WEBVTT 1 00:00:00.001 --> 00:00:06.930 So good afternoon, everyone. We're going to start in a moment or so. 2 00:00:09.760 --> 00:00:23.249 going to do some welcoming remarks, and then just get us flowing into the presentations. I'm Natalie Byfield, from St. John's University in Queens, New York. 3 00:00:23.410 --> 00:00:33.660 the United States, and my co-chair, Letitia Smose Gomez from University of Sao Paulo in Brazil. 4 00:00:33.710 --> 00:00:44.610 We welcome you here today to our panel policing and the construction of racialized groups and social control in the Americas. 5 00:00:45.190 --> 00:00:57.170 The idea for this panel came out of research that we are doing both jointly and separately around policing and 6 00:00:57.450 --> 00:01:06.010 the investigation of policing as a form of racialization and social control and 7 00:01:06.160 --> 00:01:12.199 performing research in a very historical context to tie it to 8 00:01:13.290 --> 00:01:19.590 settler societies. And so that's really the 9 00:01:20.420 --> 00:01:34.889 The genesis of this panel, and we were really curious to see what other work was being done in this vein in different geographical political locations. 10 00:01:34.920 --> 00:01:48.670 particularly across the Americas, but certainly across the world. And one of the things that we were commenting about today as we prepared for the panel was the ways in which the topic 11 00:01:48.700 --> 00:01:50.900 for this year's 12 00:01:51.710 --> 00:02:02.260 this year's this World Congress, is allowing us to see across the world in a variety of geopolitical locations just how 13 00:02:02.380 --> 00:02:13.930 securitization authority, you know, and authoritarianism is operating in these various contexts. So we're really thrilled to be here today and 14 00:02:15.500 --> 00:02:18.260 before we introduce the panelist. 15 00:02:20.350 --> 00:02:35.639 I would like to read the land acknowledgment, and then we will also. I'll do a quick check in with the people who, I hope. are joining us remotely and then we'll take it from there. 16 00:02:36.140 --> 00:02:41.010 The acknowledgment of country reads as follows. 17 00:02:41.150 --> 00:02:48.760 behalf of everyone gathered, I pay respect to the spirit of country here in arm 18 00:02:48.930 --> 00:02:59.459 where we are meeting. I acknowledge the past and present Kulin Nation Warongeri. Why, we're wrong as the sovereign people here 19 00:02:59.510 --> 00:03:14.569 the cultural knowledge holders who maintain and promote the norm of aboriginal law, customs and custodianship, responsibilities for country and the people. That country continues to sustain 20 00:03:14.660 --> 00:03:19.690 generation after generation into the future for all of us. 21 00:03:19.780 --> 00:03:37.969 I recognize the important contribution that first nations, thinkers have made to sociology, including challenges to our dominant ways of thinking. We thank all first nations delegates in the room today for their contributions to knowledge in the discipline. 22 00:03:38.220 --> 00:03:40.110 And I 23 00:03:42.620 --> 00:03:55.579 I just want to say on a personal note that I think it's really not just heartwarming and not just necessary, but just foundational for us to just do this 24 00:03:55.840 --> 00:04:12.589 because it it, you know, not just from my research alone or from you know the communities that I have been involved in. I think we can all we can all understand the importance of making this kind of acknowledgment 25 00:04:12.670 --> 00:04:24.610 for our own research, because it's it's going to serve us as we delve into the topic in particular, this type of topic where we're looking at policing along the lines of race. 26 00:04:25.060 --> 00:04:31.919 I'm going to turn it over to my co-chair to introduce the panelists. 27 00:04:32.640 --> 00:04:34.200 Thank you for. 28 00:04:34.780 --> 00:04:56.240 So thank you all for coming in today. I would like to. I'm sorry I would like to present the panelists that have joined this today. So we are going to start start with Professor David Cunningham from Washington University in St. Louis, United States, and he would 29 00:04:56.290 --> 00:05:16.440 present a talk, entitled Anti Civil Rights enforcement networks, a cascading comparative field based approach to understanding racialized control systems. So Professor Cunningham, main research interests rely on the scopes and legacies of organized white supremacist action. 30 00:05:16.520 --> 00:05:29.870 and we will follow with Professor Mitiru Ito from Ottawa, Women's University, Japan. And she will talk about 31 00:05:30.480 --> 00:05:50.549 survival of the privileged white minority in the black majority. Caribbean. How whiteness is reinforced and enforced, and she is interested in whiteness, minorities, and race classifications in Afro-caribbean contexts. So thank you all for coming in today. We have also them 32 00:05:50.720 --> 00:05:58.950 the presentation scheduled for Professor David Mccallum from Victoria University, Australia. I'm not sure he is. 33 00:05:59.380 --> 00:06:09.899 He has joined us, so if he comes in I'll present him, and then we can start. So please. Professor Benningham, the floor is yours. 34 00:06:21.700 --> 00:06:24.530 I would just ask that 35 00:06:26.550 --> 00:06:34.750 if we have any remote viewers that you help us also to track the chat. But we'll be tracking that also. Here. 36 00:06:35.760 --> 00:06:36.430 I 37 00:06:46.690 --> 00:06:47.980 all right. 38 00:06:54.310 --> 00:06:56.350 Okay to. 39 00:06:57.250 --> 00:07:02.059 I believe you just have to click your name. Wait for a second. 40 00:07:08.080 --> 00:07:10.110 Okay, thank you. 41 00:07:11.920 --> 00:07:21.809 Great. good evening, everyone. It's really I really appreciate being able to be here with you tonight. I guess I know it's dark already, so we'll call it tonight. 42 00:07:21.810 --> 00:07:34.219 And and today I'm going to be talking about what we call anti-civil rights enforcement networks. When I say, we, as set of collaborators and I have been doing work in this framework in this vein for quite a while. 43 00:07:34.220 --> 00:07:59.219 And so my end. Today, I think it is threefold. First, I'd like to introduce a framework for thinking about and capturing systems of racialized control. So I'll try to present that framework. then I'd like to illustrate empirically how that framework can ideally illuminate and capture localized variation in these racialized control systems. 44 00:07:59.220 --> 00:08:18.459 And then time allowing, I would like to try to introduce a methodology that's kind of still in process a bit. as a way to think about generalizing from these localized settings that I'll be talking about and seeing what kind of leverage we can get from what what I'll call cascading comparison. So that'll be the aim today. 45 00:08:18.460 --> 00:08:40.399 and I'm gonna begin with something that's close to home for me. I'm from St. Louis, Missouri, in the in the United States and this is a set of Twitter posts from about a decade ago from 2,014. This is shortly after the mass mobilization in Ferguson, Missouri. that followed the police killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson in 2,014 46 00:08:40.400 --> 00:09:04.380 And one of the things that you would see from these posts. And these are 3 examples from literally hundreds that I can pull up are one of the themes that we see is, people are trying to make sense not only of this action of this police killing, but importantly, the mobilization around it, and then the reaction by the police to that mobilization are comparisons to other settings that seem more familiar to people. 