensation that actually in many cases is really

347
01:08:04.580 --> 01:08:19.469
not high. It doesn't change their lives, and it's not enough. So what kind of institutional politics do we have at the end of the day to deal with this, and to really make changes in legislation, in policies, and that's one of the open questions. So

348
01:08:20.590 --> 01:08:23.390
yes, done. Thank you very much

349
01:08:28.920 --> 01:08:31.340
for questions.

350
01:08:34.010 --> 01:08:42.359
I think one of the challenges. Probably always. you know, this sort of the lack of commitment

351
01:08:42.530 --> 01:08:48.910
of the States to real transition, to free of change. The regimes

352
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symbolic that we change

353
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theater is taken down.

354
01:08:54.920 --> 01:09:06.769
Then something really changes the level of administration and qualities. and many things continue. What happened before it is, it isn't something that

355
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we

356
01:09:10.570 --> 01:09:19.970
or for the case of them to actually look back. The question, and one of the dimensions of it is, I think

357
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so.

358
01:09:23.080 --> 01:09:26.559
And what I would change the lack of changes

359
01:09:26.730 --> 01:09:41.789
had better norm activity at large. And and  when when it's actually overlooked as a problem at all, and confirm the things on it at some point

360
01:09:41.930 --> 01:09:50.819
that of the the and it doesn't do anything but in transitional, just described

361
01:09:51.350 --> 01:09:56.650
in another instrument of politics, in relation to

362
01:09:56.850 --> 01:10:08.899
remedy the why I'm in the so-called it's yeah. is not true for every case, but is one of the things that

363
01:10:09.100 --> 01:10:12.480
the and then

364
01:10:14.900 --> 01:10:32.440
no, I think also that it's also very related to the concept of transition in what you say. Right? So even though in cases of where we, for example, in this comes from, where we don't. We don't have the dictatorship of being a chat anymore. We have still a lot of fool Shanar. It's a lot of people of those pictures, and in the new Democracy

365
01:10:32.670 --> 01:10:54.750
or constitution averaging right? I don't know if you call it A, and even near there. So imagine. And many people working in police stations who were active in the relationship. They were still there after 10 years of democracy. So the people are victims living in God in those communities. How are they going, for example, if they were victimized on torture or race.

366
01:10:55.010 --> 01:11:03.179
in clandestine police stations, or even in those policy stations that were a inactive later and the same people are there.

367
01:11:03.560 --> 01:11:08.139
How? How are we going to trust in state institutions, even in democracy times.

368
01:11:08.710 --> 01:11:16.209
right? And of course, a cer normative. I think it's still very prevailing in transitional justice and

369
01:11:17.160 --> 01:11:32.119
and in bodies, as you said also regarding your presentation or regulation of sexuality, and where it should be like all these moral values that in many cases also, for Italian regimes want to defend and to present that universal

370
01:11:38.100 --> 01:11:40.810
358 presentations.

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01:11:41.200 --> 01:11:52.110
and regarding the meat of the victims of sexual violence, the type of combinations that they have received on a combination with with the issue. Do you see a difference between this.

372
01:11:52.380 --> 01:11:56.660
These are all the big things for the displacement.

373
01:11:57.270 --> 01:12:02.170
So it's a special case to see if developing demand parts of the reality.

374
01:12:03.180 --> 01:12:13.240
Well, that's it. That's the thing. When we talk about reparations. What kind of preparation? If we are talking about compensations so monetary.

375
01:12:13.920 --> 01:12:15.550
I think in many cases

376
01:12:15.630 --> 01:12:43.669
it hasn't been an issue, even, for example, in Argentina the recorations law didn't have any gender perspective, so they were, or they did, only with torture and with illegal detention of freedom, right? And and that's nothing about gender and that. And even today I don't think it's a demand. In other cases, women I also don't want to have this kind of preparations, for example, because that could mean

377
01:12:43.870 --> 01:12:46.190
and take organization in their own communities.

378
01:12:46.500 --> 01:12:49.940
Right? So, for example, in many cases in Peru. And

379
01:12:50.350 --> 01:12:54.189
and that's also a problem. So once they have been big themes.

380
01:12:54.620 --> 01:12:57.850
they talked all about what they suffered

381
01:12:57.890 --> 01:13:02.899
that could lead to another identification at the community that is, even from their own families.

382
01:13:03.080 --> 01:13:11.790
And I conducted some interviews in Argentina. So I imagine that was 40 years ago when it happened right, and women started to talk in trial now.