47 00:09:04.380 --> 00:09:29.250 and one of those is going to be the civil rights area us, the especially the the deep South in the civil rights area us. And so we had see 3 examples here of the comparison of Ferguson to civil rights era of Mississippi, and some of these kinds of posts. Here's a fourth example. Have visuals that really illustrate that as well. So we see a pronounced police presence here. You see police dogs being used. 48 00:09:29.370 --> 00:09:54.310 And there are many other images like this that show police in riot gear and mobilize with sophisticated weaponry, and it looking like a militarized response. And again that militarized response is interpreted through the lens of the deep South in the during the Civil Rights era. And one of the things I want to do is return to that theme and try to figure out what we can do with that kind of intuitive response 49 00:09:54.310 --> 00:10:18.019 that a lot of people had where they're taking a contentious interaction in one time and place, and then using a parallel, contentious interaction from another time and place to make sense of it. So I'm going to try to return to that as we go. But I also want to take seriously the predominance of thinking about police as front line actors here in terms of social control. Seriously 50 00:10:18.020 --> 00:10:30.620 and think about what that means, for how we understand these systems of racialized control. And the kind of move that I want to try to highlight here is this idea, when we think about 51 00:10:30.720 --> 00:10:55.289 systems of control, is a move from thinking about particular forms of control and particular agents associated with those to thinking about regimes of control and the capacities of states and elites to exert social control. And what I mean by this transition. Here is the the predominant way in which people tend to understand 52 00:10:55.290 --> 00:11:17.649 political repression. Racialized control in these kinds of contentious settings have focused on agents. So the police would be one example, certainly. And when when we think about particular agents of social control, at least quantitative social scientists tend to count things. So one of the things that makes focusing on the police 53 00:11:17.650 --> 00:11:47.600 in public settings important is that there are things like numbers of arrests, and and you know whether or not forces used. These are things that people can count and people have counted, and they use them as a proxy for broader systems of racialized control. We see this as well. If we think back historically in terms of acts of racialized terror, and I'm thinking predominantly about the long history of racial terror lynchings within the Us. And elsewhere. But certainly within the Us. 54 00:11:47.600 --> 00:12:12.140 There have been multiple data collection efforts that have had a lot of visibility. This is the Equal justice initiative based out of Montgomery, Alabama. They have a large project where this map you can click on anywhere in this map, and it will highlight particular incidents across the long history from the late nineteenth century on, forward, through, they focus through about 1,940 55 00:12:12.140 --> 00:12:35.910 but they're counting the number of racial terror lynchings and then highlighting those particular events. There are parallel projects. This is a phenomenal interactive website called Monroe Work. Today. Monroe work was the great sociologist at Tuskegee Institute, who embarked on a massive data collection project that informed the Naacp and others in terms of capturing 56 00:12:35.910 --> 00:13:02.549 racial terror lynchings. Here's another effort that tries to expand this to a national scope, and finally a a collaborator of mine, Jeff. Ward, who's also at Washington University, has what he calls a racial violence archive. The contribution here is that it moves beyond particular forms of violence, not only lynching, but what looks at other kinds of violence as well, and creates more of a a 57 00:13:02.550 --> 00:13:21.570 sort of a more variegated way and index to actually capture where these events have occurred over time. But all of these are efforts that really try to look at the predominance and the intensity of social control based on these kinds of counts of incidents that are known and documented. 58 00:13:21.570 --> 00:13:42.379 And what I'd like to do is highlight. A more recent move. And I'm going to use Regina Baker, a sociologist who's actually just moved to the University of North Carolina. So she's no longer at Penn. but Regina Baker published this paper last year in the American Journal of Sociology, and she focuses on what she calls the historical racial regime, and what she means by this are taking 59 00:13:42.380 --> 00:14:07.380 multiple forms of social control that span eras. So she focuses on enslavement, but also sharecropping modes of political disenfranchisement. Social segregation through the Jim Crow era, and what she tries to do is create an index or scale that encompasses all of these forms of control. So we're moving beyond particular kinds of 60 00:14:07.380 --> 00:14:26.519 of events or incidents, and trying to create a scale that encompasses a broader range of control actions. And so here, you know, she refers to this. This is a quote from Dr. Baker as as a more holistic approach for examining institutional state mechanisms of the past and their collective impact. 61 00:14:26.520 --> 00:14:54.230 So this move to thinking about regimes is really important because it moves us out of this proxy that only focuses on one type of control and then tries to generalize from that. And so if we keep that in mind, I want to think about a parallel effort that that my collaborators and I have been trying to engage in is this idea of thinking about configurations of control through what we refer to as enforcement networks. 62 00:14:54.230 --> 00:15:19.230 and what we try to do. Here is, begin with this idea that we can start with any particular agent of control, and rather than the police, I'll say I I spent quite a bit of time focusing on probably the best known historical white supremacist organization in the Us. Which would be the Ku Klux Klan And so, and trying to make an argument that to understand the clan, the Kkk and 63 00:15:19.230 --> 00:15:43.540 any given place, you have to understand it. Alongside the other agents of control that existed in those places. So to understand the clan, you have to understand what the police are doing, what the courts are doing, what the media is doing what voting registrars are doing to disenfranchise people, what School Boards are trying to do to maintain segregation in schools and other institutions. 64 00:15:43.610 --> 00:16:08.599 and the idea of understanding the clan within that context are that we can recognize that there are certain places where the clan might play an outsized role historically right? So they might be a predominant agent of social control. But there are other places where they may be present, but another of these agents actually is predominant there, right. And so the idea is that if we only 65 00:16:08.600 --> 00:16:33.600 when we look at any of these agents in isolation, we miss the overall field of enforcement or control that we can see. And so what we try to do from this is I. I won't have time to talk about this, but we use a methodology called fuzzy set, qualitative comparative analysis. So fsqca. And what that allows us to do is take a bunch of settings at once. So we're looking here 66 00:16:33.600 --> 00:16:58.600 here at the State of Mississippi and the Us. Historically, there are 82 counties within Mississippi, so just sub administrative units within the State, and what we try to do is use this methodology to identify what turns out to be 4 distinct configurations of control. that that hold in certain places within Mississippi. So here are the 4 configurations. 67 00:16:58.690 --> 00:17:13.840 and maybe a a an easier way to think about it. And I include the map here, so you can see the colors where it matches on to particular locations where a specific configuration is most pronounced But if we boil this down, what we really find 68 00:17:13.870 --> 00:17:37.710 is that there's a mode of control in certain places that is rooted in the isolation of those places that allows particular kinds of public violence to be committed with relative impunity, because these are very isolated areas. There are other places, the second pathway here in green, that where control is rooted in the economic vulnerability of the African American population 69 00:17:37.710 --> 00:17:57.419 in these places. and the third and the fourth pathway overlap actually, and they're both rooted in vigilantes violence. So when we talk about the Kkk. Previously that would be an agent of Vigilantes violence. These are civil actors who are engaging in racist violence, and that is a predominant mode of control. 70 00:17:57.560 --> 00:18:22.560 and just quickly, I I hope I have enough time here. I'll try to be really quick to give a a little bit of a richer sense of what we mean by these pathways. I'm just gonna quickly talk about 2 different places in Mississippi that are emblematic of first, the third, and fourth pathway centered on vigilantism, and then I'll rewind to focus on a different place that is, around the Vulnerability pathway, and the Vigilantes pathway is centered in 71 00:18:22.560 --> 00:18:29.570 one particular place called Macomb, Mississippi. You'll see it's highlighted in red here. So it's in the southern part of the State. 72 00:18:29.570 --> 00:18:50.650 and one of the things that we see in Macomb is this is actually a report from a state investigator that's trying to suppress civil rights activity. One of the things they know in this investigation is the relatively high level of economic independence and autonomy within the black population. 73 00:18:50.650 --> 00:19:03.569 So this is not a place where the black population is working on land owned by whites, let's say, or working for companies owned by whites. So there's a relative economic independence, and this makes it difficult 74 00:19:03.570 --> 00:19:28.569 to exploit any sort of economic vulnerability within the black population, because we have this relative independence. And so what ends up happening is to sort of step in to that gap. Here we see, in effect, a bombing campaign by vigilantes actors associated with the Kkk and and here is an FBI report, and each of these lines. I know you can't 75 00:19:28.570 --> 00:19:53.490 read it here, but each of these lines is a separate bombing incident that occurs within a 5 month period. So this is a relatively contained thing. We see almost 30 bombings in this one town. in this short period. And what we see here now is this violence occurring in the presence of also pronounced police activity, publicly targeting civil rights activists. 76 00:19:53.490 --> 00:20:18.490 And a really telling aspect of this. This is a statement, an actual recorded statement in a courtroom by a judge here that is admonishing these clan bombers who have been arrested finally under a great Federal pressure. And you know what I highlight here in red is the important thing where the judge is saying in public that basically the clan and the police have the exact same goals, and these are people 77 00:20:18.490 --> 00:20:43.990 who should be working together, and what the clan did wrong in this effect is not, be racist and be violent, but be unpredictably violent in a way that was seen as lawless, and it ended up competing with the police instead of working alongside them. So this is something that we all know but rarely see set out loud in public here, but is really emblematic of this Vigilantes pathway that I was describing earlier 78 00:20:43.990 --> 00:21:08.079 and just to quickly contrast it. This is moving up into the Mississippi Delta, which is in the northwest part of the State. It's a highly agricultural region. This is in the 19 mid twentieth century. It was one of the predominant cotton growing regions in the entire world. and so this was a sort of area that was run by plantations owned by elite white families. 79 00:21:08.080 --> 00:21:31.209 here. And so what we see in in effect, is, if we look at the yellow arrow here. That was Macomb. All of those use that are. There are separate chapters of the Kkk. One of the things we see up where the Red Arrow is, which is Clarksdale. There are no active clan chapters, and the FBI noted that the clan is trying to organize here, but they can't get enough traction. 80 00:21:31.210 --> 00:21:41.599 because what we see in this area is really landowners, employers, and money lenders can all be mobilized 81 00:21:41.600 --> 00:22:05.409 to exploit the economic dependence of the black population on the white economy of white elites, and they were doing the work that the clan was doing in Mccall, meaning that they, in a quiet or less public and less overtly violent way were maintaining that system of control. So this is just an example of that contrast here, and one of the reasons that I want to highlight. This is that if we go back to the 82 00:22:05.410 --> 00:22:30.409 conventional way of capturing social control, what we can see across these pathways are these are the number, the average number of recorded documented incidents of violence that occurs across counties in each of these pathways, and what we see, especially in pathway one, and to some degree pathway 2 is, we see, relatively low levels of violence that is documented and captured relative to the third 83 00:22:30.410 --> 00:22:31.920 and fourth pathway. 84 00:22:31.920 --> 00:22:58.259 But that's a misnomer. It does not mean that racialized control is any less stringent in those areas, but it's only captured in ways that are visible here. And so we see it captured more strongly in counties where there is public violence occurring that can be counted and captured. So this is just to illustrate the importance of thinking about configurations, because they're not always captured within these kinds of conventional indexes. 