383
01:13:11.950 --> 01:13:20.569
and to say in some cases that they were raised, even though their families knew that they were in detention centers for months.

384
01:13:20.790 --> 01:13:24.060
Of course they have been only torture or

385
01:13:24.130 --> 01:13:31.419
no. I'm not talking about sexual violence right? And when they started to specifically say no, I was right there.

386
01:13:31.430 --> 01:13:45.849
and even it was like a in the family. They said that many of them they invited their families to the trial in order to have this audience also. They are not only the judges, not only the society or the perpetrators, but their own family.

387
01:13:46.020 --> 01:13:53.729
and it was a chance to talk, but it was interesting that many of them say that after that it's like a way of decorations.

388
01:13:54.120 --> 01:13:58.050
so conference that they were like for 30 years, even though that was like

389
01:13:58.530 --> 01:14:05.739
like something that we all know. We don't talk about that. We start to do that in trial, and they started to separate from their presence.

390
01:14:06.410 --> 01:14:10.009
It was a very and they were immediate class women.

391
01:14:10.130 --> 01:14:21.189
Now we're not even talking, and but I think that it's only that the right to reparation of the need for recreation. It also has to be with the context. And what that implies for you, especially in these cases.

392
01:14:21.760 --> 01:14:24.060
And because there's sexual violence

393
01:14:24.480 --> 01:14:25.820
change

394
01:14:25.930 --> 01:14:28.289
components that other trying to

395
01:14:28.410 --> 01:14:32.609
human rights violations or stigma and don't have.

396
01:14:33.230 --> 01:14:36.460
I think that makes it nowadays a difference.

397
01:14:46.370 --> 01:14:54.289
It's not there, but the stigma, the separation which you are talking about, that it is very difficult to.

398
01:14:55.280 --> 01:14:57.320
And but it's not

399
01:14:57.500 --> 01:15:02.980
okay. Since the figures you were giving in the beginning, maybe, that every number of cases must be more.

400
01:15:03.140 --> 01:15:07.199
And you were mentioning because most of the people weren't reporting at all.

401
01:15:07.440 --> 01:15:22.079
No, but it is important also, when somebody start to talk, that it always seems to have like this domino effect at some point, because if you feel that the institutions are supporting you in the case, for example, where Argentina, where we have all these

402
01:15:24.100 --> 01:15:40.850
cases, right.

403
01:15:40.920 --> 01:15:46.869
I mean. And the thing is that also, for example, in the judiciary, as you know, for example.

404
01:15:46.920 --> 01:15:58.100
for basis of sexual life violence judges usually require more evidence that in the case of torture, when it took place in the same conditions. Right?

405
01:15:58.360 --> 01:16:19.230
And so it's like, I think, that that's a lot of seem to do. And and training of the shoe these Crs and Cbdp, because victims are also exposed. And then we can have all these cases of secondary victimization. But that is a victimization through institutions right which can't even be work, because absolutely this, this trial, for example, are public.

406
01:16:19.810 --> 01:16:21.670
So it's also an exposure.

407
01:16:21.720 --> 01:16:32.260
Right? Then you have to come back to your, to your community to your neighborhood and go on like when your testimony, perhaps it was on television, right? So it's not so.

408
01:16:32.860 --> 01:16:33.740
you see.

409
01:16:35.470 --> 01:16:41.190
And perhaps the reparation they get? Is not that much? Because if, for example, after that, you have an acquittal.

410
01:16:41.950 --> 01:16:42.830
Oh.

411
01:16:48.670 --> 01:16:49.400
okay.

412
01:16:57.230 --> 01:16:58.120
okay.

413
01:17:08.900 --> 01:17:12.030
so how can we go back to session display? Yeah.

414
01:17:12.360 --> 01:17:16.639
So thank you, everyone. This was an interesting session. We have

415
01:17:16.730 --> 01:17:26.609
diverse papers from queer rights in the context of Russia to media freedom and China, providing aid

416
01:17:26.670 --> 01:17:41.140
to gender violence in Latin America. So, though we have less a number of papers, but I think they were different context and different continents that we were talking about, and it was an interesting session. Thank you very much for being here.

417
01:17:41.340 --> 01:17:50.299
and I'm again thankful for everybody and the audience also, and I am thankful to the technical for the technical assistance. Also. Thank you.

418
01:17:50.430 --> 01:17:52.719
Can we have a photograph here?