85 00:22:58.590 --> 00:23:23.669 And so the the last thing I'd like to do, I know I only have a couple of minutes here is to try to introduce at least a framework methodologically for moving beyond the areas that I've already discussed. So we've already done this work in the State of Mississippi within the Us. And what I'd like to propose is this idea of what we call cascading comparison. And in some ways this is a 86 00:23:24.040 --> 00:23:44.459 an inductive method that focuses on case studies. So we identified these pathways of control that hold for the State of Mississippi. We know that right, but what we don't know is whether those same pathways would hold in the same ways elsewhere. And so the the 87 00:23:44.810 --> 00:23:45.490 I. 88 00:23:45.870 --> 00:24:11.330 The proposal would be to think about extending out from Mississippi to other States within the Us. South, and then moving to other regions within the us and then potentially moving globally. And why I want to highlight this. You know, this is another one of those tweets that we began with. So this just circles us back to thinking about how Ferguson can be understood through the lens of Mississippi. 89 00:24:11.360 --> 00:24:40.200 We see this if we think about the long history of lynching in a similar way. This was a lynching event that occurred in 1,893 in Decatur, Illinois. So this would be in the midwest region of the Us. And one of the ways that this headline is making sense of this is trying to think regionally. Usually our history of lynching is associated with the Us. South. But the idea here is that this is a victim who has migrated from the South, but is met 90 00:24:40.200 --> 00:25:03.260 by what is described here as a quote, unquote Northern mob in this case. And so the regional distinction is really salient here, as people try to make sense of it we see another example. This is a book that came out 2 years ago by the historian Philip Dre. He focuses on, as the title literally says, a lynching in Port Jervis, for Jervis is on the border of New York and Pennsylvania. 91 00:25:03.260 --> 00:25:14.469 so this is in the mid-atlantic kind of Northern Us. and this is focused on an event that occurred in 1,892. So a year prior to the Decatur event, I just mentioned 92 00:25:14.470 --> 00:25:38.949 and the main. I don't have an image of it. But the main headline that followed this lynching event in New York, which is the only documented racial terror lynching in the State of New York. the the main headline said. Southern methods outdone. So the idea is again, as we see with Ferguson understanding what's happening here in New York through the lens of the Us. South. 93 00:25:38.950 --> 00:26:03.950 And so this methodology tries to echo this and say, Well, if we look at Port Jervis, and we compare it to Mccole, Mississippi. Both of them are railroad towns. Both of them are about the same size. And so the idea would be to do a rigorous comparison there to see the degree to which the regional location matters here in terms of understanding the configuration of racialized control that exists 94 00:26:03.950 --> 00:26:28.109 across places. And so What one would hope. And I'll conclude here is that this idea of cascading comparison would offer first a means to test the robustness of findings that we see in particular localized places. In terms of these configurations. It could also uncover institutional links across places. So standing places. 95 00:26:28.110 --> 00:26:52.989 The media is one of those institutions, but also we see things like the Federalized training of police officers in different places. So these links within policing agencies, etc. So we want to under uncover these institutional links. And then the third is to think about how these pathways hold in different or similar ways over time. So if we move from Mississippi to a place like, say, North Carolina, which is in the 96 00:26:52.990 --> 00:27:17.989 Upper South, usually seen as more progressive in the South and then to move to a place like Port Jervis in New York or Decatur in Illinois, One could easily imagine parallels to apartheid era, South Africa and thinking about configurations of control and that sort of setting. But the idea is that these kinds of cascading comparisons, both inductively allow us to span out to other regions, but also to use those insights to serve 97 00:27:17.990 --> 00:27:27.049 back to our original cases and try to better understand them in this broader light. So I will end there and thank you for listening. 98 00:28:06.370 --> 00:28:07.479 Timer. 99 00:28:30.300 --> 00:28:43.520 Hi! Good evening, everyone. My name is Michelle from Ottoman Women's University in Tokyo. My presentation title is survival of the privileged white minority in the black majority. Caribbean. 100 00:28:43.620 --> 00:28:45.840 I'm not moving the area at this. 101 00:28:46.290 --> 00:28:53.969 How whiteness is reinforced and enforced the Caribbean region is made up of a vast majority. Mass, bust. 102 00:28:55.450 --> 00:29:08.730 and region is made up of vast number of islands, and is considered to have over 7,000 islands. This presentation focuses on the country called Trinidad and Tobago, that is, 2 islands, Jinidad and Tobago. 103 00:29:09.430 --> 00:29:23.040 So the Caribbean boast, multi-ethnic multicultural society, just like national and some of trained and Tobago sinks. Quote. Here every creed and race find an equal place. 104 00:29:23.580 --> 00:29:41.040 All Germany want to believe the magic of the Caribbean, where people mingle and integrate peacefully, regardless of their background. The longer you stay, the clearer it becomes. Putting aside politically correct public sayings of equality and diversity 105 00:29:41.070 --> 00:29:47.330 that people have strong opinions on class, on the race. Specifically skin color. 106 00:29:47.800 --> 00:29:53.739 There is agnostic that distinct borders in everyday lives and people's mind. 107 00:29:54.460 --> 00:30:08.139 So today I start with where in the Caribbean Trin and Tobago locate. Then I continue with this very brief history, demographic composition of the islands some series of important concepts to position myself. 108 00:30:08.210 --> 00:30:24.449 and then I will share my experiences of or our history interviews conducted in order to collect personal experiences as white minority in Trinidad and Tobago, to analyze how their whiteness is reinforced and enforced. 109 00:30:28.020 --> 00:30:30.680 So this is where Trinidad and Tobago locate. 110 00:30:31.510 --> 00:30:45.700 So Trinidad is located approximately 11 kilometers 37 miles off the northeastern coast of Venezuela. The distance from Trinidad to Tobago is approximately 35 kilometers, that is, 22 miles. 111 00:30:45.990 --> 00:30:48.640 So here's a short history of the island 112 00:30:49.490 --> 00:31:03.150 Trinidad award a Spanish and British colony. During the course of its history Tobago was more popular to Europeans, and on or the ownership of the island was shifted 31 times among Spain, France, Dutch, and Britain. 113 00:31:03.680 --> 00:31:10.530 and then indentured labors from India and China, replaced African slaves after a pollution of slavery. 114 00:31:10.890 --> 00:31:15.559 and that resulted in this demographic composition. You see here 115 00:31:16.200 --> 00:31:21.330 in Chinir and Tobago, 37% of the population is East India. 116 00:31:21.630 --> 00:31:27.660 32% is African. 0 point 6, 6% is white. You see the pink there 117 00:31:27.710 --> 00:31:28.949 a little pink. 118 00:31:30.860 --> 00:31:34.809 The rest comprises Chinese, Syrian, Lebanese, and others. 119 00:31:35.030 --> 00:31:49.100 So, although there are minority ads in population as in numbers, white population in these islands are always considered to be connected to the wealth and privileged status that are rooted from the colonial base. 120 00:31:49.490 --> 00:31:54.470 So many of the whites in Kinetan insists on their racial purity as white. 121 00:31:55.980 --> 00:32:01.060 and move on to the concept. Whiteness. So whiteness is a complex concept 122 00:32:01.110 --> 00:32:07.869 that it refers to the social and culture construct of being white or having white racial identity. 123 00:32:08.430 --> 00:32:18.430 So whiteness is not simply about skin color of individuals, but rather a system of privilege, an advantage that has been socially constructed. 124 00:32:18.540 --> 00:32:23.399 It brands advantages to individuals who are perceived as white. 125 00:32:23.540 --> 00:32:34.539 while disadvantage in people from other racial andistic backgrounds. So whiteness updates through systematic racism and institutional power structures. 126 00:32:34.920 --> 00:32:41.170 it influences access to resources and opportunities and perpetuate inequality. 127 00:32:44.110 --> 00:32:55.159 So key concepts within whiteness, theory include white privilege refers to the advantages that white individuals get simply because they are white. 128 00:32:55.180 --> 00:33:02.269 It provides a range of privileges such as greater access to education, employment, opportunities and social resources. 129 00:33:02.390 --> 00:33:15.349 White fragility refers to the defensive reactions, discomfort, sensitivity, or resistance that some white individuals may exhibit when the rate of privilege is challenged. 130 00:33:15.830 --> 00:33:23.309 The color blind list is the belief that advocates for this regarding racial and differences 131 00:33:23.490 --> 00:33:46.650 like whiteness. Theory criticizes color blindness as it can perpetuate racial inequality by ignoring the structural advantage and the disadvantages as but associated with race instead. Whiteness emphasizes the importance of acknowledging and understanding racial differences as a means to address systematic racism and social reality. 132 00:33:47.620 --> 00:34:01.540 Intersectionality is a concept to explore how whiteness intersects with other aspects of identity, such as gender, class, and sexuality, to produce complex experiences of privilege. 133 00:34:02.290 --> 00:34:06.640 So I chose oral history as a research method. 134 00:34:07.250 --> 00:34:21.419 So what is our history or our history is a method of collecting historical and social information by conducting interviews with individuals who have first first-hand knowledge of experience, of particular social phenomena. 135 00:34:21.700 --> 00:34:40.849 The purpose of our history is to provide a platform for ordinary people to share their stories, which can offer valuable insights into the lived experiences of of unheard people, and shit light on aspects of social reality that might otherwise be overlooked 136 00:34:41.710 --> 00:34:57.180 over all our history is a powerful research tool, helping to diversify historical and social perspectives. It allows for a more nuanced understanding of society, incorporating multiple voices that enrich our understanding of a society. 137 00:34:57.930 --> 00:35:04.720 So here are some of the limitation, key key limitations or history that researchers need to consider. 138 00:35:05.380 --> 00:35:21.319 So to mitigate these limitations, researchers often employ a range of strategies. One of them is to conduct multiple interviews with different interviewees and critically analyzing the context and the motivations behind the narratives. 139 00:35:22.670 --> 00:35:32.360 So let's move on to my interviews. So in order to obtain primary data on how their whiteness is reinforced and enforced 140 00:35:32.410 --> 00:35:42.980 face-to-face individual, semi-structured interviews with 48 participants were conducted from 2,005 to 2,020 as a means of creating oral history. 141 00:35:43.410 --> 00:35:52.039 those interview weeds selected by those who consider themselves wife white, and whom otherwise consider white as well. 142 00:35:52.280 --> 00:35:56.429 Hence, at least in the eyes of the researcher, this me. 143 00:35:56.930 --> 00:36:00.259 Your physical futures are nothing more than pure white. 144 00:36:01.040 --> 00:36:08.169 The other conditions were that the families of the individuals should have resided in the Caribbean for more than 3 generations. 145 00:36:08.200 --> 00:36:15.110 It therefore excludes Syrian Lebanese, recent immigrants from South America, and expatriates. 146 00:36:15.420 --> 00:36:19.520 and also the interviewees, must be older than 18 years old. 147 00:36:19.910 --> 00:36:32.189 The interview. The interviews were planned to finish in an hour or so, but many of the interviews continued much longer, and some of them lasted for a little more than 4 h 148 00:36:33.080 --> 00:36:48.189 with permission, almost all the interviews are recorded and then transcribed for analysis. So from here, I would like you to read, I, you have to read the slides while listening to my presentation. 149 00:36:48.530 --> 00:36:52.749 So the following are partial transcripts of the interviews 150 00:36:53.310 --> 00:37:04.090 I chose 2 specific questions to look into here? Because the answers to these questions provided in size to see the attitudes to maintain and strengthen their whiteness. 151 00:37:04.610 --> 00:37:12.309 Here? One, I asked, what do you think of integration, marriage, and the racially mixed children. 152 00:37:13.800 --> 00:37:18.999 So many potential, apparently discomfort with the idea of integration. Marriage. 153 00:37:19.380 --> 00:37:25.599 although having illegitimate children, is acceptable, as they will not be part of the family. 154 00:37:26.730 --> 00:37:34.549 Some of the elder interviewees showed apparent disagreement. If their daughters have integration of children. 155 00:37:35.980 --> 00:37:43.780 On the other hand, they say it is out of their control. If their sons have integrated children out of Weedlock. 156 00:37:45.760 --> 00:38:02.620 for white males having legitimate, integrated children is one thing, that integration marriage is another for white females having a legitimate inter as your children and interaction, marriage will directly lead them to be cut off from the family. 157 00:38:04.030 --> 00:38:11.769 So the word, all the interview we used or hinted in the interview, regardless of the Asian gender, was class. 158 00:38:13.680 --> 00:38:27.640 Although the elder generation in Trinidad has a stronger tendency towards white supremacy. Many of them say class is more important than race. yet for some of them cloth is a synonymous term with race. 159 00:38:28.810 --> 00:38:50.980 So they indicated that if your daughter wishes to marry an African man, as far as that man is of high class, meaning, he must be well educated, earn enough, and treaty a dollar like a lady. They would be okay with that, and then they soon out their comments, saying they did not think a non-white person cannot be of a high enough class to marry their daughter. 160 00:38:52.910 --> 00:38:54.740 In the case of Jason 161 00:38:55.130 --> 00:39:06.020 they noted that while they respect their son's decision, they hope he thinks, of what Inter Asian marriage brings to his immediate family as well as his extended family. 162 00:39:06.600 --> 00:39:11.989 So I asked for clarification of this, and a straightforward answer was not for coming. 163 00:39:12.360 --> 00:39:20.839 One of the other interviews here responded with, nobody wants to bring in a bad species to family unquote. 164 00:39:22.940 --> 00:39:32.970 So I call this number 8 a 63 year old man Mark, with C. Mark, has an African-grandmother 165 00:39:33.030 --> 00:39:44.629 again. Mark has an African grandmother, however, in the eyes of me, the researcher, he looks nothing but Caucasian. Without no traits of African physical features. 166 00:39:44.940 --> 00:39:53.980 He also identifies himself as a white, and, according to his white counterparts, he was accepted as a white in Chinidas white sock community. 167 00:39:54.480 --> 00:40:08.379 What this mark here mentions is echoed by other male interviewees in the way that they have told their sons that they could have long-white partners and even racial, mixed children, but never as a legal spouse. 168 00:40:08.750 --> 00:40:16.210 In contrast, among the female interviewees there was no mention of having racially mixed children out of their wedlock. 169 00:40:16.490 --> 00:40:24.599 Here it is clear that the whiteness is gendered, and non-white women's sexuality and reproduction are subject to abuse. 170 00:40:25.320 --> 00:40:30.780 Despite his father the disapproval. Mark married one of those people. 171 00:40:31.040 --> 00:40:35.110 Mark understands what his father meant by those people. 172 00:40:35.450 --> 00:40:47.189 Mark's father actually tried to remind him that the non-white blood from those people will have negative consequences for him and any mixed offspring from that marriage. 173 00:40:47.830 --> 00:41:02.120 Indeed, that is exactly what Mark has experienced throughout his life. His Octo. Room background, having the blood of those people, have challenged his life as white, and he knew it would never work to get his advantage. 174 00:41:02.570 --> 00:41:15.950 Mark's father questioned him as to why he was willing to give up the privilege and advantages that whiteness assures, and instead go through the difficulties that marrying those people with making face. 175 00:41:16.570 --> 00:41:28.529 Nevertheless, Mark display some ambivalence about mixed marriages. It is interesting to see the way Mark reacts to the idea of his children marrying non-white women 176 00:41:28.600 --> 00:41:37.630 I've seen in this quote here. The latter part. Mark married a known white woman in spite of his father's disapproval, and they have 2 sons. 177 00:41:38.330 --> 00:42:03.029 The quote is a marked response to the researcher's question on whether he would mine if his sons marry non-white women after he shared the fact that one of his sons, married a Chinese Portuguese-african Indian woman, meaning a no-white mixed women. He started, indicating his preference by using impersonal you. 178 00:42:04.560 --> 00:42:08.199 So let us move on to that. The other question 179 00:42:08.460 --> 00:42:09.840 I asked. 180 00:42:10.720 --> 00:42:16.169 have you ever experienced racism or harassment just because you are white? 181 00:42:17.970 --> 00:42:26.989 So the additional stories shared here suggest? Firstly, awareness of the difference in physical features and social class, from non-white others 182 00:42:27.590 --> 00:42:31.869 to enforced awareness of the responsibility. 183 00:42:31.890 --> 00:42:39.560 enforced awareness, responsibility, and accountability for slave trade and slavery in the colonial days 184 00:42:39.910 --> 00:43:02.739 3 harassment and bullying by non-white others, based on the difference in physical features and the coronial singing as slave owners are the elements that contribute to the construction of white white identity, and those also contribute to reinforce and enforce the identity as a white minority into Italian to Bagel. 185 00:43:06.160 --> 00:43:16.170 So the stories shared today were only some of the many stories shared by white people in Chicago and Tobago. The reason why I chose 186 00:43:16.670 --> 00:43:32.140 the story is about to share in today's presentation was because all of those stories seem to represent the colonial notions, which is white people as superior and being white is a social advantage. As such they should be kept exclusively. 187 00:43:32.450 --> 00:43:45.049 People would fight to demolish that notion, and some would say this notion was something from the past. Nevertheless, the white people in China and Tobago still live with that notion whether they like it or deny it. 188 00:43:47.940 --> 00:44:11.109 And although our history might not be able to generate scientific, statistical, statistical data, to generalize how their whiteness is reinforced and enforced in tuner and tobago. It allowed the researcher to collect stories from seldom her white minority, and produce insights, explanations, and a space for interpretation. 189 00:44:12.180 --> 00:44:25.010 So I hope this presentation provided the opportunity for the discovery of social realities which have been previously misrepresented or silenced to understand the marginalized segment of the society. 190 00:44:25.090 --> 00:44:26.610 Thank you all for listening. 191 00:44:36.300 --> 00:44:40.230 Thank you. Professor. 192 00:44:54.220 --> 00:44:58.699 Let me just introduce you. 193 00:45:04.190 --> 00:45:07.390 So thank you. well. 194 00:45:08.190 --> 00:45:22.819 I wanted to present Professor David Mccallum from Victorian University professor is an emeritus professor at the Center for International Research on Education systems as well, and he's going to present 195 00:45:23.160 --> 00:45:33.719 law, justice, and indigenous intergeneration. Trauma, a history of the present in Australia. So thank you so much for 196 00:45:41.300 --> 00:45:42.280 good evening. 197 00:45:42.590 --> 00:45:43.280 Okay. 198 00:45:45.280 --> 00:45:54.889 I want to begin by acknowledging the ancestors, elders, and families of the Bunerung waters, and and Runjury of the coolant nation 199 00:45:55.110 --> 00:46:06.840 who are in the land that my university sits that has never been seeded. and pay my respects to their elders, past and present, and future. 200 00:46:07.920 --> 00:46:13.679 And one further thing is that this paper contains the name of an aboriginal person who has died 201 00:46:15.790 --> 00:46:26.379 from the moment of the arrival of the English ships. Invasion and possession of aboriginal land was carried out by means of both intentional and unintentional murder 202 00:46:26.420 --> 00:46:29.199 of aboriginal men, women, and children. 203 00:46:30.270 --> 00:46:40.629 In the early nineteenth century missions were set up mostly by religious groups in an attempt to protect highly vulnerable aboriginal people. 204 00:46:41.760 --> 00:46:47.150 I argue that there are historical links between these events and the present day. 205 00:46:50.150 --> 00:47:05.450 James Dredge, for example, from a protectorate on the Goulburn River, reported that a great difficulty quote a great difficulty of keeping drunken policemen and other Europeans from having intercourse with aboriginal women. 206 00:47:07.240 --> 00:47:13.619 The notion of a pure Australian came into being as a quasi anthropological entity. 207 00:47:14.340 --> 00:47:21.909 that is, variations in skin color were made to shape levels of moral and physical difference in treatment 208 00:47:23.250 --> 00:47:29.919 later formed the rationale for child removal and separation from family community and country. 209 00:47:30.560 --> 00:47:32.339 The factor of kullah 210 00:47:32.460 --> 00:47:37.839 skin color shaped divisions and layers of humanness. 211 00:47:39.460 --> 00:47:40.650 for watch 212 00:47:41.370 --> 00:47:54.449 status of persons depended on skin color as the measure of civilization and life chances. The encampments for protection and correction continued until the 1,900 sixtys 213 00:47:54.730 --> 00:47:58.299 in Victoria and elsewhere. In the other States 214 00:47:59.400 --> 00:48:06.220 most of the child occupants would later be transferred to children's homes, and often later to prisons. 215 00:48:07.100 --> 00:48:13.840 We return to these events that give evidence of the subject devising of aboriginal persons and personhood. 216 00:48:14.860 --> 00:48:18.720 A commentary on what could be called the killing fields 217 00:48:18.940 --> 00:48:28.290 reflects the modus operandis of a range of strategies and procedures to install white rule over a country that had been invaded 218 00:48:29.690 --> 00:48:31.190 and possessed 219 00:48:31.330 --> 00:48:39.210 well outside the stated English rules of a conquest over an invading of an invading country. 220 00:48:40.740 --> 00:48:43.550 The invaders formed indigenous 221 00:48:43.940 --> 00:48:47.910 closed encampments for families and children. 222 00:48:48.100 --> 00:48:54.089 which were formalized in legislation almost half a century after the actual occupation. 223 00:48:54.470 --> 00:49:02.190 and were clearly an attempt to repair and harmonize the monstrous effects of the invasion by means of a liberal 224 00:49:03.650 --> 00:49:08.849 welfare apparatus that, I argue lives into the present. 225 00:49:13.060 --> 00:49:18.860 The notion of a pure, a pure Australian came into being as a quasi anthropological entity. 226 00:49:18.980 --> 00:49:34.819 that variations of skin color were made to shape levels of and or registers of moral or physical difference which then formed the rationale for child removal, separation from family community and country. 227 00:49:34.930 --> 00:49:40.119 White peoples and their personhood were thought to depend on skin color 228 00:49:40.270 --> 00:49:44.699 which would be taken as a measure of civilization and life chances. 229 00:49:45.420 --> 00:49:58.059 White Australians over time have attempted to construct or fabricate both. Some version of how aboriginality would somehow be removed 230 00:49:58.400 --> 00:50:10.800 through science. or somehow made to disappear. as the following remarks might suggest. Perhaps the matter of skin colour is peripheral to the question of racism in Australia. 231 00:50:11.440 --> 00:50:17.909 Rather, the evidence is as a continuing problematic accounts of Australian aboriginal peoples 232 00:50:18.010 --> 00:50:20.800 being included in reports of violence. 233 00:50:20.930 --> 00:50:24.950 displacement, poverty, and ill health. 234 00:50:25.290 --> 00:50:31.939 with high levels of incarceration that have made life difficult and dangerous on so many counts. 235 00:50:32.600 --> 00:50:36.040 The material available on this count is here chosen 236 00:50:36.160 --> 00:50:45.500 from the most daily reports of the Guardian newspaper, simply because that that newspaper provides one of the most regular and comprehensive accounts 237 00:50:45.510 --> 00:50:54.210 of the range of health, social and political matters affecting the daily lives of aboriginal peoples throughout Australia. 238 00:50:54.400 --> 00:51:00.050 That's a bit of a commentary, I suppose, on the state of affairs in Australian 239 00:51:01.790 --> 00:51:04.520 Australian writings of this matter. 240 00:51:06.770 --> 00:51:15.779 Encampments for the set up for the protection of aboriginal peoples became places for containment and correction. 241 00:51:16.210 --> 00:51:21.710 In most of the States of Australia, aboriginal children were transferred to children's homes or prisons. 242 00:51:22.010 --> 00:51:23.879 taking the children away 243 00:51:24.370 --> 00:51:29.910 and causing great distress and extreme hardship for their families and communities. 244 00:51:30.150 --> 00:51:35.550 The primary purpose of removing First nation's children was linked to the assimilation 245 00:51:36.680 --> 00:51:41.040 processes to ensure first nations were wiped out. 246 00:51:43.100 --> 00:51:54.120 The closure of the state-run aboriginal missions coincided with significant increases in the aboriginal populations in children's homes and State prisons. 247 00:51:54.310 --> 00:51:56.300 which continued to the present 248 00:51:57.960 --> 00:52:10.300 all the while expropriation of land was rationalised by arguing that aborigines had no government, no law, no society, and therefore had no title to land 249 00:52:11.320 --> 00:52:25.279 in some parts of their country. Tall stories of aboriginal violence, cannibalism, and sexual depravity enabled an authorized white settlers to justify shooting men and women for sport. 250 00:52:25.910 --> 00:52:30.470 much quote much as they shot kangaroos in Queensland. 251 00:52:31.940 --> 00:52:37.860 The new arrivals, along with a set of political, legal, and police actions, created conditions 252 00:52:37.870 --> 00:52:41.540 which fostered dispersal, assault, and murder 253 00:52:41.770 --> 00:52:44.239 upon aboriginal communities. 254 00:52:47.510 --> 00:52:57.059 So in the section on incarceration since 1,989, the imprisonment rate of aboriginal peoples 255 00:52:57.300 --> 00:53:10.369 has increased 12 times the rate of non non- aboriginal people. In December, the twentieth 19, the rates was 2,536 prisoners 256 00:53:10.780 --> 00:53:12.559 per 100,000 257 00:53:13.450 --> 00:53:15.300 adult population 258 00:53:15.380 --> 00:53:18.459 compared with 218 prisoners 259 00:53:19.060 --> 00:53:23.519 per 100,000 non aboriginal population in prisons 260 00:53:24.600 --> 00:53:29.539 use detention. which is a short walk from the adult prison. 261 00:53:29.720 --> 00:53:39.860 where children turn 18. They graduate and get shifted a couple of minutes down the road to the place where some of them will spend large portions of their adult lives. 262 00:53:41.610 --> 00:53:43.820 A 2,005 study 263 00:53:44.230 --> 00:53:51.790 found that 90% of aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander youth who appeared in a children's court went on to appeal to appear 264 00:53:51.940 --> 00:53:55.269 in an adult court within 8 years. 265 00:53:57.360 --> 00:53:59.580 Aboriginal leaders say that 266 00:53:59.720 --> 00:54:08.360 that Victoria's culturally unsafe child protection has created a new stolen generation. 267 00:54:09.100 --> 00:54:12.919 states truth telling, prepares to hold a 268 00:54:13.050 --> 00:54:24.020 hearings on the subject in 84,091, 2,021 sorry one in 9 aboriginal babies, aged 269 00:54:24.260 --> 00:54:30.679 above, aged under one, were taken away from their families by the State of Victoria. 270 00:54:31.020 --> 00:54:33.109 More than double the average 271 00:54:34.420 --> 00:54:35.840 aboriginal led 272 00:54:36.020 --> 00:54:41.900 organisations had been inadequately supported to keep families together. 273 00:54:44.990 --> 00:54:51.060 The most recent numbers on Australian aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in custody 274 00:54:51.170 --> 00:55:02.950 at the time of writing this reaffirms a continuing rise. Australia recorded a 106 deaths in custody between July 2, 220, 275 00:55:03.110 --> 00:55:06.800 21, and June 2022, 276 00:55:06.990 --> 00:55:15.959 with the number of indigenous people who died in custody, rising to 516 in the 38 years since the Royal Commission. 277 00:55:24.790 --> 00:55:41.230 a quote from the Australian Institute of Criminology, Annual Death's Annual Report on Deaths in custody. The death rate of prisoners increased from 0 point 1 5 per 1 1,090 prisoners 278 00:55:42.080 --> 00:55:46.240 to a doubling of that in 2021, 2, 279 00:55:46.710 --> 00:55:52.549 16 people who died were indigenous people in prison custody. 280 00:55:52.820 --> 00:55:55.620 The largest number were in New South Wales. 281 00:55:55.740 --> 00:55:59.570 with 5 in Queensland, 3 in Western Australia. 282 00:55:59.580 --> 00:56:04.119 2 in South Australia, and each one in the Northern territory in Victoria. 283 00:56:07.650 --> 00:56:19.189 I'll finish with the steps. So natural causes and suicide were the most common causes of death among indigenous people who die in custody. 284 00:56:19.700 --> 00:56:24.360 while more non-indigenous deaths were due to natural causes. 285 00:56:25.880 --> 00:56:41.260 The 90 91 Royal Commission into aboriginal deaths in custody found that indigenous people were no, were more, no more likely to die in custody than non-indigenous people, but were significantly more likely to be arrested and imprisoned. 286 00:56:41.770 --> 00:56:48.129 and the Australian Institute of Criminology claims that that is still the case. 31 years later 287 00:56:50.740 --> 00:57:15.089 Australia recorded 106, and I know this is tedious, but it has to be. Get out there. The Australian Australia recorded 106 deaths in custody between July 2,021 and June 2,022, with the number of indigenous people who died in custody, rising to 516 in the 31 years since the Royal Commission. Yet another figure to 288 00:57:15.090 --> 00:57:27.369 That that 2 appears in the statistics is the fate of prisoners in custody who make up a third of the Australian prison population as bail refusal's boom. 289 00:57:27.710 --> 00:57:28.960 and I quote 290 00:57:29.310 --> 00:57:36.630 the number of unsentenced people in Australian jails has risen more than 120%. Over 10 years 291 00:57:36.820 --> 00:57:40.370 to account for more than a third of the total prison population. 292 00:57:40.830 --> 00:57:43.890 Human rights advocates urge the 293 00:57:43.950 --> 00:57:49.559 reforms to ensure people aren't necessarily funneled into the criminal justice system. 294 00:57:50.380 --> 00:58:02.060 But more than 15,000 prisoners, or about 35% of the nation's prison population were unsentenced, awaiting trial, sentencing, or deportation 295 00:58:02.120 --> 00:58:04.050 in 2,021. 296 00:58:04.290 --> 00:58:14.439 That is the problem at the moment in Victoria that there are large numbers of people placed in prison because because they had not been able to be given. 297 00:58:14.760 --> 00:58:17.090 Matters dealt with in court. 298 00:58:18.830 --> 00:58:22.479 So these figures were produced following the damning inquest 299 00:58:22.730 --> 00:58:30.259 findings into the death and custody of first nations. Women, including Veronica Nelson. The person I will mention. 300 00:58:30.540 --> 00:58:40.220 after which the Victorian Premier finally promised Victorian bail reform here to start. 301 00:58:41.590 --> 00:58:43.330 So, in conclusion. 302 00:58:44.600 --> 00:58:47.979 at the present, here in Victoria or there in Victoria. 303 00:58:48.120 --> 00:58:56.670 Europe, Justice Commission has been has been questioning government ministers and senior bureaucrats about the injustices 304 00:58:56.890 --> 00:59:10.239 against first peoples in the criminal justice and child protection systems. These historic hearings marked the first time an aboriginal led Royal Commission 305 00:59:10.330 --> 00:59:18.130 publicly held to account the authorities that have exercised powers over the lives of first peoples 306 00:59:18.250 --> 00:59:19.770 for generations. 307 00:59:20.860 --> 00:59:26.939 Throughout these hearings government ministers were asked to address. What self-determination means. 308 00:59:27.570 --> 00:59:34.919 where the consultative forums and transferring limited powers and resources to first people's organizations 309 00:59:35.060 --> 00:59:38.289 to participate in failing systems. 310 00:59:38.850 --> 00:59:49.480 ministers are being asked right now to envisage what a comprehensive transfer of decision-making resources and authority to first peoples 311 00:59:49.630 --> 00:59:59.430 would look like, and what it would take to give first peoples the power to control the things that affect their lives and communities 312 01:00:02.190 --> 01:00:03.370 want me more. 313 01:00:04.980 --> 01:00:07.449 I'll finish with the quote from Ma'am. 314 01:00:07.690 --> 01:00:13.780 the the United States of the United Nations. Canberra. But 315 01:00:14.240 --> 01:00:21.619 head ponchos in Australia. Canberra risks being placed on a human rights blacklist 316 01:00:22.020 --> 01:00:29.469 by failing to meet its obligations in prison oversight under the UN's optional protocol 317 01:00:29.730 --> 01:00:31.889 to the Convention against torture. 318 01:00:33.130 --> 01:00:43.320 That body was ratified in December, the twentieth 17, and Australia has since requested 2 deadline extensions. 319 01:00:43.890 --> 01:00:45.890 They are not responding. 320 01:00:46.980 --> 01:00:58.479 This failure to meet the obligations means that the UN. Committee Subcommittee could place Australia on a non-compliance list alongside 14 other countries. 321 01:00:59.460 --> 01:01:08.770 Australia's Human Rights Commissioner Lorraine. Finlay argued that such a failure could affect the country's human rights credibility 322 01:01:09.610 --> 01:01:11.669 on this on the world stage. 323 01:01:13.550 --> 01:01:22.740 and finally and locally, the Victorian Government reflected on the discrimination and mistreatment of first people's first nations. Peoples 324 01:01:22.820 --> 01:01:28.339 can often endure in the criminal justice and crime and child protection systems. 325 01:01:28.780 --> 01:01:32.120 These injustices are not confined to history. 326 01:01:32.580 --> 01:01:35.049 They persist to this day 327 01:01:35.410 --> 01:01:41.580 similar ways to what happened in the 19 late eighteenth and nineteenth century. 328 01:01:41.720 --> 01:01:52.570 the ongoing over-representation of first peoples in the criminal justice and child protection systems is a source of great shame for the Victorian Government. 329 01:01:52.650 --> 01:01:58.130 and that statement thankfully, was a statement from the Premier of Victoria, the Honourable 330 01:01:58.350 --> 01:02:00.020 Daniel Andrews. 331 01:02:01.540 --> 01:02:02.490 Thank you.